Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 15 September 1848 — Page 2

FREE SOIL BANNER.

FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN.

OF NEW YORK.

FOR VICE PRESIDENT. CHARLES F. ADAMS, OF MASSACHUSETTS. Senatorial Electors. HENRY L ELLSWORTH, of Tippecanoe Co JOHN H. BRADLEY, of Bartholomew Co. CONTINGENT SENATORIAL ELECTORS. E. Deming, of Tippecanoe Co. S. S. Harding, of Ripley Co.

District Electors. 1st Dist.—Nathan Little,

John R. Cravens, of Jefferson Co. James H. Cravens, of Ripley Co.

Geo. W. Julian, of Wayne Co. Ovid Butler, of Marion.

Milton Short, of Lawrence Co. Albert G. Coffin, of Parke Co. Samuel A. Huff, of Tippecanoe Co. Joseph L. Jernegan, of St. Joseph, Co.

Lewis Beecher, of Allen Co.

2d 3d

4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th

CONTINGENT DISTRICT ELECTORS. 2d District—John Brazzleton.

3d 5th 6th 7th 9th 10th

John P. Milliken. J. H. Jordan. E. J. Sumner. Abiathur Crane. John U. Pettit. Daniel Worth.

State Central Committee. 1st Dist.—O. SHELMAN. 2d " R. E. Stratton. 3d “ John P. Milliken. 4th “ R. Vaile. 5th “ Calvin Fletcher, A. A. Ackley, B. S. Noble, J. H. Jordan, James Sulgkove, Philip Sponable. 6th “ W. Judah. 7th “ L. Jessup. 8th “ J. B. McFarland. 9th “ R. Faber.

Free Soil Platform. No more Slave Territory. No interference with Slavery in States where it

now exists.

Cheap Postage for the people.

Retrenchment of the expenses of Government. ^ , , , , , • • , Abolition of all unnecessary offices and Salaries. ‘•Heal action by acknowledged principles, The election of all Civil Officers of the Govern- foremost among which stood, opposition to

Reasons why we support Martin

Van Burcn.

Some of our friends profess to think it astonishing that we can support Van Buren. “How can you ?” they ask as if they really thought it strange. We have heretofore warmly acted with the Whig party, because we believed that its success gave us the surest guarantee that certain measures would be carried out, which we deemed of vital importance to the country. This we assume as the reason which prompts every honest man to sustain any party organization. We have ever held with the mass of Northern men, the nonextension of the evils of slavery, as, a cardinal principle of our faith. In 1844 one issue joined between the two great parties was, the annexation of Texas and the consequent extension of slavery. How eloquent were the appeals made to us on that question, by our Whig friends in that memorable campaign. They were with us then. All were fighting for the glorious principle of no more slave territory. We still remain fighting in the same cause. Other questions, that were then made prominent ones, have by the actions of the parties and the different position of our Government, become no longer issues on which to act. There is left however, upon which to take action, the question of the extension of slavery, by the addition of new slave Territories and States. This issue has been forced upon us by the slave power, for the purpose as they declare, of maintaining the balance of power. There is no evading the issue presented, it must

and will come.

We believe that it is a question of paramount importance, involving in its settlement the perpituity of our institutions, the permanent prosperity of our whole country, and the destiny for weal or woe of millions of our posterity. When Lewis Cass was nominated by the Baltimore Convention, with his known views of hostility to the true interests of the North, we felt confident of a a glorious victory, to be achieved by the Whig party, in favor of

freedom and humanity.

We then supposed that the same great principle for which we had contended four years before, would again be given to the world as a portion of our political faith. Nothing but the action of the Philadelphia Convention itself, could have made us believe to the contrary. We confidently believed that the name Whig implied something, and that when we spoke of a man as a Whig, it was equivalent to a declaration that he was guided in his po-

ment, so far as practicable, by the people.

Provision by the Government for all such River and Harbor improvements as are required for the safety and convenience of Commerce, with Foreign

Nations or among the several States.

