Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 52, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 May 1863 — Page 2

"WEEKLY SENTINEL. MONDAY, MAY 13. The Inlereat Question.. Governor Morton must concede that there is doubt whether the Sute officers bare the authority to pay the interest upoa th public debt, under -the proviaious of the acta of 1839 and 1661. , The Governor and the State officers bare alike taken an oath to support the Constitution and obej the laws of the State. And certainly Messrs. Ria the and Brett are gentlemen equal in honor aDd integrity to Hi Excelleucy. They desire that the interest on. the public debt should be promptly paid, and that all the creditors of Indiana should receive equal consideration. They cannot, however, recognize that construction of the Constitution which makes the "intendment" of a Legislature a law unto them. At the last session of the Legislature a committee was appointed to audit military claims against the State In creating this committee, it was no doubt the intention of the Legislature ih.it the claim thus allowed should be paid. But owing to the secession of the Republican members of the House no appropriation was made to pay such indebtedness. According o the logic of .Governor Morton tbe Auditor and Treasurer of State should pay these claims because such was the "intendment" of the General Assembly.

It is due to all the creditors of the State that their claims should be paid. Good faith demands this. The failure of the General Assembly, at its last session, to appropriate the money necessary to meet these obligations, in pursuance of the provisions of the Constitution, has created the present embarrassment. We know that the State officers would like to disburse every dollar in the Treasury, if they thought tbey had the authority to do so. The laws of 1859 and 1861 were enacted for the purpose of putting an end to the loose manner in which the financial affairs of the State had been conducted, and to prevent the assumption of authority by the State officers. The Governor entertains the opinion that the State officers have the authority to pay the interest upon the public debt without tLe Legislature passing an appropriation therefor, as has been done since the law of 1859 was adopted. The State officers believe tbey have no such authority. The question has been brought before the Courts for their determination. The President of the Sinking Fund commenced a suit in Circuit Court here, against the Auditor.of State to compel him to issue a warrant for the payment of the interest upon the dublic debt. Judge Fisch decided that the warrant must issue. The Attorney General demurred to this decision and the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. "We are informed that Mr. Talbott notified the Governor, and Messrs. Joseph E. McDonald and A. L. Roach, who are the attorneys for the foreign bondholders, of the pendency of the suit, and requested their aid and co operation in its prosecution. We state this fact to show that the case is intended - for investigation and for a just decision ot the same by the highest judicial tribunal of the State. The Journal, however, threatens the Court in advance if it does not decide the case according to its views of the question. The Court will do its duty in the matter regardless of such idle threats, and whatever may be its decUioo it will be sustained by the people. We notice that the Journal also threatens the Treasurer with suits for damages in the Federal Conrts if be does not pay the interest, whether there is authority for it or not. This ihre tt is put out, we suppose, to alarm the State officers into a compliance with the schemes of His Excellency. If the Court are to determine whether the State officers are authorized to pay the interest upon the public debt, the decision may necessarily be delayed until the time for payment has passed. No such contingency should be permitted in a case involving the credit of the State. And what object in bringing the question before the Courts, when there is a more speedy and certain remedy for the difficulty? The Governor has the power conferred upon him to assemble the Legislature whenever, in his opinion, the public interests demand it. Id the present emergency he should not have the slightest hesitancy in doing so. In ten days the Legislature could be assembled and in ample time to prevent the stain of repudiation from resting upon the State. There is not a candid man in the country who understands the question but will say this is the Governor's duty. lie ought not to ask a State officer to do what he regard. a doubtful act, when he has it in his power to relieve him from all responsibility. If the interest should not be paid in consequence of the Governor failing to call the Legislature together, he will have to shoulder the responsibility for that failure. This he ran not evade. And if he desires the interest to be paid, be will not hesitate to apply the constitutional remedy placed in his bands. There are other considerations of a public nature, and not of a party character, which require the action of the General Assembly, even if the interest question was disposed of. The Governor should not hesitate one moment in relieving all doubt about the payment of the interest by promptly convening the Legislature. He has not yet exhausted his responsibility in maintaining the honor and credit of the Slate. Tlie Tlaae .fleeting of the 20th. Our advices from various parts of the State indicate that the attendance at the mass meeting to be held in this city on Wednesday next, will be very large, notwithstanding the pressing engagements of those engaged in farming pursuits. In addition to the speakers already named, we traderstand that Hon. John R. Eden, of Illinois, will be present upon the occasion. He is a gentleman who well comprehends the great questions pf the day, and is an impressive speaker. The Convention of the 20th of May will be a people's meeting. It expression will be the voice of a majority of the people of Indiana upon the present condition of public affairs. We say let it be heard untrammeled. so that those in power may have a true expression of public sentiment. An old motto reads ' Vox Populi, Vox Dei" the voice of the people is the voice of God. So let it be. We have already announced that all the rarlroids running into this city, und the Ohio & Mississippi, the NeV Albany & Sa'em, and ths Evausville k Criwfordsville have agreed to ran half fare trains, or issue half fare tickets to all who attend the Convention. That means of transit will be a convenient conveyance to those from disttnt portious of the State. We hear that from the immediate surroundings of Indianapolis the people will come in wagons) on horseback, and, if all other modes of conveyance fail, upon foot. Theouly hope of maintaining constitutional liberty, is through a free press, free speech, aud a free, bonest, ballot. As long as these right of the people are preserved we have every hope that the principles of the Democratic party will triumph, and the party which maintains them will obtain the control of the Govern ment. We trust that the dark cloud which hangs over the country through Republican mis--rule. will ere long be dissipated by a change of ad ministration, which we believe to be the only prosp;ct of maintaining a free government over a united roun try. Again we repeat the hope that the people of Indiana will come in numbers equal to the great emergency of tbe country, and express themselves freely and decidedly la condemnation of the twin evils secessionism ana abolitionism that have brought the present dire calamities upon the na tion.

