Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 10, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 August 1850 — Page 4

Speech of Hon. C. L. Dunham, of Indiana In the lhiune of Representatives, Wednesday, June 3, 1S50, in Committee of the Whole on the Btate of the Union, on the President's Messaje transm'iUinj Vie Constitution of ' California CONCLUDED. J Now, t,ir, what U it the North do really want? Not to invade the richts ot th South not tu interfere directly or indireetlv with slavery in the States or elsewhere, where it is secured by the Constitution. But they are opposed to the institution. They believe it not only to be wrong, but detrimental to the prosperity of any country where it exists. - This U the penadinr sentiment of the North, and hence they cannot consent that it shall be extended where Congress may rightfully prevent it, for they would be in part responsible for such extenxioa. They believe that wherever, under the Constitution, Congress may rightfully control or abolish it, they, as well as the South, arc responsible for its continuance; and that it is not only their right, but their duty, to free themselves from that responsibility. They do not seek or desire in the least to infringe upon the constitutional rights of the slave States, and hence all which you of thoe States have to do when they propose to legislate upon the subject in any particular manner or for any particular place, is by your arguments to satisfy thorn that they have no right so to do, and they will tlcsUt. You may convince them by your reasonings, but you cannot deter them by yocr threats. Now, sir, let us see if nothing can be said in favor of the right to inhibit slavery from these territories, and thus ascertain whether the wish to do so on the part of the North must of necessity be indicative of a wanton desire to invade the rights ol the South. I have no doubt of the constitutional power of Congress to pass the proviso, though it may not be expedient for us to exercise it. There are many latent powers in the Constitution which it never has been, and never may be, necessary or judicious (for if not necessary, it would not be judicious) to exercise. It is too late now to dispute the constitutional power of this Government to govern tho territories until the people of those territories shall be in the situation and shall desire to assume their sovereignty and asert their inherent right of self-government. The exercise of that power wascommcnced by the very framers of th Constitution immediately after its establishment, and has ever since been continued and unanimously acquiesced in by the people, not only of the States, but of the territories also. It is not material to inquire whether that power is derived from the war-making power, the treaty-making power, or the power to make needful rules ana regulations for the territory or other property of thd United States, from cither of which it may be inferred. Slavery is the creature of municipal law, is controlled and regulated bv it, and is subject to the government under which it exists. Hence, if we have the right, under the Constitution, to govern these territories, to legislate for them, we have a ripht to inhibit slavery unless our right to legislate upon that subject is limited by tho Constitution itself. I find no such limitation. The power to govern these territories, from whatever source derived, is limited only by those general restrictions which forbid Congress to legislate, in any case whatsoever, upon certain subjects ; but the subject of slavery in the territories is not one of them. I know, sir, that

this Government is a limited one, and has no right to exerciso any power not expresly granted to it by the Constitution, or which is not necessary to carry out such expressly granted poorer; and my position is in accordance with this principle. It is that the power to govern tho territories is expressly u ranted by the ono or implied as necessary to carry out the other clauses to which I Lave referred. The power is a general one, subject only to the limitations ot the Constitution, ot wnicb slavery in such territories is not one. We have, therefore, the unlimited power of legislation upon that subject in tho territories, and of course the power to prohibit it. Where docs tho sovereignty of the people of these territories exist? In the people of these States, as I have heard it suggested upon this floor? No, sir; such a tiling as oiie"set of individuals, the people of the Mates holding the sovereignty, that is, being tho sove reigns of another set of individuals, the people of the territories, is in violation of the theory and genius of our institutions is the very essence of despotism. It is said that it belongs to tho Government of the United States; but this comes to the same thing it would be the people t'f the United States, through Ibeir Government, holding the sovereignty over the people of the territories. We arc told that tile Government of tho United States acquired the territory from Mexico, and with it the sove reigntv, and that she holds them in trust for the States f the Union. Sir, does sovereignty belong to the soil? Has it reference to the land or the people? Is it for the government of the land, or the people and their rights, among others, in reference to the land? If it belongs to tho land, then every petty landholder everywhere is the sovereign of all who live upon his land. No, sir, sovereignty has reference to the people, and wherever yon fint inhabitants, they have an inherent sovereignty, an inaerent naht ol sell-government, w hiou they received from their Maker, and which no power on earth can rightfully take or withhold from them without their content. This Government procured from the Government of .Vfxico the soil; and the sovereignty of the people, which had before been exercised through that Government, was transferred to this, and is now exercised by it, with the consent of the people of the territories supposed to be expressly given through the Constitution by every person living under its jurisdiction, or tacitly by acquiescence in its exercise, until they choose to resume it lor themselves by forming State governments. And this Government holds this right to exerciso this sovereignty not as her own, not for the people of tho United ctates, not in trust lor the States of this Union, not in trust for the people who shall go there hereafter, but for those now there ; and it should bo scrupulously exercised according to their wishes and for their interests. To this position I wish particularly to call the attention of the committee, because I shall have occasion to recur to it, as upon it I shall predicate my action upon this question. I repudiate this doctrine of trusteeship for the States, of which we Lave heard so much. What this Government holds, she holds not in trust for the States, but for herJelf, as the representative of the nation in the aggregate. There are no governments holding complete sovereignties in this country. There are two classes of imperfect or limited sovereignties, which, taken together, would make entire sovereignties. The States arc not perfect sovereignties, because they have relinquished a portion f their sovereign rights and powers to the General Gov-t-rnmcnt that is, those rights and powers which give nationality to it. To the extent of these powersthe Gcncrtil Government is a sovereignty, and what it holds by right of them, it holds for itself as sovereign, and not for the States. These territories, therefore. he holds not in truf 4 for the States, oror the people of tho States as people of the States, but for itsclt, for the use of its own eoflers for the people of the nation as a nation. But admitting it to lie constitutional to inhibit slavery, is it right to do so? There is, there can be no other rule of right in a republican government than the will of the majority, when it confines itself within the Constitution, and when it does not seek to violate any of the ercat natural rights of man, with which no government Has a right to interfere. But it is argued it would violate these 1 principles, becanse the people of the slave States say it deprives them, whilst it does not deprive the people of lüe tree fctatcs, ol the right to go into, occupy, and enjoy the common property of our common Government, !rojcrty obtained by our common blood and treasure, think not, sir. They can so there upon the same terms that we can go. We have no slave, and can take none thce ; they can go there without theirs if they choose so to co, or they can stay where they are and enjoy them. Thcc-hoic-e is with themselves. This deprives them of no right which they now enioy, but it is a simple refusal of this Government to extend that right to a territory where it docs not now exist. It deprives tbem of no light which they hold under the Government of the !.itcd States by'virtue of their citizenship of it. The right to hold slaves they derived roi from the Government of the United States, but from the State covernnicnts respectively. The General Government creates no such right. "It simply recognizes the right of the State governments to create it within their own jurisdiction ; and after they shall have Jons so, it protects thf-ir citizens in the enjovment of it within that jurisdiction. I know we arc told that the Constitution not only recognize the right to bold slaves within the States where it exists, but without such State and within another State which expressly inhibits it. To prove this, wo f.re pointed to the provision for the surrender of fugitive slaves. This recognition is not to maintain this right with'Hrt tho State where it ifl created, and within a sovereign State inhibiting it but to protect and secure him in tue eniovment of it ia Lis own State whore the right exists. Th rase, then, is this : Under the municipal regulations of the slave States, by the permission -f the Constitution of the United State's, the citizens of t!ioo State enjoy a privilege which, by the municipal ttws of oir State, we do not enjoy the ri:ht to hold slaves. So long ns they remain within those States which give tfcem this privilege, they may continue to enjoy it, und we have no right to complain. But when they n-k to go upon common territory where, for the time b-ing, there is no jurisdiction but that of a common Government, hav we not a right to ask, that thev j-ball go into that territory upon an equal footing with t,ff other citizens thereof, taking only such rights as all derive from her, or which naturally belong to II men? The operations of this Government would bo unequal if it should secure under its own exclusive jurisdiction, rights to ono rlass of its citizens, which another ein ruld not enjoy. This inhibition wonM extend to the citiz'HS of the non-tluvehoUing as well as to those of the fcl"cho!ding States. The reason why it would affect thrm dilfrrently is not owing to any inequality or injustice iii it, !iit becanse their circumstances are different, an-! tliis diiL-rnce 'n produced by a difference of local !fw or-er which the oommon Government has no conlh p-T'lf? of tu SoTrth cn take into tho common