Free grant, to actual settlers, of the Public Lands,

in limited quantities.

Revenue Tariff sufficient to defray the expenses of Government, and pay annual instalments, together with the interest on the National debt.

FREE SOIL MASS MEETINGS. The public are informed that arrangements are made to hold Free Soil Meetings at the following times and places :— APPOINTMENTS FOR SEPTEMBER. On the 16th at Cqnnorsville, Fayette Co. On the 18th at Richmond, Wayne Co. On the 20th at Winchester. On the 23d at Fort Wayne. On the25th at Lima. On the27th at South Bond. On the 29th at Logansport. On the 30th at Lafayette. APPOINTMENTS FOR OCTOBER. On the 3d at Terre Haute. On the 5th at Princeton. On the 6th at Evansville. On the 9th at New Albany. On the 10th at Jeffersonville. On the 11th at Madison. On the 12th at Columbus. On the 14th at Bloomington. On the 16th at Greencastle. On the 18th at Crawfordsville. On the 19th at Frankfort. On the 20th at Lebanon. On the 21st at Noblesville. On the 23d at Greenfield. On the 24th at Knightstown. On the 25th at Rushville. On the 26th at Shelbyville. On the 27th at Edinburgh. On the 28th at Franklin. On the 30th at Martinsville. On the 31st at Danville. On the 1st of November at Indianapolis. (Speaking to commence, on each day, precisely at 1 o’clock P. M.) All persons, without regard to parties, are invited to attend. The Free Soil Electors, and other gentlemen, will address the public, at the times and places above specified, on the principles of the Free Democracy. Calvin Fletcher, Chairman of Central Committee. Friday, September 15, 1848.

The communication will appear next week.

from “ Candor”

We hope those persons who have prospectuses of ours, and are forming clubs, will send in the names they may have, as we wish to arrange our books.— Will our friends attend to this matter, and use their exertions to forward the names of subscribers ns soon as possible.

extending the area of slavery. We waited for the nomination of the Convention and its action. We heard with astonishment that it had selected as its standard bearer, one who refused to say what his position on this important question was. Wc saw him supported in that Convention by his Southern friends, who a short time before had positively declared that no man could receive their support but one whom they knew was with them in their opposition to the Wilmot Proviso. We knew him to he a man whose position would naturally lead him to be with the South, in interest and feeling; and then, to crown all, when “conscience Whigs,” asked as a boon that the Wilmot Proviso might be considered a Whig principle, and Mr. Bingham of Ohio introduced a resolution so declaring

it, the Convention, composed of the leading men of that party from all parts of the Union, by their almost unanimous vote in laying that resolution on the table, declared that it was no longer a portion of the political faith of the parly they represented. Then indeed we felt that without moving one jot from the position we formerly occupied on this question, there had opened between us and the Whig party a great gulf. If we vote for Taylor, or Cass, we feel that we are striking a blow against freedom and the best interests of the free laboring men of the North; this we cannot, will not, dare not, knowingly do. Elect either of them and that will be considered as a decision of the people in favor of the extension of slavery. But what is the position of Martin Van Buren, the candidate of the Free Soil party ? He stands on this “question of questions,” where we have always professed to stand. He openly declares that he is with us—that he is one of us. He stands the avowed champion of Free Soil, and the antagonist of the extension of slavery. If he is elected it will be considered as a decision of the people in favor of Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men. The fiat will then have gone forth, that our territory stands forever the home of Freemen. Why should we not vote for him and assist in making so noble a decision—one so much in harmony with the spirit of our free institutions —so much in unison with the feelings of patriotism and humanity ? What matters