The War In Virginia,

Why Qtx. Hooker Withdrew Across the Rappahannock Attempts to Less.lh the Magnitude or thk Disaster The Reasons GlVfc.N BT HoOEKR FOR II 13 RETREAT, AND thai Kalmtt Gallantry or rue Wasters Taoops, Lc. Special Correspondence to tbe Chicago Time. . Headquarters Armt Potomac, ear Falmouth, May 7. J . The conclusion of my last letter not received. Ed. Times in relation to the fierce and bloody battles of Saturday and Suuday must have prepared your leaders for the finale of the brilliant farce just concluded by Hooker, with the assistance of the noble army of the Potomac. The only variation from the plan of the defeat I then narked out was in the timely discovery by Hooker of the fact that he was already defeated. On the discovery of this fact he wi-ely concluded not to wait for Jackson to get in between him and the ford, as I had reason to believe, and remarked that he was attempting; but, taking time by the forelock, backed out from his position, thus snatching the shattered remains of bis army from almost certain destruction. The telegraph has already carried to the farthest extremities of the land, the intelligence of the withdrawal of the Federal army from the south bank of the Rappahannock. It was eminently proper that it should be withdrawn. Tbe mistake was that it was ever put there the second time. Its ranks are weakened by from ten to twelve thorsand men as the consequence of this blunder, and the spirit of the noble old guard is crushed and broken. And as we sit in our old encampments now, and review the operations of the pa-t week, the inquiry force itself upon us. Why were we drag g;d out to such a slaughter? Why? , We are told that we have not been defeated; that the plans of our commander have not been materially frustrated; that offensive operations will be resumed very soon, and much more of the same sort. Let me ask in all soberness, in what does defeat consist? Can an army march out and give battle, have its ranks broken and decimated, be repulsed by its foe, driven back under fire, compelled to return to its starting point, and still be victorious in the movement? I hold that there is no middle ground between a victory and a defeat. Where two opposing parlies meet 1 serious combat, one or the other must conquer. There may be a wide range in the character or perfectness of the victory gained, or the completeness of the defeat suffered, but the result is ipvariably the success of one or the other party. Common consent has determired the method of determining the result of a battle. The party holding the battle ground at the close of a contest, in an engagement where the contending parties regularly join battle, is accorded the palm of victory. Gen. Hooker chose his position. He moved into that position with his armv on Thurs day and Friday of last week, and thr.:i proclaim ed, in exultation, that the enemy must come out of bis intrenchments and fight hkn (Hooker) on his own (Hooker's) ground, where the success of the latter was certain. The next day Hooker advanced his lines atittle to secure even greater advantages than those he alreadv possessed, and which he acknowledged to be sufficient. This advance was unresisted by the enemy. No other conclusion can therefore reasonably be drawn than tint Hooker war situ ated precisely as, after mature study and deliberation, he most wished to be situated. He was all ready for the battle. His forces were on the field. He had no reserves waiting to be brought up no allies elsewhere whose coming was delayed. He could have been no more ready had the enemy left him unmolested a month longer. He probably would have chosen no other field had he taken another term of five months in which to study the situation. His plan was complete his arrangements all perfected. The enemy then came upon him. In their first real onsl-.ught that of Saturday evening they drove us back a mile and a half. In their second attack that of Sunday tbey drove us back two miles, regaining that by the possession of which we annoyed them the Orange Court House plank road. Their third attack was made on an exposed de tachmentof the grand army that of Sedgwick at Banks' Ford, which was driven precipitately across the Rappahannock after twelve hours of mostdesperate fighting. Their final attack would have been made, as I intimated to you in my last letter it would be made, on our rear at the Uni ted States Ford, with a view to cut off our retreat and then annihilating us at leizure. And even thia movement was not apprehended by Hooker until the very last moment, and then he barely saved himself by an ingliorious flight These being the plain, patent circumstances of the case, it will not do for Gen. Hooker, or for his radical friends, or for the Administration, or for the Administration's defeuders, to claim that Gen. Hooker's retrograde movement was part of a geiierd strategic plan. Strategy does not lead an army directly up the hill and directly down eain to precisely its old ground. Had not Gen. Hooker obstinately contended for the possession of the grounds he took below the Rappahannock, and had he, on withdrawing, moved his nrmy to auother offensive position, rather than placing it back in its time worn camp, he might have claimed that it wns strategy on his Dart that dictated the movement. As it stands, it is next to the defeat at Bull Run the most complete defeat, and the deepest disgrace we have suffered in all this war. Gen. Hooker has taken an early opportunity of publishing the reasons that actuated his late movements. I propose to examine these reasons. Here they are . First The flicht of the 11th corps, which ren dered Gen. Sickle's movements nugatory, and forced the army out of the carefully selected field of battle to which General Hooker re ferred in his General Order of April 30th, and compe'.lrd it to receive the enemy's attack among der.selv wooded hills where it was im possible to. bring all or nearly all our troops into action. ' Second The rising of the Rappahannock, in consequence of the storm, which was likely to endanger the line of communication between the armv and its supplies, particularly us the railroad communication with Aquia Creek had been de s'roved bv the floods for twelve hours at Brooks' Station. Third Ignorance of the success of Gen. Stone man's expedition, from which Gen. Hooker did not hear until he had recrossed. Every one of these reasons is false in every particular, as I will undertake to prove in a very few words First The ground from which the 11th Corps stampeded was not occupied by Gen. Hooker or any of his forces when he issued the congratulatory and boastful order to which he refers. It was not taken until the afternoon of Saturday, May 24. three days-, after that order was issued. So far as this stampede rendered the movements of Gen. Sickles nugatory, I am prepared to prove by the parties themselves, that. Gen. Hooker op posed Gen. Sickles' advance on the right during Saturday, frequently sending to him (Sickles) during the day, cautions to go slow; not to ad vance too far; that he had better h ilt, et.; and, during the early progress of that movement. which Sickles undertook on lna own responsibility, positively refused to support him in it, coing even so far a to withhold two-thirds of Sickles' own corn from th support, thus compelling the gallant Sckle to push Birney out alone and unsupported. The repulse of the right wing of the army from a field gained under thee circumstances, ciTuM have cued no serious derangement to the plans of the Commanding General.. Second It is a patent fact th it the recrosing of the Rappahannock had been com m weed and progressed so far that all trie sick and wounded, li the artillery, the baggage trains, ambulances, and everything but the infantry were aero before toe river began to rise. The destruction of the railroad to Aquia Cre'k did not take place until ifter the army was all over, was of but very temporary duration, and wn not known by Gen. Hoker until his return to Falmouth. Third The movements of at last two divisions of Stonetnan's cavalry corps those of Averill and PleasMiiton were fully kuown by the Cotnmai.ding General, those offi.ers having returned and rejxirtei to him in person several days previously. And. as they both reported favorably, the natural inference should hae been that the division yet unheard from was likewise success ful in its movements. There Is reason to be lieve, and I have heard it stated as a fact, that Gen. Hooker did receive official communications from Moneman the day prior to tbe tetrogrnde movement. Is mv promise fulfilled? In this connection, permit me to speak a word in praise of the Western troops with thia army. None have made a -more brilliant record than they. They were the first to cross the river, and have stood their ground at all points with a forti tude and power of endurance that has never been surpassed. An instance was conspicuous ut the crossing below Fredericksburg. , At the lower crossing, the one made by the first corps, the resistance was so obstinate as to call for au exhibition of valor on the part of our troops deserving of the highest commendation. The enemy lined the south bank of the River with sharpshooters, o securely posted in rifle pits sg to baffie all attempt to dislodge them made from tie north side.