ment, precisely the same kind of property that the people of the free'Statcs can take. But they say they have

just as good a right to take thither their slave pro'perty, as the cittfcn ol Massachusetts has to take his property as, his machinery. But is this their property ? Now, sir, 1 am not one ot those who believe u to be their right or duty to agitato this aubjsct of slavery, to inquire into the right of the slave States to hold slaves, or in any other way to interfere with their domestic relations, so long as they keep them within their own jurisdiction. I have rone ol that Pharisaical piety, that sickly sentimen tality, which leaves at my own door, sutll-ring disease, pining want, ana exhausted labor, to parade mv mockhumanity elsewhere to preach a crusade against the wickedness and oppression of others; and I think it would bo well if thoso who do so would take to themselves the pointed rebuke said to have been administered by John Randolph to a lady friend, who did not take the best care of her servants. Having called ono evening to pay her a visit during the progress of the Greek revolution, he found her busily engaged with all her household, making clothing to be sent to the sutTcring Greek patriots. Just as he was about to depart, her field hands came in from their labors, with their tattered and scanty garments. lie turned, and pointing to them with his long bony finger, with all that biting sarcasm of which he was master, he said, "Madam, the Greeks arc at your door." Sir, if we would all but look about us, wo should find the Greeks at our doors. But it seems to me that there is a vast difference between the title of the citizen of Massachusetts to his machinery and that of the slaveholder to bis slave. The one is the product of his own industry and is recognized as his property by all civüized nations ; the other is created bv the arbitrary exercise of tho power of the strong upon tlie helplessness of the weak, and is not acknowledged as valid anywhere fcut in tho State or community where it actually exists. But I may lie told that bv the Constitution, I am bound to recognize the title ot the slaveholder to his slave. To a certain extent, and under certain circumstances, I am. To that extent and under those circumstances I shall not, nor will any good citizen, hesitate to do so. Heaven forbid that I should be ono of those who find a law above the Constitution, by which I am to regulate my official conduct under it, independent of it, by which my duties to my Government as a citizen arc to be determined regardless of what that Government may require. It is a doctrine fraught with incalculable danger. It unhinges and destroys all government. Why have we a Constitution and laws, if each public officer and each citizen is to disregard and disobey them whenever he may suppose they conflict with w hat he imagines to be a higher law, which he construes according to the vagarics of his own fancy ? Why not at once leave each one to regulate his conduct according to tho dictates of his own conscience, inclination and fancv ? for such a doctrine leads to this at last. Why make a Constitution and laws, ? i- I 1 , a . I - 1 1 li eacn citizen is to dc nis own juoge as to wueiner uo ought or ought not to obev them? I, sir, am content to follow the mandate of Him who spake as never man spake, "to render unto Caesar the things which are Cacsar's, and to God the things which are God's." Now the Constitution recognizes the owner s title to his slaves within his own State." Hence, so long as he keeps them within that tunsdiction, I am estopped horn questiomn his title. The Constitution recognizes the title to his slave in another State, when he escapes into that other State without tho owner's consent. I am still estopped from questioning his tit.c. The Constitution, as constru ed by the Supremo Co irt of the United States, rccogni zes his title to his slaves whilst transmitting them from one slave State to another, in what is called the slave trade between the States. Here, too, 1 cannot question that title. Any other rights necessary to secure him in the enjoyment "of these) and naturally springing from them, I cannot dispute. But when he "seeks to take this property elsewhere; when he seeks to enjoy it in a manner and place not guarantied by the Constitution, and where and in a way that will conflict with my rights or mv interests, I am not estopped from questioning that title. Before I close my remarks upon the respective rights of the North and South involved in this question, allow me to refer to a very common error fallen into by those in the southern interest who attempt to compare the relative wealth or prosperity of the South with that of the North. To get their dividend for the South they add to the actual cr.pital the value of the labor of the country, to wit, the value of the slaves. This dividend, so increased, they represent ns the wealth of the South. Now, to get the average amount of necessaries and comforts supplied to each Individual out of this wealth, it is obvious that it should lie divided by the whole number of those whose wants and comforts must be supplied from it. But they forget that the necessities ami comforts of the slaves, as well as that of the free persons, must be Erovidcd out of this wealth, the fruits of their hbor, and ence they improperly reduce the divisor by leaving them entirely out. Then, sir, when they seek Kr the relative average weilth arid crafort of the North, thev neither add the value of our labor to the dividend nor decrease the devisor bv deducting the laborers. A double injus tice is thus done iu the North by such a comparison. Gentlemen may delude themselves by so fanciful a comparison, but they cannot deceive us, the country, or the world. Mr. Chairman, I have thus far mostly discussed this question as it is usually discussed here and elsewhere, as one entirely between the North and the South, as if the rights and interests of the people of the States of this Union were alone involved in it as if their wishes only were to be consulted, and their welfare secured in its adjustment. But we are providing governments not for ourselves, not for tho people of the" States, but for tho people of the territories. It is their welfare which is to be now and permanently affected by the manner in which this question is settled, and they have a right to have it settled according to their wishes and interests. Sir, the great error which has brought this difficulty upon us, and which now prevents its settlement, is, that we have forgotten and have violated, and still seek to violate, that great principle which lies at the foundation of republican liberty the principle declared by our revolutionary fathers, and sealed with their blood tho right of the governed to have their government administered according to their own interests and wishes. Let ns go back to this great principle, and we shall find tho thread which will guide ns from this labyrinth in whien we are involved, and which threatens destruction to us. What was it of which our fathers complained of the mother country? Simply that she sought to govern these colonies, not according to the wishes and interests of the colonies, but for her own benefit. Rather than submit to this injustice and oppression, our fathers rebelled, put at haznd their lives, poured out their blood, and endured toils and sufferings unutterable. YA we, their sons, upon soil hallowed with their dust, with that proud banner which they erected floating gallantly alwve us, arc seeking to perpetrate tho samo tvranny against which they rebelled, npon our colonics, these territories. The ultraists of the South and of the North seek to govern them, not aceording to the interests and wishes of the Ecoplo governed, but according to what they suppose to e the interest and wishes of their own particular sec- j lions respectively, or according to what they suppose may tie the wishes or those who are hereattcr to occupy them. Gentlemen insist that we hold this Government, not for the benefit of the people there, but for our own. Sir, this Government holds the territory, can use or dispose of it at its pleasure, and for its own interest; but the sovereignty cannot be taken fioru the people. They have a right to insist that, whether we exerciso it by their express consent through tho Constitution, or by thcir tacit acquiescence, it shall be exercised not for your lienefit or mine, not for the benefit of the North or the South, not for the supposed benefit of those Mho may hereafter go'there, but for themselves for thoso who are now tkcre. Sir, I have an abiding confidence in the intelligence and integrity of the people in their ability for self-government in their ability to examine and decide for themselves all questions which mav arise in the administration of their Government. ''Trust the people," is the motto of the Democratic party. Confidence in the people is the basis of the action of that party the basis of republican liberty everywhere; and wherever that trust is most implicit, there freedom is most perfect. I have never seen that confidence forfeited. Why, then, shall we not truft the people of these territories upon this question? Why shall we not give them governments upon this republican basis? Let us not by onr legisla tion force slavery upon theml Let us carefully secure them from having it forced upon them without law, and then leave them to deride it for themselves. If slavery is right, if it is a blessing, which will add to their pros perity, f urcly they can discover it as well a the people of the slave States. If it is wrong, if it is a curse, mor ally, phvsically, and politically, surely they know this as well as do we ol the free States. Ihcir anxiety lor their own welfare will stimulate them to pursue the course which will bet secure it; aniTin this free country, men do not like to have happiness forced upon them ngainst their own consent; nor to be saved frcm harm without having their wishes consulted. I am so well convinced that slavery is wrong, that it is detrimental to the prosperity of any country where it exists, and that its wrongs and evils are so apparent to every one who CJn look npon it with unprejudiced eyes, that I have no fear that, in this enlightened age, the people of any State or Territory where it doe not now exist, with all the information which they may und must have of the workings of the institution, with the examt.le of the relative prosperity, wealth, and happiness of the slave and free States of this Union before them, will ever voluntarily adopt it. I am convinced that all that need be done to secure them to freedom, is to see that slavery is not legally or illegally forced npon them without their consent. For n to snppose that they cannot perceive its right or its wrong, its benefits or its evils, as well as ourselves, n to fftnm phrriMfueally thsit we hare wisdom and mo find will nt puiuo the path of right and tirtne, thitt jjicv t,juuiut tiistovu, tcuurc, auJ protcvt iLcir ova y

terest and happiness, h to suppose them incapacitated for self-govcrument a position which will find, no advocates with the real democracy of this country.