lovers of our country, hesitate because of former difference ? Such conduct would be miserable selfishness—aye, treason ! not to party, but to our country. The Democrats have had a candidate thrust upon them by Southern extensionists, because he was a cringing, servile slave to the power which they represented. The Whigs have had a candidate forced upon them, by the same slave power, because that power declared that there “were no traitors in the South,” and that he was the embodiment of their views on this question. The Free Soil Democrats have nominated Van Buren, because he is opposed to the extension of slavery, and freely declares himself the advocate of Northern interests. Such, we believe to be the condition of things, as between the parties and their candidates. We have given our views in all frankness, and soberness.— The question at. issue is a momentous one. We feel that it may control the future happiness, and decide the destinies of our country. We have come to a decision after careful, and studied investigation.— We support Van Buren because on this great issue he is the exponent of our views. Because, unlike Cass, he refuses to pull down and destroy the glorious doctrines of the Ordinance of ‘87, framed by Jefferson, and sanctioned and approved by Washington. Because, unlike Taylor, he is willing openly to say that he is with us and will use his efforts to sustain us, when he asks support at our hands. Because he has uniformly occupied a position against the further extension of slavery.— Because, in a word, we are sure if he is

elected all will be safe.

We cannot stand a neutral spectator in the great struggle between the slave power

and freedom.

The issue offered presents the same question that now agitates Europe to its centre—that actuated our fathers in their settlement on the rocks of Plymouth, and called their sons to resistance in the Revolution. Resistance to the extension of oppression is the issue made, and calls upon every man to stand up in its defence, regardless of party machinery, and former organizations. Wc feel it the duty of every patriot to take a part, an active part, in the contest, and feeling this, we dare to assist with our might, the interests and rights of free labor—to be called bolters and disorganizers—to receive the denunciations of corrupt party presses, and the anathemas of vile party demagogues. In short, knowing that we are right, we dare follow the dictates of our convictions.

off, for, as we look to the organization Fusses iu the Taylor Camp—Alof the old parties, we find them alto- bany and Charleston Meetings, gether out of “fix,” and their strength Within the past few davs numbers of waning every day before the attacks of the Ultra Whigs have been much and frea new and vigorous party. But even sup- quently excited, at the course of their not posing it true, that one of the old parties ultra Whig can didate. First comes a letmust succeed, what do we gain, so far as ter from Gen. Taylor containing the rethe great question is concerned, by the markable declaration, that he would have success of either ? We say, nothing.— accepted the nomination of the Baltimore We may have some individual preferen- Convention, if tendered on the same terms ces gratified, but they amount to a small as was the Philadelphia nomination. This

The junior editor has been called by business to another portion of our State, and will probably be gone some weeks.— He will inform us of the progress of the

good cause in the portions of the State that the objection that we have been before he may visit this his violent policical enemy ! The organization of which he is now the standard 03~The Free Soil movement is spread- /bearer, has been formed to meet a crisis, ing with the most unprecedented rapidity The question is not where has a man stood all over the Union. Electoral tickets have on other questions, or even on this; but been formed in Virginia, Louisiana, Mary- 1 where does he now stand ? Is he right land, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. now? If he is, shall we professing to be