From their sheltered position they were enabled to pour upon our pontooners such a galling fire that it was impossible to proceed with the construction of the bridge 'at that point, and the engineer corps was obliged to fall back. At this repulse, the first brigade Of Wadsworth's division wa ordered up for duty. The pontoon boats were instantly thrown into the water rnd quickly filled with the picked regiments from the brigade the 24th Michigan, Col H. A. Morrow, and the 6th Wiscousiu, Col. Bragg who proceeded across the river in these open boats under a most murderous fire, and, charging up the banks on the south side, cleared the rifie pits, capturing about one hundred prisoners, and driving the re mainder of the Rebel force in the wildest confusion back ncross the fields. These Western men cannot be too highly complimented on the gallantry displayed on this occasion. It was largely owing to their invincible courage that we succeeded In making the crossing at that point. Indeed, our bridges could not have been laid had the opposite bank not been cleared, and there appeared no other way of clearing that bank but by this hazardous adventure. The regiments , that performed this heroic duty suffered considerably in killed and wounded. On the right of our line, above Frederick sburg, equal valor was shown by these sturdy Western men. The 21)th Indiana was singled out by Birney for his advance guard when ho pushed his column so far beyond the plank road on Saturday, and were even preferred, as skirmishers, to tne fa mous Berdan Sharpshooters. The 3d and 5th Michigan were among the best of Birney's troops, as he 1ms himself said in my hearing. They have both suffered severely in the recent battles, the former having its Colonel (Pierce, from Grand Rapids.) wounded, though slightly, and the latter its Lieuteuant Colonel, commanding the regimeut E. T. Sherlock, of Detroit killed. In nearly every army corps there were representative from some of the Western States, principally Michigan, Wisconsin, and Indiana; and I have yet to learn of a single. instance In which any ot them failed to distinguish themselves. Ripton . Death of "Stonewall" Jackson. The telegraph reports the death of the Rebel General Thomas J. Jackson, known to the country by the sobriquet of "Stonewall' Jackso.v. It is stated that he died on Sunday last from the effects of wounds, received on the Sunday previ

ous, and pneumonia. His left arm had been am putated just below the shoulder and a bullet had passed through his right hand. The Richmond Enquirer gays "the accursed bullet that brought him down was never moulded by . a Yankee. Through a cruel mistake, in the confusion, the hero received two balls from some of his own men who would have died for him." We copy the following account of the character and exploits of "Stonewall" Jackson from tbe Cincinnati Commercial: Jackson was a native Virginian, a graduate of West Point was known before the war as "Prof. Jackson," from his connection with the University of Virginia, and was chiefly remarkable as a most devout Presbyterian, being a deacon in the church, and as a man of many singularities. He was almost, if not quite, a hypochondriac, having a notion for yearr that he was likely to have paralyMS of the legs, and, as a preventive; he was in the habit ot wearing, in his etudy, a wet sheet wound about his loins. He also had au idea that his nervous system need ed special nourishment, and for years ate fat meat three times per day to nourish his nerves, being very careful to use exactly the same quantity at stated hours It is related of hi La that when a student at West Point he made it a point that the book before him should be perendicular, and would sit for hours stiff and straight. It is said that he wns, at the commencement of the war, in great agony of mind as to what he should do, but the fatal doctrine of owing primary allegiance to his State carried him into the secession army, and he espoused the cause of the Southern Confederacy with the fiery xeal of a fanatic. Innumerable anecdotes are told of his religious character. The Southern papers tell of his long nnd loud prayers, which, on the eve of battle, were particularly unctious. His soldiers, they say, knew when he expected a battle by his manner of praying. After the second battle of Bull Run, the battlefield being in possession of his troops, he is said to have held a prater meeting with the wounded men of both arnres. He first distinguished himself at the first battle of Bull Run, and acquired bis soubriquet of "Stonewall" by replying to Beauregard, when his part of the line was hard pressed, that his brigade should stand "like a stone wall." After that he was called "S-one wall Jackson." and hs brigade was known as the "Stonewall Brigade." Four of the commanders of this brigade have been killed in battle. Gen. P.txton, who was killed at Chancellorville. commanded it in that action. Stonewall Jackson's second battle was at Winchester, where he was defeated by an inferior force, mostly composed of Western troops, under the immediate command of Genend Kimball, of Indiana, whose "Gibraltar Brigade" at the time he had full ranks, and was in splendid condition. Gen. Shields, who eot a large share of the credit of the battle of Winchester, was wounded by a fragment of a shell breaking his left arm, in a skirmish the evening before the battle, and was unable to leave his headquarters at Winchester during the action. Jackson was next heard from attacking Milroy's brigade at McDowell. Thenwith a formidable force he rnhed forward, cut off a 'detachment of our forces at Front Royal, and drove Banks out of the Shenandoah Valley and across the Potomac, Banks saving his little army by conducting h s retreat in ii masterly manner. A race to cut off Jackson was then made by Fremont from the west, and from the east by divisions of McDowell's corps, unhappily diverted from joining McCiellan before Richmond, by the alarm concern ing affairs in the Shenandoah Valley. Fremont made desperate efforts to head Jackson, but did not succeed. He pursued his retreating columns, however, with an interior force. An officer who was with Fremont at this time, informed us that he asked Fremont one day, whether he did not know that he was trying to overtake a super ior force. , Fremont said he was well aware of Jackson's superiority in numbers, but it was"our business not to let Jackson find that out by turning our backs on him." Jackson was brought to battle at Cross Kevs,and was very hard preed, when B'enker's division gave way, an 1 Milroy and Suhenck were compelled to fall back. The battle was severe and bloody. Jackson continud his retreat, and was intercepted by a force greatly inferior, at Port Republic, which he defeated. Here our noble 5th Ohio, raised in this city, suf fered their heaviest loss. Jackson fell back from this point, in safety. A pretense of reinforcing him. to enable him to advance again up the Shenandoah Valley, was made, but the next thing heard of him he was sweeping down to assist in driving McCleltn from before Richmond, and led the attack at Mechatncsville and Gaines Mills In those sanguinary conflicts, h!s corps was badly cut up and exhausted, and the rest of the Rebel nrmy was pushed on to meet a destructive repulse at Malvern Hill. Jack sou, when McClellan's army was at Harrison's Landing, on the James river, turned back to confront the advance of Pope, and met his old foe. Banks, at Cedur Mountain. He performed the famous flanking movement on Pope, and only by extra