XNow, what are the wishes of the people ol these territories upon tho subject of slavery ! The wishes of any community upon any subject must be inferred by the laws and customs in force among them, if any there be. Every citizen is presumed to know the law rather a Violent presumption many times it must lc admitted; but judges and legislators can act uiion no other. Know- : .1.-1 .1 -r .1 -i ., mg me taws, men, li tiiey quietly acquiesce in mein, it must be presumed that those laws indicate, and arc in accordance with, their wishes. What laws are now n force epon the subject of slavery in these territories? I wish to refer to the subject for two purposes: one, to show what are the wishes of the people there ; the other, to snow that there is no necessity tor the passage of the proviso. Sir, I believe it is a conceded fact on all hands, that when a country is conquered and annexed to this, tho municipal laws in force therein at the time of such annexation continue in forcctill abolished or amended, unless they arc in coullict with tho spirit of our Consti tution. It they are so, they are, ot course, by leinT brought under its jurisdiction, ipso facto abolished-. Slavery is, I believe, clearly a creature of municipal law, a municipal relation, the opinion of the gentleman from North Carolina Mr. Vcnable to the contrary notwithstanding. The laws of Mexico in force in these territories when they were annexed, without doubt, prohibited slavery therein. Hence, unless these laws are in conflict with the Constitution, slavery is now absolutely prohibited in these territories. There can be no such confliction unless it be true, as asserted by southern Gentlemen, that that Constitution is a slavo Constitution, and takes with it slavery wherever it goes. Is this so? Let mo advise southern gentlemen to bo cautious how they handle edged tools. This position proves too much for them. One of the great causes of complaint which they have alleged against the free States, is their interference with, and agitation of, this subject of slavery. But tell rac not that I have no right to agitate it if tfie Constitution of my country, which guards my most sacred rights, which I swear to support, which I am in duty bound to maintain, and which I may rightfully exercise my influence to amend, is a slave Constitution that wherever it wings its way, instead of carrying light and liberty, it spreads the bläck pall of slavery. Tell me not that I have no right to agitate it, if this flag which Moats above me, and which I may be called upon to defend with my blood, which protects me wherever I go. takes with it and equally protects wherever it goes this institution of slavery. But, sir, this Constitution is not a slave Constitution. It does not create slavery, it does not take slavery into a single foot of territory. As I have before stated, it simply recognizes the right of the States to establish it within their own jurisdiction and after they have done so, it does certain acts, not to take it beyond that jurisdiction, not to take it within the jurisdiction of a State inhibiting it, not to maintain it there, but simply to secure the enj'yment of it within the jurisdiction wLcre it has been established. J he Con stitutmn provides lor the protection of slave property only where it recognizes it, namely, within tho States where, by their own laws, it exists, and beyond those States, w hither the slavo has escaped from his master, so as to enablo the master to recapture and retake him into thoso States. It is said that it is the duty of this Government to re gard and protect every where under its jurisdiction as property, whatever is so recognized by the constitutions and laws of any of tho States. In the first place, the Constitution by which this Government is regulated, is in the nature of a compact between independent sovereignties, and in interpreting- it, except wherein it is otherwise expressly provided by the instrument itself, we can onlv be governed by those laws which regulate tho intercourse of all nations. Again: as I have heretofore stated, this Government, to tbe extent of its power, is an independent sovereignty. The States, to the extent of the power reserved to themselves respectively, are also independent sovereignties. Hence all intercourse between this Government and the governments of the States, except where it is otherwise provided by the Constitution, must bo regulated by the laws of nations. This duty, then, except where otherwise so provided, can only bo construed to extend to such property as by the laws of nature and of nations is regarded as property every where. Thoso laws do not recognize slavery, nor respect property in slaves. Hence this duty cannot extend to the recognition and protection of slave property, except where it is expressly stipulated by the Constitution, that it shall be so recognized and protected, or where the faithful execution of such express stipulations may render such recognition and protection necessary. Then these prohibitory laws not being in conflict with the Constitution, continue in force and exelude slavery from the territories. But if they were not in force, the liws tr nature God Almighty's common law are then; and every where. They do not recognize slavery. Slavery is the creature of the arbitral y legi'atiuii of rr.nn. It is n purely municipal rrgrlvion. and can go only where the strong arm of munuii.il hiw takes and protects it. Every State or country where it is not so maintained is an ark of refuge for "the slave ; for the moment he steps within its limits he lecomes free. The arbitary laws of man have taken from him his natural rights, and whenever he gets beyond the jurisdiction of those laws, ho resumes those rights. This is the case with all who are voluntarily brought, or permitted by their masters to come, within the free States; and it would le so with all that escapo to them, but for that clause of tho Constitution which provides for the surrender of tbe fugitives. Unsuccessful cflorts have been made to controvert this position. A distinguished Senator Mr. Berrien has attempted to do so, and has referred to that clause as authority against it. It is in these words: " No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or lubor may be due." He insists that the position I have taken is not correct, for, if it were, that provision would not have been that "the fugitive ihoula not be discharged from his service and labor in consequence of a law ol" the State into vhi:h he had escaped, for he would have been already discharged, nor that he should lie delivered up on claim of the person to ichom such service or labor was due, for they (i. e. the framers of tho Constitution) could not have recognized the principle that it was ia fact due, as tl.c mere act of passing the boundary of tho State in which ho was held iu slavery, would have released him from that debt." With all duo deference, it seems to mo that the Senator did not call to mind all the significations which attach to the verb " to be." It is often used by the best writers of our language in the senso of " to exist," " to stand;" and in my humble judgment, it is so used in this instance, and means, he shall not stand or exist discharged from such service or labor." Taken in connection with the word "discharged," it implies a particular present manner of existence, and maintains, instead of controverting the jiosition. If it is used in the senso of " to become," as his argument supjioscs, by what subsequent act would the slave have become discharged? by the judgment of some judi cial tribunal? Could that have done more tli3n simply to nave ucciarcd mat, by tho act ol coming within tue jurisdiction of the free State, and by the operation of its laws, be had become discharged? It then must have related back to that act; and that act, and not the judg ment ol the triounal, would have discharged him lroiu the service. Nor do I think that clduse recognizes tho principle that such labor or service "was in fact due" alter the slave had escaped beyond the Mate hy whose laws no was held in servitude. It rcicrs to the indebted ness, not as a valid and existing one in the State to which he has Led, but as existing in the State Iroin which he has fled, by the laws ol that State. 