Defrees’ Considerations for Free Soilers. [continued.] 8th consideration. That the Whig party, as shown by their representatives in Congress upon the organizing of Oregon, stand by the Jeffersonian Ordinance of 1787, as applied to our newly acquired territories, while the Democratic party, in their Baltimore platform, stand opposed to it, and have put forward a candidate who says, in effect, that Congress has no constitutional right to pass any law prohibiting slavery, and consequently, stands before the country pledged to veto it, if passed; while the Whig candidate is virtually pledged to carry out the popular will, as expressed through Congress, upon this as well as upon all other questions of “domestic policy.” The first assertion, relative to our Congress, is not true, either in letter or spirit. The vote in the Senate was 29 for the passage, and 25 against it—every Southern Whig but one, Mr. Spruance, of Delaware, voting against its passage, while two Southern Democrats voted in its favor, viz: Benton and Houston. So much for the position of parties in Congress. The truth is, that in Congress, as in other places, this is not an issue between the old parties, but between the North and South. The latter part of the consideration states that the Whig candidate is virtually pledged to carry out the popular will on the question of slavery extension.— Hand us the pledge, friend Defrees. That is the assertion of the Indiana Journal. We give, as rebutting testimony, the assertion of the Natchez Courier, a Whig paper, published almost in Gen. Taylor’s neighborhood. That paper, speaking of the charge, such as Defrees makes, that Gen. Taylor would sign a Wilmot Proviso Bill, says : “This MONSTROUS assertion—so entirely at war with the character of the man and the tenor of his whole life—could only have been made by political leaders when in the LAST STAGES OF DESPERATION—when they saw that everlasting political ROUT and RUIN was approaching them as fast as the course of time would permit.” In another place, it calls those Taylor Whig orators, who thus misrepresent his position, by pretending he would not veto the Wilmot Proviso, ''politicians whose TRADE consists of DISTORTION and PERVERSION.” Which will you believe—the Journal or the Courier? Gen. Taylor’s nearest friends and supporters charge Defrees with distortion and perversIon. We believe they ought to be and are, best acquainted with his position. At least there must be some doubt in relation to the matter, when they so furiously quarrel over it among themselves. But we refer our readers to another column for a further consideration of the matter, over the signature of “Penn,’’and go to the following consideration : 9th. That we cannot, looking to the organization and strength of the Whig and Democratic parties, shake the conviction from our minds that either the one or the other must succeed, and when successful, that the issues above enumerated will be the governing policy of the dominant party according as we find them arranged at the pressnt moment. We have no such convictions to shake

item compared to the great object we have in view. The Southern wings of each party think and say one thing—the Northern another, on this question. Can we expect anything of a party thus divided in itself on this question ? Each man can

answer for himself.

The 10th consideration, among other things, makes many charges against the former conduct of Martin Van Buren— some of them true, others false. We care little about his former positions ; it is sufficient for us to know that he is right now. This we do know. Can the Journal say as much for Gen. Taylor, without having the lie hurled at him, not by us, but by his Southern brethren of the Whig

party ?

Prophecy and Consistency. On the appearance of Gen. Taylor’s letter to the Richmond Republican, the following appeared in the Indiana State Journal. We give it entire, so that we may not be accused of garbling extracts: “ Gen. Taylor an Independent Candidate.—A letter from Gen. Taylor, publisehd in to-day’s paper, settles beyond controversy, that he intends being a candidate for the Presidency, independent of the nomination by either party. This determination on his part precludes the possibility of his nomination by the Whig Convention. The Whigs cannot nominate any man who declares he will not submit to its decisions. They will select some one who will not only accept the nomination, but pledge himself to become the ‘exponent’ of their principles. Any other course would result in the dissolution of the party, and no true Whig can desire such a consummation.’ John was evidently mistaken in relation to the choice of the convention, and shows that he was not up to snuff—that he did not understand the material of which that

meeting was composed.

He reasoned as an honest man who had been fighting for principles, and until he was better instructed at Philadelphia, really thought, deluded man, that the party had principles, and that it was necessary to have a man in the executive chair, to assist in carrying out measures growing out of those principles. We find no fault with him for being thus deceived; we were in the same category ed-zaek-ly. It was very natural, very. But then his last prediction certainly emanated from the true spirit of Prophecy. Never did even the God-like Daniel predict with more certainty the result of certain measures.— Strange that a man with foresight sufficient to see all this, should come home from that convention and tell us that what he then said was nothing but the dream of a distempered imagination, and that he really is against a man making known his position, or pledging himself to any party or party measures. And stranger still that such an one should denounce as traitors, men who pursue precisely the same course that his unbiased judgment last May told him would be pursued by every true whig. This much we mean, not as anything personal. but as illustrating the course of the mass of the whig party, who in this, acted with their organ. But the Journal says now, how inconsistent you Free Soil men are. This is the unkindest cut of all. Just think of it. In the first part of the year 1848, John D. Defrees was a Taylor man on the score of availability. In April, a McLean man, and a denouncer of Taylor from principle, and now a Taylor man again, for what ? Money. He preaches consistency! Verily, we shall soon expect to see a patent sermon from the Devil on

the sinfulness of lying.