ordinary skill and desperate fighting, joined to blundering, or worse, on our side, escaped a nm bilation before joined by Longstreeton Bull Run. He was conspicuous in tbe invasion of Maryland, captured Harper's Ferry, and, by forced marchinu, joined Lee during the, battle of Antiet.ira, when the day eeeraed utterly lost to the Rebels, a:id led in person the charge in which Sumner's corps w beuten bck. and recovered the ground which Hooker had so gallantly gained. In the battle of Fredericksburg in December, Jackson confronted Franklin, and made a very narrow escape, a rifle ball burying itself in a tree within two inches of bis head. He . had exposed himself in . such a d.iring manner so many times. Hd always escaped without a scratch, that his soldiers began to believe that he bore a charmed lile; and now it is claimed by the Richmond papers that the wound wbich caused his death was not made by a "Yankee bullet." In the battle of Chancellorville, he, as usual, led the column of attack, and had his accustomed luck in striking the weak point of our lines. His death will doubtless produce the most profound sensation and the deepest discouragement among the Rebels. And though he was recognized as far the most dangerous military enemy ot the United States, the satisfaction felt that he has fought his last battle, will bo tempered v a sentiment of sorrow thnt so brave and capable a man should have fallen. The Rebel paper are right about his "nstounding pre aige." A curious regard was felt for him even in our own army, and among those who had oftenest fought the legions he led., In Europe he was looked upon as the hero of the American war, and the most conspicuous and interesting personage whf has appeiired during the tremcöous strugzle that ehake this continent. His name will forever be prominent, shining with, a brilliant but baleful light in the records of these strange nnd. . significant times, and the association of m many high, and even noble qualities, with the enormous crime of treason, and the championship of

a cauee so ill-omened, malignant and hopeless as that of the Rebel Confederacy, is a phenomenon that w ill be pondered with profound ints-re?t, and nielancnoly rtflectio .s by the students of human nature aud the hisirians of the daik and bloody days of the republic that tested the capacity of inen of this generation to govern themselves, aud determiued the destiny of a great people. Iteply olilon.JoiephK. Edgerton to Cen. Ilascall'K l'ublic Letter ..ddreased to Hin In the Indianapolis Journal. . New York, May 12, 186.T Sir: I have reid, in tbe Evening Express of this city, of Satuplav last, your public letter uddre-sed to "me, under date of 5th inst., through the Indianapolis Journal, in reply to mv private letter to vou of the 2d of Mav. inst., inking explanation öf vour Order To. 3, of the 25th ult. Your letter, which you seem to intend as an explanatory supplement to Order No. 9, is suGV ciently explicit, 1 think, to enable any intelligent citizen of Indiana to understand that freedom of speech and of the press, so far at least as relates to the wir policy and measures of the present Federal Administration, are to the extent of "the force placed t your disposal," to to be suppressed in Indiana. In thus drawing you to a clear definition of your object in Order No. 8, I have accomplished the main purjose of my letter to you, but I much regret that 1 have neither time nor opportunity to comment as 1 would like to do, and as it deserves, on your extraordinary communication. . In pursuance of a plan formed months ago, I am now here on my way to Boston to take the steamer of the 13th inst., for Liverpool, intending to spend the summer in Europe. I can therefore do no more at present than, very generally, to notice your letter. My first impulse on reading your letfer, ws to postpone my intended journey, and return to In diana to await the sequel of the new regime of military despotism under which you have placed the State, and it is not without a feeling of regret that I shall continue my journey eatward. When Constitutional Government is to be defended in Indiana against yourself, or any other person or power, who may assail it, you may consider me nmong the number of its 'efenders. But I am free to say, I have no fear in leaving your self and your order No. 9 in the keeping of the people of Indiana. You have voluntarily made a record, that will enable them to fully understand both you and your order. The Nation Democracy of Indiana will meet in conventional Indianapolis on the Sl'th of Mav, instant .tocoun pel together for the public good. Thev will have your order before them, and 1 have nodoubtthey will deal with it as becomes the rights and dignity of freemen, determined to maintain in their integrity, the Constitution of the United States, and of the State of Indiana. Whatever may be my opinion of the boldness of the position yon have taken, I cannot commend its wisdom, and it seems to me trangely inconsistent with the deire professed in your order No. 9, to restore harmony and good feeling in the State. As you have done me the honor "to confer" with me, my advice to you is, that you recede as soon, and as gracefully as you can from the arbitrary purpose you have indicated. There will be no danger of serious disturbance of the peace in Indiana, so long as no attempt is made by yourself or any other person iit the State to invade constitutional rights. When they are in vaded, they will be defended, peaceably if they can be, and as long ss they can be, and forcibly if necessary. Order No. 9, as interpreted by you, will not be repected nor obeyed by the people of Indiana, for the plain, substantial reason that, however patriotic may have been vour motive in issuing it, it is not entitled to respect and obedience. It is not the law of the people of Indiana. They have not made it. nor assented to it. and yon are not their rightful Governor, nor Legislator. Indiana is not a province, nor a territory. but a State. a free sovereign State of the Federal Union one of the United States of America. It :s not in rebellion, nor in a stale of wir. nor "disloyal." It has a constitution und lawsof its own, nil accor dant with the constitution of the Unired States It has a constitutional Governor and Legislature nnd Judiciary, to whom belongs, of right, the control snd conduct of the civil affairs of the State the making, admini-tering and execution of its laws, and the conservation of the political rights of its citizen". The whole m-ichinerv of civil government in Indiana, is ready to work, and w ill work in harmonv with the constitutional Government of the United States if you will let the machinery alone, and recognize the fact that the military should be subordinate to the civil power. Among the civil rights of the people of Indiana, are the rights of free speech, a free press and free courts. These rights are dear and eti nvible to freemen formidable to tyrants only. The people of Indiana have done nothing to for feit these rights. They cannot forfeit them, for they are inherent snd inalienable. They cannot with safety permit them to be violated in the person of one of ihe humblest of the citizens ot the State. Your order No. 9, therefore, which palpably assumes an authority in yourself, as Military Governor of Indiana, to abrogate or suspend the constitutional rights of free speech and a free pre?s in Indiana, cannot stand the