1 he Ian guagc used in the last part of the clause, " but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such labor may be cue," rciers back to that used in the commence ment, " No person held to service or labor in ono State by Vie laws Viereof," and is qualified by it. It requires tho State to which a slave escapes, to do what it would not have been otherwise obliged to do, that is to recog nize that indebtedness, and to deliver up the fugitive that be mav be returned to the State by viose laics he cues Vie tcrtuc; and that the discharge ot the indebted ness mar be .here enforced, because it could not be cn forced elsewhere. If the framers of the Constitution believed that without this provision there was "an actu ally subsisting present debt of service and labor beyond the limits of tue State which authorized it," why" did they insert it l It was a work ol supererogation to provide a remwdy where none was needed ; and the very fact that they did provide it, shows conclusively, in my humble opinion, that they did think it necessary, and that without.it, "tho slave, whether by his own will, or by the act of his master, the moment he goes beyond the limits of the State whose laws outhorize him to be held in slavery, is released from his fetters;" and precludes the interpretation put upon their language by the honorable Snator. Then, even if the Mexican laws are not in force in those territories, slavery cannot exist there, because there are no laws there to establish and maintain it, except, indeed, it be by that general consent that overrides all lav.'" It is said that slavery was not established by positive enactment in the present tdaveholding States. Sir, it may not have been created by positive enactment, and J'et it may exist by municipal law. Custom often makes aw. A custom is introduced into a State, tolerated by the common consent of its citizens, respected and acted npon by them in their intercourse with ca-h other, until it enters into the very organization of its society; until the constituted authorities thereof reoognizo its existence, and act upon it, and thereby adopt it. It thus becomes as much ft part of tho municipal laws of . thr.t '.w.tf,nif i: btv' o iir.a1r J-i-.i a prsi u s er. k t r i i.r of jts Legislature. Jt is what i krown as the common - tf a Suto. Hut Iii voaiaua law uut t- cllia-

UlXI'.llWNi s-tM tory beyor.J tho State where established, to any greater extent than can us statutes. Ior can any tumg be introdnced into a State and become a custom therein, unless its citizens by common consent admit and respect it. And such consent, and all authority arising from it, may be withdrawn at any time before the custom shall have been recognized by the constituted authorities of that State especially ii' it be in violation-of natural law, and tho inherent rights of man. Indecd.no custom which violates natural justice, can lie rightfully established. Where such customs have existcd.it lms been by the exercise of arbitrary power upon its objects Abstractly, they might rightfully have been resisted by any one before "they were adopted by the State, and thus made a part of its laws. They were tolerated, not because they might not have been rightlully resisted, but because they were upheld by public opionion, and no one had the inclination or the power to resist them against that opinion, and cnlorce natural law ana justice, in tue same manner, many offences against the law exist in all States, and go unpunished not because the law might not and ought not to le enforced, but liecause a vitiated Public opinion is arrnved against it, and tolerates its vio- : and no person nss me inclination or me jwtr to enforce it. Of this character was the institution of slavery in those States where it was introduced and existed without being first authorized bv positive enactment, before the authorities thereof indirectly legalized it by assuming to protect and control it. By this means was slavery established, and by this au thority does it now exist. It was first introduced and continued bv the common consent of the citizens. Its existence depended entirely upon that consent, or tho want oi inclination or anuuy oi any oi mos,e cmzcus iu resist the public will, until it became a custom, and en tered into tho structure of the society of those States; and finally became indirectly legalized by the authori ties thercot assuming to protect, regulate, and control it thus incorporating it into their municipal laws. Slavery, then is the creature of the law, and eannot legally exist without positive enactment to establish it in the fist instance, or to recognizo and adopt it. after it has lecn introduced by general acquiescence. Without this, it is only tolerated, in t'wlation of natural law, by a public opinion too strong to be resisted. Is it not also evident, if that public opinion is strong enough to introduce slavery into a State, territory, or community, not only without law, but in violation of natural law, that it vould also lie strong enough to do so in violation of positive enactments; and that such enactments would le like many others in this country, a dead letter upon the statute-books? Theo one of thoso positions is true in reference to these territories, either that the Constitution takes slavery there, and, if so, it is out of our power, by our legislation, to prohibit it: or the Mexican laws are in force there, whereby it is now absolutely excluded : or else there is no municipal law fo establish and maintain slavery there, leaving in force the laws of nature which recognize the inherent right of all men to liberty. Whichever position is true, as the jKMple ask no change, it indicates their wish to have it continued, and I shall be satisfied to carry out that wish. 1 1 m fully convinced that the Mexican laws are ia force. The gentleman from North Carolina thinks they are not that the Constitution guaranties his right to take thither his slaves. Ho says "ho don't care a fig for tho Mexican laws." "Ho don't fear them." Very well, then, let him show bis faith by his works; let him meet me upon this common ground. Give governments to these territories without the proiso, taking care not to repeal thereby, cither expressly or by implication, any laws on the subject of slavery which may now be in existence therein, and submit tins whole controversy to the arbitrament of that tribunal provided for us by the Constitution the Supreme Court of the United States. The framers of this instrument wcro men conversant with human nature, of deep thought, and great prudence. They brought to their task minds quickened and disciplined by years of constant exertion in the struggle for liberty. They knew the value of that liberty, for they bad paid its price in their sufferings and their blood. Their bosoms burned with the patriotic desire to transmit it to the latest posterity ; and they earnestly sought to eradicate from this Constitution, by which they hoped to accomplish that noble object, all seeds of its dissolution and decay. Indeed, often ns I have studied its ample, but guarded and cautious provisions, I have felt that they must have been imbued with superhuman wisdom and forecast. They seem to have foreseen that we who should come aller them would dispute about the proper construction of its powers about our rights and duties under it; and they provided a tribunal high above the storms of political passion and strL'e, to whose arbitrament they obligated us to submit these disputes, and to abide its decision. Arc you of the South willing to abide by the obligation? Are you willing to submit to the decision of that tribunal? If you are not, let us hear no more boasting of your attachment to the Constitution, and of your willingness to adhere to its provisions, for this is one of its re:-.iireii!i!t. L" the Court fiu'l 'tc'.'c tli'it the Con stitution secures vonr rigi.t to take thither your slaves, take them, fur indeed no legislation can prevent you; but if it decide that tbe Mexican laws are continued in force and prohibit vou from so doing, or that you cannot do so, without a Ksitive law to authorize you, then acquiesce, and allow the government of these territories to be administered according to the wishes ol tho governed, and do not seek, by a-violation ofthat great principle of republican liberty, to force upon them an insti tution they may arbor, itccollcct. that ono oi the op- . . I . ... 