In a political meeting at Hampton, Virginia, a few weeks since, where Henry A. Wise, (for Cass,) and Joseph Segar, a leading Taylor orator, spoke in a discussion. Mr. Segar said, as reported in the Richmond Republican : “Gen. Taylor took the true view of the veto power—was not for its abrogation—would not veto bills relating to the currency, fiscal operations, the tariff - , and internal improvements, because, like Madison, in regard to the bank, he regarded those questions as settled, constitutionally speaking, by repeated adjudication and long acquiescence. But in cases of palpably unconstitutional and hasty legislation he WOULD exercise the VETO, and under this reservation, he might be safely relied on to VETO any bill containing the provisions of the Wilmot Proviso.' This is the position assumed for Gen. Taylor by his authoritative exponents in the slave holding States. Should they do so Defrees? Some of the Cass exchanges assert that Gen. Taylor has’nt laid down a solitary principle. What a slander! Don’t he say in his McConkey letter—“ 1 have “ laid it down as a principle, not to give “ my opinions or prejudge in any way the “ political parties of the country, nor to “ promise what I would or would not do “ were I elected to the Presidency of the “ United States.”

The Height of Impudence—Asking a Whig to vote for Martin Van Buren.—Journal. The Height of Hypocrisy--Defrees voting for Gen. Taylor, and telling the people that he is a Northern Free Soil man !

The Pittsburg Morning Chronicle has run up the Free Soil flag.

was at first declared to be a roorback, got up for the purpose of injuring the Hunker candidate, and positive statements were made that we would see it. We published the letter, and kept dark to see the “chute” our Taylor friends would take. At last it was admitted to be true, and Gen. Taylor was lauded for his extended patriotism, in being willing to receive the votes of all parties, and declaring himself bound to the opinions of none. They had gulphed down all their wrath and swallowed the pill, declaring that it was sweet. We would like to have seen their faces in private when they were doing it. But the matter was settled, and serenity once more restored to their countenances; when suddenly their restless disturber, Old Rough and Ready, again aroused them by accepting the nomination of a South Carolina Slavery convention, held on the 20th of July in Charleston, which put him on the track, and the Northern man Fillmore off the track, substituting Butler in his place, for the purpose of making the strongest possible team to pull against the Free Soil notions of the North. This meeting, as giving some indications of southern feeling, is of importance to every Northern voter, and we give a brief review of the facts as they took place, and the consequences of their action on the the Whig party as have already been developed. It appears that a large number of the South Carolina Democracy became convinced that Cass on the slavery question was a little doubtful, and got up a meeting of consultation relative to the matter. After their organization, an address was offered, assuming that a union of the south for the sake of the south was necessary— that Cass could not be trusted—that there was danger, from the fact of his being a northern man, of his betraying them notwithstanding his present position in their favor. It then speaks of Gen. Taylor as one identified with them in interest; we know, says the address, That in this great paramount and leading question of the rights of the South, he is of us, he is with us, HE IS FOR US. Resolutions were then adopted, the first of which declared their dissatisfaction with the nomination of Cass. The second denounced his non-interference doctrine.— The third declared that the question of the extension of slavery into the territories was paramount to all questions, that the struggle was at hand, and that with Gen. Taylor as a leader, it could be best met and maintained. The fourth nominated Gen. Taylor, as a candidate, irrespective of Parties. The fifth denies that the democracy are bound to support the Baltimore nomination. The sixth pledges the convention to heartily support Gen. Wm. O. Butler for Vice President. Mr. Bull Pringle, the Chairman of the meeting, wrote to Gen. Taylor enclosing a paper containing the address and resolutions, and in his letter refers him to them to explain the views of the meeting. Gen. Taylor replies, and expresses his “ profound gratitude ” and “ heartfelt thanks” for the honor done him, and then says, I beg to assure my friends, in whose behalf you are acting, that should it be my lot to fill the office for which I have been nominated, it shall be mv unceasing effort in the discharge of its responsible duties, to give satisfaction to my countrymen. What is meant in this last singular declaration, we think it squints pretty strongly towards saying: I will try to give satisfaction to my South Carolina friends; at all events, the whole proceedings say, I would just as soon destroy the whole Whig party as not, so that I can secure my election. I am perfectly willing to sacrifice Fillmore on the altar of slavery, and the interests of the Whig party on the altar of Gen. Taylor’s ambition. Many of our Taylor friends seemed to think this perfectly right; they had surrendered to their slave power nominee, and were willing to take, with smiling servility, any stripes or kicks that he might see proper to bestow. Some, ’tis true, have been set to thinking, and are about “doing works meet for repentance,” by genteelly crawfishing out of their position as Taylor men. The news was not, however, received in all parts of the Union so quietly. ALBANY MEETING. When the news reached Albany, it produced great excitement, and an immense meeting was immediately held in the Capitol. The following is a report of their proceedings, given in the Herald: '' Judge Parmelee was called to the chair, and proceeded to state the particulars of the “ emergency,” which had called them together. He took the ground that Gen. Taylor’s acceptance of the whig nomination, was a virtual pledge to support the entire ticket—at least, not to countenance any movement in hostility to any part of it—that his Charleston letter, which he read, was a violation of this pledge and a repudiation of Millard Fillmore.