ordeal of discussion, judicial investiiraiion or at tempted execution. The merest lyro in the know edgeof constitutional law, knows this. The pcopta of Indiana are not slaves they are freemen They willl read and think they will assemble and make and hear speeches; they will freely discuss public affairs, and freely resolve and vote upon them and they will organize political par ties, some opposed to, some favoring the Administration, nnd you cannot prevent it It is the constitutional nature of the people of Indiana to do these things, as much as it wns in the mi ture of the sea to roll in its tide upon the beach where Canute stood vainly commanding the wuves to roll back. And the man who sranids his time in issuing proclamations to the American people to stop free thinking, and free talking, and free printing, and free holding of public meetings, and free voting, and doing other like things wiich freemen nre wont to do, and ein' help doing, might as well spend his time in baying the moon or beating the ir. It is not in the power of the Federal Administration, of which you are a military oflh-er, nor in the power of the political party of which you are mi active instrument, to suovert freedom of speech and of the press in fmliami r elsewhere in i he United States. You may attack it and temporarily abridge r i rain me! it, but you cannot subvert it. On ! e contrary, if you and the Administration and the pirty you serve persist in your attacks upoji them, free speech and a free press will certainly in the end subvcit you. You may arrest and trv by court martial aud sen tence M death, imprisonment or bauishment, "public speakeis" or others "who actively op pose the war licy of the Government," as defined by you. but bye and bye even the tieluded people w h may now approve and applaud your dc-poric acts, will :wake a from the sleep of a morbid brain, and look back in mcniorv upon these davs of national inadui'" and humiliation, as upon a horrid vi.ioii. Then will come an overwhelming demonstration of the public will, re enthroning law, and constitutional right and order in their majesty. Then will oms the d y of justice and retribution, and it may be that kidnapping, imprisonment and murder done by military men under usurped and void authority, maybe forced to bear the penalties of the law upon kidti.ipr.iug, murder and false imprisonment, and their kindred crimes. It is perhaps well for the men, uow so zealous to put their heels upon "copperheads nm' traitors," as they glibly call Northern Democrats who will not ignore their manhood and constitutional rights, to bear in mind that justice, though sometimes 6low. is generally 6ure, and that it may at no distant day be in the power of men now traduced and oppressed nnd persecuted, to iidminister "the Government" in all in functions and to dispense justice according to the Constitution and laws of the laud. ' A you have very frankly expressed your purposes in your order No. 9, and iu your letter to me. I shall as frankly express mine, remarking by tlie way, that I do not admire as in good taste, nor in good spirit, certain expressions you use in talking to the freemen of Indiana. You say,' "I am going to see to it, in Indiana, at least, such men, (opponents to the war policy of the Administration.) have" no abiding place," and again. In putting a stop to wich practices, "I bhall hold the leaders principally responsible." Again. "As well might I establish a number of small-pox hospitals, ic. ns to allow newspapers and public speakers to belch forth their disloyal and treason able doctrines," ic. "Such things will not do in these times. To kill the serpent t-pcedily it must be hit in the head," ke , ic. I forbear comment ou these extracts, for they tell ibeir own tale. Now, sir, as a citizen of Indiana and of the United States, the earnest desire of my heart is for the resioratiou of the Union, peace and prosperity to Piy country, now torn with civil feuda and bleeding at every pore; ' and it is because I love my country and . my whole country, that I am not in favor" of some of the measures of the Administration, named in your letter to me, active opponent of which you declare shall have no abiding place in Indian. I m not In favor of what I believe to be the vindictive and uncon : stitutional policy of the Administration toward

the States in rebellion, as she n in the various sct:.-mes or conn-cation and negro emancipation, nnd the negro policy of the Administration. I am in favor of suppressing the rebellion by all constitutional means, but 1 do not believe "this Federal Administration will ever- suppress the rebellion, or i store the Union by the policy it has adopted I believe the AdminUtration has justly forfeited the coi.fidence of a large majority of the people, even in the Sutea faithful to the Union, nnd has rendered itself powerless to win back the seceeded States by any peaceful or other means. I therefore believe the Administration ought to be changed as soon as the change can be made in a constitutional way, by a free election Of the people; nnd 1 mean'io do what I can to effert that chance. The people of the, Tenth Congressional District, whom I havethe honor to represent, condemned the Administration in tbe last October election. I made an issue before them against the Administration upon almost every measure you name as a part of "the war policy of the Government," and a majority of the people agreed with me in the isue I made, bv electing me their Representative. The same people, in conjunction with the Democratic Union men of the Eleventh Congressional District, at a Mass Convention at Fort Wavne. on the 2'Jth of April last, by solemn resolutions, clearly defined their opinions and purposes as to the" Ad miuihtration and its policy. I have placed a copy of those resolutions in your possession, that ou may fully understand nrhat the people und Dem ocratic newspapers and orators of those Districts mean to do I fully accord with those resolu tions, and I shall not be unfaithful to the trust the people of my District have placed in me I shall support the wr policy or any other policy of the Administration when I think it entitled to support, and I will oppose it before the people and in Congress, when I think it ought to be opposed never faciiously nor captiously, but always act ively. if need be. I will never, as long s life and intelligence remain within me, surrender my constitutional right to freely discuss, approve or condemn, in a constitutional way, and as I think the public good may demand, any policy or measure, be it for peace or war, of any Administration, State or National, and my counsel to every citizen of Indiana and of the United States, is, to stand by and vindicate his right, to do likewise. It is with a sense of humiliation, as a citizen of Indiana, that I have felt called upon to respond, as 1 have done, to your letter. I, and every other citizen of the State, may well ask, in view'of the authority you claim, and the purposes you declare, where is Oliver P. Morto.v. the constitutional civil Governor of Indiana, that he does not at once speak and rebuke your claim to exercise au-. thurity and do acts, that vou can not exercise or do, without a clear violation of the Constitution and laws of the State of Indiana, and of the United States, and without degrading' him 'to a mere cipher and pageant in the State? I would be glad to know that Governor Morton can answer this question s becomes the dignity and freedom of the State whose Chief Magistrate he is. Respectfully, Your obedient servant, JOSEPH K EDGERTON. To Milo S Hascall, Brigadier General Commanding Deuartmeut ot Indiana.