1 . ! .1 prcssions which impelled our tamers to sever irom tno British government was, that it had lorced mis institution uiton them against their urgent remonstrances. Re collect, that this is the excuse that the southern people have ever given for its existence among them, and to show that thev are not responsible for it. Yet some of them now seek, in like manner, to force it upon our feeble colonies, without consulting their wishes. England did it for her own interest, regardless of that of her colonies; thev arc following in her footsteps. wish to recur airain. for a moment, to this agi tation upon the subject of slavery at the North, which occasions so much complaint at the South. Why should the people ol tho Soiuh complain ol this, tl they believe in the truth of that great political maxim put forth by tho immortal Jefferson, that error may be tolerated so long as truth is lclt free to combat it it they also believe that this institution, as some of them assert, is a civil, moral, and religious blessing a blessing alike to tho master an.l the slave? This will, u true, only be the more apparent the more it is agitated and discussed. Truth is like tie diamond, the more it is polished the brighter it will glow. Besides, sir, we cannot suppress this or any other agitation if we would. As well might we attempt to dam up the mighty Mississippi. For a moment we might check its onward torrent, but only for a moment, until it should gather sufficient head .i , , - i i . io oreftK away our iceuie barrier, v uen it wouiu pour us accumulated flood with redoubled fury upon the plains lelow. .These attempts arbitrarily to check this agita tion, have given it its present strength and violence, and tho continued cfibrts to do so will but augment that strength. Sir, wo would not stop it if we could, be cause the South have no right to complain of it so long as it spends itself in discussion among ourselves, (elsewhere we are not responsible for it ;) and because, if we should curtail the liberty of speech and of the press upon this subject, we should soon be called upon to place a similar limit upon another; and so on, until this bulwark of our liberties would be swept awnr and not a vestige left. Its only safety consists in maintaining it unimpaired and inviolate . Sir, iu conclusion, let me sav, I have listened with pain to the constantly-reiterated threat to dissolve this Union, unless theso oucstions shall be settled nion, unless these, questions thall be BCttlca to suit sorne southern jrentli-ruen. - This is not the course which the representatives of a great, intelligent, and patriotic people should purs-uo towards each other. It only serves to irritate an I to wound ; it cannot hring its together. I love this Union, not for ittelf, hut as a means of secnxing and preserving what I hold dearer than aught cIm; on earth the liberties of the American people; and when it shall fail to seeur? these, not only for the people of my section, but of all sections, my alleetion for it will cease. If we of the North arc. not to be allowed to think for ourselves, exercise our own judgment, construe the Constitution according to the dictates of our own consciences, subject to the supervision of the tribunal provided for that purpose if, in short, we are to lcjrislatc according to southern dictation and under awe of sonthcrn threats, wo micht as well be their slaves. In deed, wc should bo but littlo else. AVhen the bonds of our Union cease to unite our affections; when they be come the chains of our servitude, I care nut how soon it shall be dissolved tho sooner the better, for it will have lost its value. It will have become a curse to free don. Snoncr th;m submit to this, let it bß rent into a thousand fragments let these hills and valleys become desolate let these houses become tenantless let these Halls ecase to reverberate with the voice of tho people's representatives. We are ready to take counsel with you ; we will listen to your reasoning ; we may yield to our arguments or your persuasions; wo will conciliate and coniproniise if met in a like spirit; we will submit to the judgment of that common arbiter provided fr ns by our lathers. But to submit to your dictation, to be awed by your threats, to yield to your denunciations, we cannot, we ouht not. we will not; and it is as well vou unucrstooa n at once, ana lorcver Sir, I have heard honorable centlemen eoollv attempt to calculate tho value of this Unionits value in dollars and cents this Union purchased at a price in snflcrinr. toil, and blood, in comparison with which the mines of the Indies sink: into insignificance: The value of this Union, in comparison with the moral influence of vhich upon mankind, the wealth of the universe is but as tho dust in the balance! This Union, which Is the cerm that is leavening the world with the spirit of freedom! r-m -. tr T 1 ' 1 . 1 - "... . inis union, nieu is inn nucleus ot the liberties or mankind which is at once the mrnlcl fir the successful and tie i!;-'.ri icr th-t.:i- i.-s-f.,! p-nri f .:- i is Vurrglcs. aga.rihttl e tyranny .f tin id world! 1 uis Union) as tu wlwio future, wlicu atuaipt to judge by iu j'ast

piAw

the imagination falters and our fancy in its boldest flight, like the dove from Noah's ark, returns with weary wing, having found no resting place! Why, sir, what was this Union a few years ago, but thirteen feeble colonies upon thrs Atlantic coast? "Westward the star of empire took its way." The hardy sons of libertv scaled the rugged heights of yen blue Xlleghanies, and poured themselves into the immense vaüeys below, and already are they filled with a9 noble a race as the sun of heaven ever shoue upon. Still westward they take their way. They have scaled the snow-capped peaks of the Rocky Mountains, and poured themselves down their western slopes to the shores of the majestic Pacific. And already are our ears greeted with the hum of busy industry, coming up from those distant bills and valleys. Already as if by magic, rich and teeming cities, prosperous villages, and thriving hamlets arc springing up all over that country,-bedecking it like tho glittering jewels of some gorgeous- diadem.- Soon the immense commerce of Asia and the Indies, which has so long supplied the coffers of England, and sustained her tottering power, will pour its golden treasures in upon thrt western coast, and through yon roekv barriers into the laps of these our eastern valleys. "Whilst we yet deliberate, sir, States are springing into existence, as if in obedience to ihe fiat of Him who speaks and it is done. Calculate the value of such a Union! As well might vou attempt to number the sands npon the sea shore, or "tie sparkling hosts of yon blue arch above us. Can it be possible, tiat any man who claims to be an American citizen, in whoso veiqs courses American blood, irf whose bosom throbs an American heart, who has felt the exhilerating influence of the genius of our free institutions, can fall so Iowas to attempt to calculate the value of such a Union? Sir, such a man has not soul enough to appreciate the value of this Union, which is a pearl above all price, and his efforts to do so should be regarded as the unmeaning babble of the maniac.