“ The letter was greeted with a storm ol hisses. “ Ald. Haswell was called to the stand. After referring to the chill which had been sent through the whig party of the State by the nomination of Taylor, and the reluctance with which it had come into his support, he proceeded : “ But what had we now to encounter? We found the whig candidate for the Presidency repudiating, in effect, the whig candidate for the Vice Presidency! We found Gen. Taylor, after accepting a nomination which embraced our own Fillmore as wcll as himself, now formally accepting, and with profound pleasure, the nomination of a democratic convention for the Presidency, and that convention dropping his co-nominee for the Vice Presidency, and substituting Gen. Butler, the democratic candidate! Tliat was a thing he could not stand. [ Load cheering.] He could, under some circumstances, stand quietly and allow himself to be greased all over, but he could not stand and have it rubbed in. [ Renewed cheering and Laughter.]—He did not hesitate to avow, that under these circumstances, he fell tinder no obligations, as a whig to sustain Gen. Taylor— and that he would not vote for him. [ Loud and general cries of ''Nor I, 'nor I.'' He said he should rejoice in seeing a full-blood-ed whig started, whom they could support with ardor. It had been suggested to adjourn over to an early day, but he was in favor of immediate action. “Mr. Benedict, one of the Secretaries, here came forward, and addressed his ‘fellow whigs,’ said he was not a catholic and rarely came to the confessional. It was well known that he had been from the first, an ardent Taylor man, and an advocate of his nomination by the whig convention, it was as well known that he had thus far adhered to him without wavering and with a strong desire to see him elected to the Presidency. But he confessed that the letter of Gen. Taylor to the Charleston meeting, which had been read here by the Chairman, together with the proceedings of the Charleston meeting, had staggered him, and that he was free to say that it had gone far to lead him to the conclusion that he had heretofore been wrong. He had believed that the General would in good faith, support the whig ticket, and the whole whig ticket. The letter to the Charleston meeting—a meeting of democrats—impliedly at least winking at support of half the whig ticket and the repudiation of the other half—he repeated, had left him no choice as to his future course. If that letter was genuine, and lie was reluctantly compelled to believe it to be so—he should be the last man to vote for Gen. Taylor.” He was in favor, however, of deliberate action, and moved the appointment of a committee to report on Monday evening following. The motion was carried. Judge Carpenter, of Saratoga countv, was now called for, among others, and came forward. He said he was among those who were inclined to support Gen. Taylor, notwithstanding his numerons no-party avowals, prior to his nomination by the whigs. He adhered to the General because the whigs were assured by the Evening Journal that he was a good whig—that he would accept as a whig—and that his letter to Gov. Morehead, would be all that he whigs could desire. He waited long to hear from Gen. Taylor in expcctasion of hearing something good. He confessed that when the letter of acceptance came, it was not what he expected, nor was it satisfactory — Still he held on to Taylor, and was disposed to support him, notwithstanding his letter written since, and published, left him in an equivocal position as a whig. But this last letter to the Charleston meeting, which it had been well said countenanced the support of half the whig ticket only at the South—coming from the nominee of the same whig party that had placed the whole ticket in nomination—he