From Uutrilngton. The Exn or Hooker Cai sepkHis Failube Gallant Achievements or General Stoxem an The Means of Success trtRE Within Hook er 's Reach. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times. Washington, May 8. The forebodings expressed in my last three letters, in regard to the issue of Joe Hooker's fool hardy attempt to reach Richmond, have been more thnu realized by the evei.t. The gallant army which had been placed, by the caprice of Abraham Lincoln, under the !eaoerhip of a vain boter, has been ied by him to a slaughter compared to which even the slaughter nt Fiedericksburg in- December last appears a trifle, and the result of which h i heii a terrible defeat and an inglorious retreat Yes. niter the lapse of ten d ivs, the shattered and bleeding remnants of the Army of ihe Potomac are back again in their old camps at Falmouth, having accomplished literally nothing. During that period many battles have been fought, in all t which every division and regiment engaged covered themselves afresh with glory, and proved th it, in the breasts of the brave men comprising them, the old fires that burned on the Peninsula and at Aniietam are not yet extinct. -But all this was of no avail. The most heroic fighting of the war was rendered utterly useless and fruitless, solely on account of the lack of generalship in Joe Hooker. The whole plan of fighting Joe" was so lull of defects that it roved a very easy matter for Gen. Lee to circumvent it. The Administration newspapers are trying to throw the blame of the failure upon the e'ement. and say it wis the rain storm which caused Hooker's retreat. But it is easy to show the absurdity of that assertion, particularly as the order to recro.-s was issued on Monday, while the ra;n did riot bgin till Tuesday afternoon. Hooker hss always been unsparing in his ridicule of everything that Gen. M:Clellan did, nnd particularly of the long trains of wagons that hceompunied the army in rhe IVninsula, carrying the provisious and ammunition. In order to avoid taking wagon trains with bin tu bis march to Richmond. lliMiker devised arid organized his string of pack mules, which he intended to perform the same service, but which have prove I most ridiculous failure. Half the mules fell down dead, and were left sticking in the mud. Half the remainder laid down from exhaustion, nnd all effort failed to get them up. And all the rest proved so unmanageable' in crossing streams, that iheir loads, both of ammu-, nition mid rrovisions became wet and spoiled. So we shall hear no more of pack pule. Then, again, the men became so exhausted by long marches nnd fording deep streams wiih eight days' provision on their backs, that many of them had to throw away their food in order to keen np. und the men who had kept their rations h id to share with those who had none. The consequence was, that at the end of four days, the eight (lays' rations were all gone, and the men had to resort to tfie pack-mule. But, of these the loads of only a quarter of the whole number were found available, so that, by the 3d inst.. Hooker found his army outof provisions. It the usual wagon train had followed him, even if the wagons had been parked on the north side of the Rappahannock, (as is customary,) he would not have been compelled p retreat. In that case his pack mules, fresh and vigorous, could have been profitably njed in transporting light loads of pro visions and ammunition from the river to the camp at Chancellorville The same rem nks apply with even greater force to Yhe matter of ammunition. By 'the 3d inst. Hooker found his army well nigh out of am munition None had been brought except the little that was in the caissons, that which the men carried, and that which the mules had wetted and spoiled. A train of ammunition wagons on the north side of the llapnehannock would have kept him supplied, and have avoided the necestity of a retreat. Thee, together with the facts that he had sent away all his cavalry, and that his army was divided into three separate parts, and together with the defects of his plan mentioned in my letter of Mav 6, were the cause of his failure, and they were the circumstances which rendered his retreat a necessity. These causes had all operated before the rain beguu, which was not till Tuesday evening. If theie causes had not existed in other words if Hooker had been a good General, and had avoided tiiese errors the tains might still have occurred, and still Hooker would not . only not have been compelled to retreat, but more than that, he would have gained a great victory. I shall demonstrate this proposition.. It has been ostentatiously published to the world thatHooker had 159,000 troops. Maketlie sr.nteroent mre moderate, and say he had 130,U00; and I know he cerrainly had' that. He had seven army corps, averaging 17,001) men each, and Stoneman's cavalry corps of 14,000 men. General Lee. even after Longstreet and Hill had joined him, Imd not over 120,000 at the outside, and probably not over 100,000. All that would le necessary, therefore, was for Hooker to have massed his whole force at Chancellorvüle. He boasted himself, nd the Administration boasted, that hi position there was impregnable. With 130.000 troops there, well 'supplied with provisions and ammunition, and with Stoneman's cavalry on his flanks to keep off the advancing enemy, be could have waited there till to day. The storm is now over, end the sun is shining brightly. During , the last four days, all the troops at Baltimore. Washington, and indeed in all the North, (75,000 could easily have been mustered,) would hare been moved up the north side of the Rappahannock and down to Falmouth to support Hooker and act as his reserve. To day or tomorrow at farthest, Hooker, thus powerfully hacked and knowing it, could have renewed the battle, and surely with success. Why, then, did .he not remain in his "impregnable position?" Because, when tbe time came for the exercise of the qualities of a great General, it was found that Hooker diJ not possess those qualities. A great General, or eveu a pood General,- would have kept his army all together; would have provided a reserve force; would have had an ammunition train and a provision train safely parked in an accessible position on the north side of the Rappahannock; would have kept his cavalry to use in making charges, and would not bate detached

Sedgwick's corps to accomplish, at the loss of 5,000 men, an undertaking which he pronounced to be "of no consequence." But Hooker is not a great General; and it is becaie he is wanting in the qualities that make a General that be fell into these errors. Although all the corps except the 11th distinguished themselves for their gallant conduct and indomitable courage, 1 may be excused for calling the attention of your readers particularly to the extraordinary achievements of General Stoneman's cavalry corps, f ull accounts of which have by this time reached you. Gen. Stoneman's corps cros-eil the Rappahannock, with the ad vance of Hooker's army, at Kelly's Ford, on the 2?tu of April. They crossed tile Rapid an, also with the adance, on the 2'Jih. They advanced to Wilderness on the 30th, and on the 1st of May, at Chancellorville, Hooker gave Stonernan his orders about cutting the railroads, and General Stoneman started. On tbe 2d he was at Louisa, thirteen niiles southeast of Gordonsville. On the 3d he broke down the railroad bridge over the üortli Anna river, twenty miles north of Richmond, and the railroad bridge over the Patucnky river, sixteen miles north of Richmond, and on the same day was at Saxtoii's'Juuction, eighteen miles north of - Richmond, at Hanover, fourteen miles north of Richmond, and at Atlee's eight miles northeast of Richmond On the 4th he broke down the railroad bridge ou the Chickahomiiiy, five miles north of Richmond, and encamped on a hill only two miles from the Rebel capital At all the pl-ices named he tore up and destroyed the railroad track Alter having thus completed his work in the most thorough manner, he inarched his corps to Giuucceter and Yoi ktowu, by way of the White House, on the Pnnunky. Such is the m in houi Joe Hooker dismissed from thk ahmt by nn order issued on the 4ih of May! Yes. it is even so. On the 4th of May, Hooker, finding nut, from some prisoners, that Lee had been reinforced by both Lougstreel and Hill from Richmond, jumped to the conclusion th it Stoncmau had iild to rut the railroads, and issued an order dismissing him from the army iu disgrace. It remains to be seen whether the President will approve of the order. It would serve Hooker right, however, if the President should treat him js be treated Burnside iu a similar case, and appoint Stonernan to succeed the man who now clamors for his dismissal, as heappointed Hooker to succeed the man who urged his dismissal Gen. Stonernan is infinitely supe riorto Hooker in all the qualities that go to make up a great General. Hooker's pretty little experiment has cost the army the loss of at least 15,001) men. Otherwise the army is not materially injured. Under anotherGcneral, and with their thinned regiments tilled up, it will still bean efficient army. But it will never fight under Hooker again. It has had quiie enough ot "Fighting Joe." There are some apprehensions as to the safety of the capital and of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. The capita, however, is safe. It is possible that, w hen the present flood in the Rappahannock subsides, which will be on the 10th inst , the Confederates may cross and give us trouble on that Railroad. But the army, though terribly decimated, is not vet destroyed. All it wants is a General ia whom it can have confidence. Gen. Heintzelman is such a man. X.