Indianapolis. We spent several days at the Capital of the State bist week, and were pleased to sec so many evidences of improvement and prosperity. We rtredlet. ed several years ago that Indianapolis was bound to Iks come one of the most flourishing places in the State, and our expectations, we believe, are to le more than realized. Railroads will centre there from every part of the State; plank roads arc being constructed to several points; public buildings are going up, everything calculated to promote the growth aid prosperity of the city, is receiving due attention. The people there need one more work a rail road to Cincinnati through the rich and populous counties of Hancock, Shelby, Rush, Favctte and Union, and nothing will be wanting to crown their prosperity and promote the growth of their young and vigorous city. We hope they will soon have an opportunity of co-operating with the people of Eastern In diana in securing that important work the last they j . i .i . - I. - ..- necu io pi ace mem in me van oi ail Indiana cities. KushtUle Republican. OD KOOIiS roil OOOI fCI!OOI. Published ty A. S. BARNES & CO.. New York, and H f DERBY & CO , Cincinnati, and tor sale, wholesale and retail, by C. B. DAVIS, Indianapolis. DA VIES' SYSTEM OF MATHMATTCSL rnlIIIS series, combining all that is most valuable n the various JL method of Kuropeau instruction, improved anJ matured by i.ic suggestions oi more man tinny years experience, now form the onlv comnlete r-oitsiectitive cour tf Mtur-muti. I- m-tl.rwl harmonizing as the works of one mind, carry t e student onward bv it... i : i.i i I.-. . , , ' im- name wiaium cum uic a-aiuc mwi in a&soctailOIL, and are CalCU luted to impart a comprehensive kuotvledze of the science, comhrn. in clearness in Ihe several branches, and unitv and proportion i i the whole. Being the system so lon iu ue at Wert Toiut, throuf h which so many men, eminent for li.eir scientific attainments, have passed, ana navuie been aooptca as i est iJooki l y mo.l of lue colleges in the United Slates, it may be juslJy regarded as our national system of Mathematics. SCHOOL AND ACADEMIC COURSE. Davics Primary Table Book, Llmh Back. Davie' First Leson in Arithmetic, Morocco Back. Da vies School Arithmetic, New edition, enlarged.' Davies' Arithmetic, Old edition, Without answers. Key to Davies' School Arithmetic, New ed.tion. Davies' Grammar of Ar.ti'inatic. Davies' I'n.ve-rs.ty Arithmetic, 12mo. sheep. Davies' University Arithmetic, Without uiiowers. Key to Davics University Arithmetic. Davies' Klenientary Algebra, sheep. Key to Davies' Klemeiilary Algebra. Davies' Iilcmeiitary Geometry, läino. sheep. Davics' l'ratbcal Geometry aii'l Mensuration. C0IXE3E COURSE. Darics' Bourbon's Algebra, fcvo. sheep. Davies' Legendre's Geometry, Ö vo. Siiecp. Davies' Hleineiits of surveying, fi vo. sheep. Davie' Analytical Geometry, 8 vo. sl.eep. Davies' Dnf. and Integra! Calculus, 8 vo. sheep. Davies' Descriptive Geometry, s vo. sheep. Davies' Shades, shadows, and Perspective, 8 vo Davies, Logic of Mathematics. 8 vo. CHAMBERS S EDUCATIONAL COURSE. Chambers's Treasury of Knowledge, 12iuo. sheep. Clark's KU menu cf Drawing. 12ino. sheep. Chambers's Natural Philosophy, 12ino. sheep. Rei.t and Bain v'hemisiry and Kleclricity. Hamilton's Vegetable mid Animal Physiology. Chambers's r.leinents of Zoolory, l'Juio. sheep. Pace's Elements of Geology, Irjiuo. t eep. FAHKilH S NATUÄAL FiULOSCPHT. Purker's Introduction 10 First Lesions. Parker's First Lessons in Natural Philosophy. Parker's Compendium of School Philosophy. Mclutire on the Use ot ihe G obes, 12 mo. FENMA1ISHD? AND BOOK Fulton Ac Eastman's Chirographic Charts and hey Full. m it Kastmau's Writing Docks. Knltou k Kasiman's Copy Jjooks. Fulton & Eastman's Penmanship. Fulton &. Eaitmaif . Dooli Keeping-. WHXARD S HISTORIES. Wiüard's History of tue United Mates, t-vo. illsrd's !chool History of the Fluted States. Wiiiartl's I'niveisul History in Ptrspect.ve, to. Wtilard's American Cliromgrapher, Mounted. Wtllaid's Temple of Time, "Mounted. Willard's Map of Tune, Folded m book form, Willard's Historic Guide for iSchools. Gould's Abridgment of Ali.our Europe. LAUSUAGES. Brook's First Latin Lesson, 12mo. Brook's Oval's Metamorphoses. Svo. sheep. Brook's First Greek 1-tssons, P2mo. Brook's Greek Collectanea Evauffclica, l'2mo. Clark's New Fjiqlis:i Grammar. I'Jmo. READER Gr AI.D ELOCUTION. N'ortl.cnd' Utile Speaker. Northend's American Speaker. Nortiiend's s-choW Dialogues. Purker's Rhetorical Reader, lirao. Watt on the M:nd, witu queshons. Duiining's Ancient Classical Urography. MUSIC. Kingslcy's Juvenile Choir. Kinsley's Young Lm lies' Harp. Kingsiey's Harp of David. King!ey's Sacred Harmoni-t. School Song and Ilymu Book, by Britton 4 Sherwood. FOR THE TEACHES'S AND STUDENT'S LlBRAET. Page's Theory ami Practice of Teaching, llaj ncrii's !v.-liool Architecture. Mansfield on American Education. ( Davics' Analysis of Mathematics.IN PRESS: A COLLEGE TEXT BOOK ON NATURAL PIIILOSOrilY, By Prof. W. II. C. Bartlett. Trof. of natural PhiUoihy ia the Military Academy of Ike Veiled States, at West Foist. Tue above books are sold by the Booksellers generally through out the United Smtes. junelS-;Jmw GSEAT COUGH EEMEDY! tO For the CureCOUGHS, COLDS. HOAnSENESS, BRONCHITIS, WHOOPIIJG-COUGH, CHOUP, A ST II XfaTil and COIISU1VTPTIOII S offering to tbe community this justly celebrated remedy fr r disrasis of tbe throat ana iun", it is not cur wisn 1.1 u.iic witli the lives or beaUh cf tbe atnicted. but frankly to lay before tlicra the opinions of distinguished men, and svm of the evidences of iu success, frcm which they cn iuuVe for themselves. Wo sincerely pledge ourselves to make no wild assertions or false statements of its efficacy, nor will we hold cut any hppc to suffering humanity which facts will not warrant. Many proofs arc here piven, and we solicit an inquiry from the public into al we publish, foelins assured they will find tbem perfectly reliable, and the tuediciue worthy their ket conlideuce and patronsce. FKMf P.FVJ. SII.L1MAX. M.D L.L.P.. ETC Professor of Chenisirv. Minemlogy, frc.. Yale College, Member of th Lit. Hist. Med. PUU. and Seien. Societies of America and Europe. , . I deem the CHERRY PECTORAL an admiral composition from some of the beot articles in the MatrrU Medics, and a very effective remedy for tho class of diseases it is intended to cure. AVw Haven., Ct., Kor. 1. 1M9. PROF. CLE A VE I AXD, of Bmrdoin Colic e.yTmne. Writes " I luve witnmed tl;e tlTecta cf ycur UitRKJ PELToKAL in my own family and that of my friends, and it gives me satisfaction to state in its tsvor thai no medicine I have ever known has proved so emimntly successful iu curing diseases of the throat and lun?s." Ä REV. D F. OSGOOD Writes "That he considers CHKRKY I'KCTORAL the best medicine for Pulmonary Affection ever given to the public, and states that "his daughter, after being obliged to Tp.te joorn four months with a severe settled couth, accompanied by raising of blood, r.if-ht stveaU, and the attendant symptoms of Consumption, commenced the use of the cnmi ritToiii, and bd completely recovered.' THE REMEDY THAT CURES. 1'otTHkD, Mb., Jaw. 10, 1P47. Pr Ayer: I bve been long afflicted with Asthm which rrew yearly wortecptil Ust autumn; U brought OB a cough which confined nie in my chamber, and began to assume the alarming symptoms of Consumption. I hd tried the best advice and the bept medicine to bo purpose, until I used your ClIEKRY PECTORAL, which has cured mc, and you may well belieyt line, Gratefully yours, J. D. PHELPS. If there is any value in the judpment of the wise, who TP from experience, here is a medicine worthy of the public oandeuce. ritertRKD av j. c. stib, cnti-isT, i.e-witt., mah. Rold in Indianapolis by ' juiyil CRAIGHEAD A RROWXlG, Druggists. "OUNTATN' OF HEALTH. Son,' Patnrhtcrs tiiul Cadets of T.-.n.wrHii.-e. aii-l all otVrsw'io v '. ' t;t a good article t; Sal t Wa'er fr-n if-m ti I'ountain V H-lth. at HIHIUJV.S Dm Stor". uhaI Odd Ü-

sä vrtn rwyr? . r.in rriTm i-irS n V

TlIBESniXC MACHINES. Fanner, Tak4 Notice.