confessed had cured him. [Laughter and applause.] He could no longer follow after strange gods. [ Renewed cheering and applause.] If this Charleston letter was not sufficient to convince the editor of the Evening Journal and the whole whig party that in nominating Gen. Tavlor, the whigs had mistaken their man, nothing, he was sure, could occur hereafter to convince them of that fact. He was understood to say that his first impulse, on hearing this letter read, was to put at once upon the course the man, and the only man, upon whom the whole whig party would rally. It was unnecessary for him to say that he meant Henry Clay. | A storm of applause greeted this sentimenr. | But perhaps time had better be taken for deliberation, before taking any such action, and for himself he acquiesced in the determination of the meeting. “ Hon. John A. Collier, one of the delegates for the State at large, to the Philadelphia convention, and its President pro tem., then spoke.--Among other things he said : “It was well known he had been a Clay man all through from the beginning—that ho had sustained him as the clear preference of the State at Philadelphia, and only came in to the support of Gen. Taylor under the decision of the majority, to which he felt bound to submit. He had acquiseced in that decision, though disappointed in the result, and had been disposed to overlook circumstances that had transpired .since, not entirely coming up to the expectations of the whigs in regard to Gen. Taylor’s position. He had swallowed a great many things from Gen. Taylor, without making any very wry faces—but this Charleston letter, he was not prepared to swallow, at least to-night.” [ Laughter and applause.] “ He was in favor of deliberation, and thought it would be best to leave the matter in the hands of the State convention about to assemble, through whose instrumentality alone, could any thing like concert of action be attained. “ The Chair here announced the committee on resolutions, as follows: John A. Collier, Samuel Stevens, H.B. Haswell, H. G. Wheaton, William Greene, H A. Williams, Franklin Townsend, and Chas. S. Olmstead. And the meeting adjourned.” Here is a beautiful position in which the great Whig party finds itself placed—the party always claiming to be the party of “principles not men”—always declaring that locofocoism in power was a curse to the country—always asserting that in order to preserve the purity of the nation’s politics, we must elect men who will sustain Whig measures; this great party sticks to its nomination after old Rough & Ready tells them, by his actions, that he is just as ready to elevate an ultra Democrat to the Vice Presidency as a known Whig—that he has no choice between the two parties --will be the candidate of one as soon ns the other, and when besides all this, they have no assurance that he is with the North on the question of the extension of the area of slavery. Truly the glory of Israel is departed ! The mighty ones are fallen ! WHAT IS TO BE THE EFFECT OF ALL THIS? We say the effect will be to give thousands of votes to the Free Soil candidate. The men who have openly repudiated Taylor, will vote, many of them, for Van Buren, because they are good Free Soil men, and they know, that on this question, he is right, even if he differs with them on some minor matters. The feelings which aroused the men of Albany, has a response in the breasts of numbers all over the North. In Boston, a strong kindred feeling has already manifested itself, and such feelings throughout the Free States will strengthen the Free Soil ticket. Vascillation and weakness mark the action of both the old parties. The South, with Carolina and John C. Calhoun at their head, have not yet determined upon the course they shall steer. If they shall sup-