Weekly Wabash Express, Volume XXI, Number 35, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 29 July 1863 — Page 2

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WEEKLY EXPRESS

TBKBH-HAUTH:

WEDNESDAY, JULY 29, 1863

OCTOBER ELECTION.

UNCONDITIONAL UNION TICKET.

VOR COUNT* AVDITOB, EDWARD B. ALLEN. TOK OOUNTX RECORDER, RICHARD J. SPARKS.

ror. APPRAISER or REAL KSTATZ, ALFRED PEGG.

FOR STAT* LEGISLATOR, RITFUS H. SIMPSON.

The Fall Election.

The Journal, in noticing the nominations of the Union Nominating Convention held on the 18th iast., at thia'place saya: "At the proper time the Democrats will bring out candidates for Real Estate Appraiser and Re corder who will beat these ef the political hacks badly, at the election."

Well should your candidates fail to get rotes enough to entitlo them to the offices, you can easily secure them by testing the matter, on some question, in a Butternut Court. Can't you prove, should your candiadtes loose the election, that the Union Candidates once belonged to the Federal army, and therefore are incompetent to fill official position

We ^"vve but little doubt that Judges P*aKIKS and HANNA, would decide that an individual once having been a soldier in the Un ion armieB, is ever afterwards unfit to hold any office of trust or profit under the "Cons« titutlon," and that his property is subject to confiscation for having taken up arms against the Consederate States of America.

It would be muoh easier to secure an office through the agency of a Butternut Court, than before the people.

It would prehaps, not be quite so honorable, but Butternuts, who desire official position do not consider matters of honor, having always been strangers to matters of that char aoter.

Confederate Weakness.

The rebel journals and the rebel sympa thizers have been in the habit of boasting of the impossibility of conquering those who have taken up arms against the Government.

These assertions are proving to be false It is idle to say that twenty-one millions, with all the resources of this Government, cannot conquer five millions of rebels, cut off from everything which goes to make people formidable in the means of war. We have the testimony of Jsrrnsow DAVIS himself as to the efforts of the Federal forces to conquer the Confederacy. In bis recent proclamation he confesses that all their previous volunteering and that all his previous conscriptions have not only failed to secure success hitherto, but are insufficient to give them even a reasonable prospect of success hercaiter. In other words he confesses defeat in the past, and a prospect of defeat in the future, That is certainly something for him to admit, even by implication, yet it is what he does admit.

His words were: In my judgment the necessities for the public defense require that every man capable of bearing arms, between the ages aforesaid (eighteen and fortyfive), should bo oallcd out to do his duty in defense of his country, and ia driving back the invaders now within the limits of the Confederacy."

This is certainly a confession of past failure. For wise rulers do not call for a levy 7i maete exoept as the last resort, or tbe only resort in desperate circumstances. Any one who has marked on the map the progress of our arms will see at a glance the reason for this last desperate requisition of DAVIS. If a straight line be drawn from Washington to New Orleans, it will be seen that the only forces the rebels have north of that line are those of JOK JOHIWON, just driven from Jackson, and eomo insignificant bands scattored at isolated points. If Gen. ROSECEANB be at Rome in Georgia, then our forces have advanced since February 1862, half way from the position then held to Charleston and Savannah. They are rapidly crowding the rebels to the Gulf ol Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean. This is the invasion which DAVIS wishes to repel.

Fie accordingly commands every available man to toko arms, But if this command finds hut few to respond to it—what then Then they are practically subdued. If it does moot with a response, and his ranks are in some moasure recruited—what then Then it only remains for us to beat him at recruiting, and the work will be done. Will any one say that we caunot if need be, put into our ratks two for every one that DAVIS can put into hia It is as clear au figures can make it that we can overwhelm this last force for which he calls in despairing tones,{even as we have his former forces. That means victory* tho final overthrow of the rebellion, the successful end of the long struggle to which we have Riven so much of time, so much of means, and so many brave and devoted men. It means that we are not to make all the sacrifices to which we have been called without an adequate return but are sure to socure thereby the union, one and indivisible now and for generations yet to come.