From tbe New Tork Exprens. Vallandigham The DryTortugas. The following very important paragraph appears in the Washington Chronicle, (semi offi ciah) . . "We understand that the members bf the Court Martial which has been trying C. L. Vallandigham. at Cincinnati, Ohio, have agreed on a verdict, and submitted it to Gen. Burnside to be approved or disapproved by him. Tke majority of ilir Court, ire learn, hate sentenced Mr. Vullandiyham to the Dry Tortugas for two years. The minority, it is said, were in favor of pending him South, with the injunction not to return until the war is over." The Dry Tortngas is the American Botany Bay, and a more cruel, or more atrocious "sentence" than this could not be rendered. If ever the civil law resumes its sway in this country, every military actor in it will be the victim of the law as long as he lives. Even the Drum Head Court Martial established in Cincinnati failed to prove even its own charges acainst Vallandihani. . There was nothing in his Mount Vernon speech unpatriotic or disloyal; aye, nothing but what was in defense of the Constitution and the laws, and in every re spect conservative and just. Beware, beware, men of the Administration, that vou do not stretch tbe cord of human endu rance too far. Thousands prefer death to slave--ry. Remember, that if ever a military despotism is established over the Western people, they will avenge themselves in arsons snd assassinations. Stand by the law overthrow not the law; be true to the Constitution of your country. Desolate not this Northern land iu the misery of civil war, by overthrowing here the whole civil law. There was a remarkable letter from WashingN t An Tnftiil;iv in tha PhiludidrtliiA PrP (vtr. ,Vllf ......... . .. ney?) which, from its change of tone, attracted our attention, inasmuch ns hitherto that Corres p uideiit has been urging and initiating measures calculated to lead to a Northern civil wr. It js impossible (says the. writer! not to c? that in many parts of the North there is an unpleasant and feverish feeling prevailing. In Dayton. Ohio, we hud an exhibition of wh a feeling, rendering it necessary to place the District under martial law. You have heard of the developments in the Western States in reference to se cret organizations to assail the Government. In your own county of Berks, the officers of the law have shown that men have organized to resist the laws ot the last Congress. In New Yrrk, the dread of probable outbreaks is frequently discussed." The "World" here asks -who is responsible for all this?" If Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested by a sheriffor constable with a warrant, to be taken before a court for trial, it might have been done in the midst of 100,000 "Copperheads" and not a hand would have been lifted to resist the simple majesty of the law; but the file of soldiers, the arrest in the dead if right without warrant, the attempt to kidnap the man away under cover of the darkness, was enough to stir a fever in the blood of every man who values his personal lib erty and the honor of his couutry. Without one word from the press or the orators ofthe Demo cratic party, arbitrary and violent acts like these will set the whole North in a flame. The editor of the Press, however, draws an excellent moral from these wrathful indications throughout the North, which it would be well for tbe Administration to lay to heart. "But when men who are disloyal accompany such sentiments with threats, and speak of riot and bloodshed as rai ts of their policy towards the friends of the country, I confess 1 know not what to say. At thesamk time there ia one polict THAT CAN NEVER LIAD t'S ASTKAT, ..NO THAT IS, PEACE AND RESPECT rOR THE LAWS. Is TIMES Or WAR. WHEN MEN'S PASSIONS ARE INSATIABLE AND BLOODY, NOTHING SHOULD EE DONE TO EXCITE THEM " r That's right. Let the Government respect the jealousy wirh which a free people regard tbe safeguards ot law, and all will tie well. liut as sure ns the sun shines violcuce will beget violence. ANOTHER EEPCBLICAX VIEW. Froin the Albany Statestnan.1 A thousand "friends of the Administration" have said, and still more of the same class have done things more injurious to the national cause than anything Vallandigham has said or done. Look at the irreparable injury caused by tbe dismissal or Fremont, Butler, Sigel, Lew. Wal lace and other sur-cesil'ul Generals irom the public service. Look at the communications authorized with leading Rebels by the Secretary of Sute at the beginning of the rebellion, and at Thurlow Weed's similar conduct for months, if not for years, under the patronage of the Governroeut; so that they were puffed at the South as well as by tbe worst of the copperhead newspapers. Look at the. reeking and festering corruption of our cutttm houses aud eommittariats, and compare with their influence that of the hamle$s bloieingofValUudiyhamSfCo. Besides the Government might better understand, first as last, that any interference with the liberty of ipetch and of lite press, can not fail t he offensive to the public tense of aur people. They believe there is no danger of error so long as the truth is left free to combat if. If there is no caue for complaint, the people will justify its unerance. American free men will abide by the Constitution and laws, and they will not see them violated any more by the Government than by themselves. The arbitrary arrests, and punishments without trial, inaugurated by Messrs. Seward & Son, and now practiced by petty despots dressed in a little briet authority, cannot be sustained. The only journal in this citv, which aspires to "the bad eminence" of applauding the arrest of Vailandigham, is the New York Times tbe same jonrnal which pronounced "Horatio Seymour" a "traitor," and ?eemed to lead sanction to Cassius M. Clay'p Brooklyn speech, that be (S.) be hung.