THAT at the TtEW FOCXDEHY, at ImtunafMns arc mnntartured the tnr-ütntd and iuHv celebrsti-d W'rtyut Hoo ter Tlircshm? Maciiiirrs. Ir I only m-rrs.-aiy i"ir lit o ay, that we manuürture ßre kn!s" of Horse Powe nr threshing, or tlirfiiii? iuk rlranni(f VVücsl.. by tit anme ) nil urn. We are aim prepared in mike tliiee chniTcnl kind f Sv-paralurs, rix: Pitt's, Towiftt!id Hid Whitman I anerns. all W vttneb. are sudionaxv. The Powers, Ttirohers. and Mparaur are the Mine pattern a UKWe maimuctnrrff ar nm-iiesrer, ;v 1 ., and .Vinmlturr. Ohio. loceph V'8t0ii. who ha fnaiiufacinred tbe alove niachiiKs fur the hutt eisht year at Mmmu-tnre. Ohio, n now a hm lix-r m the fiuihUi? Miop, r ouiKterr, c. It I tux-lex ktr us k miV thai those maitiine are the beut in tue l'uiU-d Sinti-. No other machine csu be eoinaftrcd to tliem for .-el and unl.tv. One of the machine wül Uiresh from 4 to ö lu.tie! ol' wheat in a a.iy, ready lor market. Also, Meain h.iis:nc, wall or wn.iom toiler t any ze desira ble Warranted neliett. ml Io Ol ernte Well. Saw iul r,mi Cnstinea, ol' all LiuU, fitted op to any draft funi shod; Urate Bars, r ire trout, 4c. Also, the celebrated and tar-tamcd rJKLbKF WATEK WHEEL Kept constantly eu hand; also. Com Shulcr, w.th Separators, to' carry away ttic cot. Ac, tnt Clover ihiilers that cvenr farmer houid have. Wc make Hand IjH'ne and Muh- I jithet ot' every dcwript.ou. Horse Powti anJ Threading Machine of all kind re paired on the slioi test ihUn-e; tcrew Itale an t Tap of uiy size or threarl; Screw for Hay Pree ior any dcfcription ot" Pre, from a 10tO pound screw to any rauller size. Cotn oiic. cu nie all. and tee thai Work can be done as cheap and as neat t y u, as it can be done in cider Cities. junel WATSOX, VOORHF.S A CO. ATTENTION, WHEAT GBOWEBS! A. GAAR k CO, X7"OiLD respectfully call u.e attention of Wheat Grower and V W the public generally, tii the fact that thev are now miuiulae-' tuniig. at ihe "Spring Kovshekt," in Richmond, Wayuc county, Indiana, a.1 t'ie varou kmri Ol THRESH I SG MACtifSZH now in use in the Western country, among which may be found the following: rhe TVnrrijiiffor FitUt-TUrtrhine Machine, (upon Which the pa-' tent has now expired.) which t!ires!e am! cleans the Gra:n. end re-" quire a less number of lian u to tend than any Machine in vt. Two kindaol Stx Home Power, gotten up in the te--4 atyle, de-" signed Sir running the Stationary Separatiii and Cleaning Machine, wnitn tnev are now maimi.iriuMi-r u a superior manner. The well known Four-lione Power Tmmbtimt Shaft, and Fotir Five, and Six-Horse Puwer Brit Maeltinet. Hie reputation of which" is so well eUhiia!icd, a-i to render il useless to say a w ord ui U;r:r . favor. - All kinds of Mac'iine repaired on the shortest notice, and oir the most reasonable terms. T.iey Hunk tWy can Ter neater iivlne-"" tneuts to m:y person wishing to purchase a machine than any ot.er shop in the country. Casting of every descript or and Woo' u Mac' inery, ti' h a double Biid s.iigte Carding Machines. Con leasers and Jaw Jacks.Powi r Looms, Wrapping Macumea, 'tc-i ma" to order on a style not to I excel'cd. rtT" Wl eat or good liorsc s uken in exchange for work. Richmond. May 1, 130. " lU3-3iii5 fJEW HARDWARE STORE. A'etc Firm and Jic Goult :.'! l Tfce euhscribtis have ji.tt tpiuvd n t tiliie New rt-jtk ef Hardware, comprising the lat-t style and nict approved pf.t-' terns cf bouse trimmings tf every dcfcriptK u. Huil-irrs will plesse do them the favor to call and fn.nii.e quality, prices, Arc Firmer can also be furnished with alm. st every nrriculturst in-.plenaent, such as shovels, spadis, hoes, txts, and scyibes, (warranted to cut w.lhcut whiskey,) hay furks, grsin cradks, sickles, ckc. dec. Csrpentrrs, Joiners, Cccpers, Mon, Crrice nd C-Uaet Makers. Black, While and all other Smiths, either by trade or name, and the invitati d is extended to the entire alphabet of nanus ia tbe city and surrouudiDg country, to cull tt the sipn of the Gilt EitrrniT ud Com Stove, si.mh fide f V tnl.iuj.!.jn street, opposite Ü. Cri--head's, ud examine goods, prices, and form acquaintance with the occiif nts; one of the firm being a straneer in this community, is very desirous to become acquainted with the citizens and residents of Marion aud adjoining counties. In addition to the above they will keep for sale a good stock of aasorted iron, steel, and nails. Also, continue to manufacture copper, tin, and sheet iron ware, and d ) all kinds of job work iu their line to cnler; and lastly, they do not intend bcinj outdone in the selection of the most approved kinds of Cooking Stoves, warranted to please, or no sale. Being well acquainted with the latest improved patterns made in New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and bavins bad twenty years practical experience in the sale of stoves und other merchandize in the hardware trade, they hope to please all wtio mav favor them with aci.ll. PLATT & WAINWK1ÜHT. Indianapolis, July 6, U?jO. w. HARDWARE, CUTLERY. IRON. AND STOVES, WHOLESALS AND RETAIL. Witt the enlargement of his romn. text-nded to 120 feet in depth.) the subscriber has increased largel) bis stock of third, tear, Cit'lery, ic, and is just receiving a larce stock oi ', A'ai't. Catigs. Ac. direct from Pittsburg, which, with bis lare stock of CX-ig and Pirtor Stores, of eveiy s.ze and putteni, be offers very respectful y to h s old customer, w.th bis thanks, and the public g neial y. at prces tiiat he will make satisfactory if it is poiMe. lie earnestly sol-cits attention to h:s s'vck and prices. He will sell as low as te lowest, and warrant bis good, lie l.as facilities to furirsl heavy trooJs at river prices, adding freight only. T.'iankiug country merchants for their irmer patronage, be desire X'.iCiu to give his present Large stock an hiptct n. IIF.XRV S KEI.LOr.G, junel Fi of tit Ei? PculWk and Cuulinf 5'or. rHENCH BTTHS MILL STONES. J. BRADFORD & CO, IMPORTERS and Manufacturers of French Burr Mill Slones the genuine Dutch Anchor Brand Po'j.ng Cloli.s of all uumtcrs, Mill Irons, Cat ngs. Mill Screw. Tempering Screws, Dhnnct Irons, Screen Wire, Plaster of Pans, and all articles in the Millin; line, at the lowest prices, and we th nk a better article then tan be got al any other eitnb!, 'uncut East or H'N. Femr pract.cal workmen ourselves, an I devot-ng all onr time and attention to t ie business, we think our frieiuL and the public will have no reason to retract that patronage, and the confidence they have so liberally bestowed upon us for fie last ten years. All orders an-J eommnnitaiom will be t lauiifutly reee vej an I prom.