ADDRESS OP HON. C. L. VALLANDIGHAM TO TBE tZMOCRACT Or OHIO. Military Paiso.x, Cincinnati. 0., May 5, lcC3. j To the Democracy of Ohio: lam here in a a ilitury bastile for iio other offense than my political opiiiions, and the defenre

ot them, and of the rights of the people, and of your constitutional liberties speeches made in the bearing cf thousands of vou in denunciation of the usurpations of power, infractions of the Uonstitatiou and laws, and of military despotism, were tbe hole cause of my arrest and imprisonment. 1 am a Democrat for Constitution, tor law. for the Union, for liberty this is my only "crime." For no disob-.dience to the Constitu tion; for no violation ol '.aw; for no word, sign, or gesture of y mrathv with the men of tbe South, who are for disunion and Southern independence, but in obedience to thrir demand as well as the demand of Northern Abolition disuniouuls aud traitors, I am here in bonds to-day; but "Time, at last, scu alt thing even." Meanwhile, Democrats of Ohio, of the Northwest, of the United States, -be firm, be true to your principles, to the Constitution, to the Union, aud all will yet be well. As for myself, I adhere to every principle, and will make good, through imprisonment and life itself, every pledge and declaration w hich I have ever made, uttered, or maintained from the beginniug. To you, to the whole people, to Time, I again appe'al. Stand firm! Falter not an instant! C. L. Vallandigham. Democratic I'nion Soldiers Aid So. At a meeting of the Waterloo Township Democratic Club, held at Waterloo, Fayette county, Indiana, on Friday night, the rth' inst., tbe following preamble and resolutions were adopted, and wiih a view of carrying out the provision therein expressed, the following persons were elected permanent officers of the society: Joseph Cole, President; Isaac Forrey, Secretary, and Amos G. Smith, Treasurer. PREAMBLE. Whereas, The political leaders of the Republican party of this" State, and especially of thia county, have endeavored to create the impression among the soluiers in the army and their friends at home, that the Democracy of the State of Indiana are the enemies of the Government, opposed to the Union, and indifferent to the wir and the fate of the galla.it urmj now in the field; therefore. Resolved, 1. That the Democracy of Waterloo township, Fyeite county, Indiana, organize a Democratic Union Soldiers' Aid Societv for the purpose of opening a channel w hereby the Democracy of this county nnd State may without reproach, and in their name and right, contribute material aid and comfort to tlie ick and wounded soldiers now in service, whether iu camp or in the hospitals 2. That this society shall embrice in the range of its duties the care and attention of the families of volunteers, sufl'erii.g either from sickness or neglect, and shall aid them iu their endeavors to maintain an honest and industrious independence. 3. That we ask tbe co-operation of the several townships in this county, and also the several counties in this State, in order to make this n permanent society, with township, county and State officers. 4. That each and every Democrat f hall become a member of this society by subscribing bis or her name to these articles and promising to furnish from time to time, as their circumstances will permit, material aid in money, provisions or clothing, for the use and benefit of the soldiers and their families, to be distributed under the directions of this society. 5. That the officers of this society shall consist of a President. Secretary and Treasurer, elected by the members. 6. That copies of the above proceedings be furnished the Indiana State Sentinel and the Richmond Jcffersonian for pnblication. JOSEPH COLE, President. Isaac Forret, Secretary. The Country. Do not men begin to realize that war is not a matter of proclamations or theories, but a matter of hard blows, gunpowder and shells? If not, it is time they do so realize. If this rebellion is to be crushed by the military power of tbe Government, it will never be done by any anti slavery theories. It will only be accomplished by the bravery, the endurance' and energy cf the Northern soldiers, overcoming the same qualities in the Rebel soldiers. The bane of the'nation, the curse under which the war has dragged its slow events along, has been the unwillingness of men to appreciate the truth that antislavery proclamations were idle wind so far as relates to giving any aid to our cause, and that their moral efforts were altogether in the aid of the epemy. We started with the determination to support the Constitution, and compel obedience to it in every part of tbe land. Before we had been a month at war, certain demagogues began to think it an excellent opportunity to foist their specialities on the whole nation, and ride to political power on their hobbies. Then the military tvm of the nation grew weaker where it should have grown stronger. Then the policy of uniting the enemy instead of dividing them be came prominent in national affairs. Then the policy of dividing ourselves, instead of uniting us, became manifest as well. The result which ensued form a dark part of our histin y. Every General iu the army who refused to lend himself to the theorists, and who preferred to use the old military weapons, gunpowder and bayonets, was attacked, snd made the object of bi'ter enmity. Many were removed from the service, and laid aside. The most bitter political contests arose. Violent words took the place of calm discu'sioiis, and the bold attempt was made to charge s treason the holding ot true ideas of the prope'r way to conduct a war. Bitterness anise where 11 should have been harmonious patriotism nnd united action lor the country. The Constitution was scoffed at. The Union was spoken of in contempt by the leaders of a political party making the loudest boasts of loyalty. Then the people legan to be aroused; in all parts of the ouutry they began to show their respect for the Constitution by voting against a party who despised it. Majorities were piled up against the anti Constitution party everywhere! except where the use of the military power enabled the radical party to secure a small temporary majority against the manifest wishes of the people. The cry, that to object to the measures of aa administration was equivalent to disloyalty was raised, but it ws a false doctrine, rejected on all hands by the American people. . And so we have come to the opening of another summer campaign, and we stand deeply anxious, for the salvatoin of the nation, waiting daily and hourly the news from battle-fields all over the land, by which our fate for the future may be decided. For it is sadly, solraenly true, that the radical party has placed the country in such a position that if we are defeated in our military operations, the Union Is lost. They have hung all the hopes of the country on tire results of bat ties. In such a case there is nothing left to hope for but victory in bloody battles, and after victory we must pray for wisdom to use it aright so as to save this great country. New York Journal of Commerce. Forney's View ot the "Situation." Washington, Ma 6. I need not lepeat the news that is now being discussed throughout the whole country. Tbe fifth campaign of tbe Army of the Potomac baa suddenly stopped. Our victories seem to have beeu fruitless. We hsve crossed the Rappahannock amid circumstances that indicate defeat. How we hr.ve been oefeated I can not say; for in common with the country I heard of nothing but tidings of valor and triumph, until the announcement of General Hooker's retreat came upon ua like the noise of thui.der. It may have been a strategic moveroept; but, if so, 1 can imagine do purpofe that can possibly be gained. We can only call it a reverse. Gax. Bcrnside and tbe President. It appears, according to Gen. Franklin, that when Gen. Buruide sent his famous letter to the Commander in Chief, exonorating bim and Secretary Stanton from the responsibility of the movement on Fredericksburg, he also sent another letter to the Prej-ident, which has not been published, making a formal and earnest request for the dismissal of Secretary Stanton and General Halleek. This fact, in'iustice to Gen. Burnside, should have been disclosed long since, as it fully illustrates his sagacity and. justifies the popular confidence in his honesty and courage in offering President Lincoln such sound advice. JN. Y. Sun. The Piovost Marshals and Assistants. Out of the four hundred and twenty-three persons appointed under the conscription law, ovly thirty fire have been in the military service of tke United Stafri. This is the way the promise has. been kept that there places should be given to worthy, patriotic military men, disabled from active field service N. Y. Express. Csf It is said that the proceedings of the Buell Court of Inquiry have been forwarded to Washington. Tbey fill five thousand pages of manuscript, but won't make a line on tke pif t of history .Louisville Journal.