-t'r alienated to. aiat all work got from us, will be warranted oft ie bc-t oualnv. or ihe mnu. cy refunded. JAS. BRADFORD 4 CO. Walnut treet, eaM skle, between Second and Pearl streets, Cinc:nrti. Ohio. junel Ecmoval and New Arrival. r r T7- I 1TIITI I t. i ' - I . ..,....! ,- .1 .. ,1- . IJ-l.A.M r.itäs a. i . nut c nun" ru i 'i n. ui" .1 eiM. e 11 10 Checkered Store Intely oeeup.ed by Messrs. VandtcTift lc Greer, wliere tliey are now receivuis; aul openin one of tbe lernest and best selected stocks of pooils iu Cns p':!Ce, anion w'..icU arc, Vr Good, button and Trtmn,ine, Of almost every vpriety and style. Coots, triors and Hat, (fnecnttctxre. (j'ast ana ulass Wart, Ttaxls, Groceries, Sidt, Ife. Ife. All of which t'icy are sc!lin at the lowest powible rates for cash or approved country produce. Cash paid lor beat, at the burliest market prices. J.'M. BRAMWEIX4 CO., jnnel At the Checkered Store. Qne?nsware Establishment To Country HercuaaU. r fi 11E subscriber are receiving, and hare now on hand, a large and ii general took ot Queens and Ulass ware. The pnret'.ases have been made eipres.s'y for tii:s market, and can be furnished lo customer at reduced prices. Onr a:m is to establish a permanent bus.ucss, and the inducement we oner to our customers will, we trost. secure to in their pa roil age. Arrangements have been made with bouses iu tin's country w!i.c!i will enable us jo l.are a regular supply of ware, at all time, also to rece ve from Europe imponat ons which will warrant us to sell as low as any other establishment in Ihe i est. Hotel furnished at wholesale prices. junel .11A.&LK Ä llllULSU.V fv'TEAM Elf 3EJXS A superior quality of Ptr am Enjrines can S be had at the New Fouu lery, at ind aiiapolis. We l-oidly as sert that our Kng.nes cannot be surpassed by any llial 'aee been manufactured and brotif'ii to tins sec'ion of country. Harm-' supplied ourselves w tb the bct of mechanic, we are cppaMe of do i.g the best of work. Person c-otn.ii' u l ie city tan e one of our r.ngiiic at worlrat tlie peir and C-ist Factory of Crawford tt Osgood. Terms reasonable, and work prompt. JUllel Ali'. f WlMlt.O W. V V. iff j AHDWAEE Almaxhf Gkattos U just opeiiin; at the old stand, sisni of üie Mw, corner of Merid.an and Wasl hretoii streets, an exeeileni assortment of Hardware, just purchased in the Eawt, and will be sold upon the most accommodating terms. Prices to correspond with tl-e time. junel. w AEDWAR3. Vi'e have received a heavy stoetc of leading articles, such t Spad". Shovels, manure and hiy Forks, Scythes, f-ickles, .neathes. H&es, Trace Chains. Collins's New York Axes, Ccffce Mills. Hmis, Curry CoinV. Pen and Pocket Knives, Table Knives and Forks, sr.d l-ts cf other articles. X. B. We have Bed Pans lor liie sick, and a ceat article of Spittoon. P. S. We are the A;ents for Brandreth's Pills, wholesale and retail. junel SMITH V HAXXA. f 20 CAETENTEES AND COOPEES. The fuhscrilier is now Ü. receiving a very laree supply oi Ca neuter's and Cooper's Toois, of the most approved make, wh.cii he o:Kr a very reduced prices, at the sieu cf t.ie K g Padlock and Cook Move. junel" HENRY S. KELLOGG. "H N QUANTITY. WaMron" Grain and Grss Sevtlies, Snath, S and Cruilcs. Arne-' M ovels, Grsin M.ovr Is. Manure and IJay Forks, Rakes. Ae. Mill :av Cross Cut an.l Hand ."-awv Hroad find Chopp.ng Axes. Haiies aiat Fi&ne Kilts, Coop'-rs' Ton's of all rlcacripuoiis, Ac. All wdl be ao'd low for cash. 11. S. KF.U-OGG, junel Sign of the Big rad'.otl and Cuoi Sfots. ECOIfD-HAND AND E0ILEH3 rCS SALE. A rood secnttd'haiid Knnue and Moiler can be had on reasouable terms by calang immediately at the Mew Fonnderv of junel WAT.MIN, VOOKHK. A CO. jJAWS! SAWS!! SAWS!!! From tbe finest Web to tha heaviest Mill, can be found at the it;n of the ritt e!ephnU. julyl3 PLATT & W AlXWKlüHT. "lTjANTED, Two or three Boys cf suitable ace, ! m r!sv and indusuiuu habits, who wiBh to learn the Tinning. business. X. B. We want no 6 or 12 Months' boyr. Satisfactory rc'eience will be required. jul13 . PLATT k WA IX WK1GHT. BLACKSMITH'S Can find Anvils with faces that will bear banimerini, and vices that will screw up to a ti-M plccbr at july!3 PLAIT & WAIXWKIGHT'S. AXES Made expressly to order, for Hoosiers and Buckeyes, warranted to make a hole in the woods by the aid of manual power, rightly applied, at julyl3 PLATT & WA1XWRIG11TS. G LASS. "A right enifJt chance" of Window Oi-iss at julyl3 PLATT Ar WAlNVYRlGHrS. rwO FLUX'S late invented Log Rule, a great convenience to ii. Lumber Merchants and Sawyers; a few can be bad at the sign of the Gilt Elephant. julyl3 PLATT Ai YA IX WRIGHT. ""lt EW DRTja- STOKS- The subscriber would respeeifur.y solii T cil the citizens of Indianapolis and urroumLiit country, to cull and examine his sbok of Frtsk Drwt. Mtd'cint.t, Paints, Oils, 'nmWies, Vyt Sitft, Perfum'rf. w.t-J Fancy Artidet. wiiicb he will sell as low as call be bought ui any oder house ut Cut city wholesale or retail. Country Merchants. Pedlars, and others, would dotr-ll ioea'1 and examine his stock and prices before pnrcha&Mig. All articles Sold are warranted. Tue hnrnest market price paid for Feathers, Rars, Flaxseed. Mus lard Seed, Beeswax. Gaaeng, and ot' er merchauta! !e produce J. P. S1DDAIJ-, Dn-i-tist, junel Sovtk side Was'infon street, India.tuptHts. IV JtZVT STOCX OF DRUCJS. Jhi received, a well selected stock of medicines and drncs. well calculated for tue CcmaiKls of the publ.e for summer use. mciud.ii; many tvrw and valuahia articles of me&cine, chemical extract, and family medicine. If jtiaal articles, fresh jroods and cl.ean prices will attract customers, they would do themselves a favor by looking at tbee an'-s. junel A. P. MPKU1 SOX. "fJAMILY QUTCX YEAST. Tliis ortk-Ie an-wers all the pur sV po of good fresh Hrewer's Yeast, in makirg all k uds of light bread, cakes, and biscuit. It is free from the inijmrrtie; u al in common yeast, and is more healthful as well as more prompt and convenient. Prepared and for sale at . PIDDAI.fS Dnip.iore, junel No. 4, Old Fellow' 11 I. "1 O GROS3 A- FahnestocV's Vertnauge; JL " 5 cnni Mcljme's Yermifue; 3 cross MciAiie s Liver Pills, on ban Is arvi är snir pt e i-HI1(-l!Ti4.1 ( I X' I f-? jitlvIO CRAIGHEAD A PKOWM.' G. CIDER VTNTJSAR. 13 Barr-'s Cbb-r Vii'-r on bund anil Ul ao iuw jUlici VV. JLi3."U.Ui". U.-U.u

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