Enforce The Draft.

Resistance^ the laws is rebellion and rebellion must be put down by the strong force of lawful authority, whether it be in South Carolina, Virginia, or Now York.— Thoro are no terms to be made by rebels.— Mob or confederacy of resistors of the law must be mads to submit. Compromise or concession are out of tbo question for to yield to the demands of lawless violence is to subvert the foundations not only of government, but of law itself, and of civil order. The laws mufct be maintained and enforced at whatever cost. It isjaofematter how many lives are sacrificed in the assertion of the suprem&oy of the law, and of lawful authorities for unless this supremacy is established, no life is sale.

The Government is bound, therefore, to use all the force at its command to suppres the mob. and to enforce the draft which has 6erved as a pretext for the mob io New York. Every loyal citizen throughout the country rejoiced when the consorlption was first ordered, tar it was felt that thus an army would be obtained sufficient, with the forces now in the field, to extinguish the rebellion. The draft was no doubt a heavy ono but a heavy draft at first was likely to be a less severe drain upon tho community than a succession of small and inefficient drafts. This was the first Reeling of loyal men and now, since resistance to the draft has been made, since tho laws have been violently opposed, and traitorous demagogues ia the North have escited the lowest and most ignorant portions of the community to raise against tbe Government, and have thus given aid to the

armed enemies of the country now, every leyal man feel* that there is a more pressing need than ever that the draft be fairly and completely enforced, and that the legitimatepower of a popular and democratic government, like oar own, be exerted in summon-: log and io compelling, if need be, every citizen to bear his part in the conflict in which tbe very Hfe of the nation is at stake.

The

resistance to

the draft has sprung, in

the main, from malignant opposition to the Government which seizes upon the censcription as a pretext for exciting passi&n and hatred of the administration and from the

easily alarmed ignorance of

a foreign, but

naturalized population suddenly subjected to a claim for military service. The real opposition to the measure is confined to a very small data. It is only by exaggeration, by panic, by temporizing and by the unprincipled arts of demagogues and traitors that it can be made to take any alarming proportions,

Let the Government then vigorously enforce the draft. Tbe nation feels tbe danger of timidity, and demands resolute actionIt feels the disgrace as well as the peril of irresolution in the enforcement of the laws. Let the conscription be carried forward without delay or flinching, and the administration may rely on the support of all citizens of whatever party, who do not desire to see anarchy substituted for the regular course of social order and established government, and this support will bo given with such hearty and unanimous vigor as to prove to the enemies of tbe nation, whether at Richmond or New York, that the people knew the blessings of a free Government, that they understand the cause of the war in support of that government that they mean to give all that is needed,—life, property, everything,—to it, and that they are resolved to secure for it finally an overwhelming triumph.

The Effort to Stop the Draft. Gov. Sxvxoua and a few other politicians of similar sentiments in New York and elsewhere, are now engaged in the work of endeavoring te compel the Government to postpone or stop entirely the execution of the draft. The mob was intended for that purpose, but signally failed. The rebellion requires aid now, and a lull in tho prosecution of war matters that it may have time to rocuperate its exhausted energies and prepare for a continuation of the contest with better hope of success than it has at the present. It is the object'of the copperheads to assist them in every way possible and henco they desire the draft shall be stopped, that our armes may be kept weakened, and that the rebels may have the desired time. But it is not very prsbablo that the Government will be induced to adopt their suggestions. The rebel armies are rapidly crumbling away, and the policy of the Government will be to give them no time or opportunity to reorganize and strengthen their shattered and fleeing columns.

There is scarcely a serviceable brigade in their array which has not been compelled to turaiteback or ground its arms to our triumphant heroes within the last four weeks.

During thia time, tbe aggregate rebel I033 have been very noarly as follows: Lee's Army of the North 40.000

Pemberton's at Vicksburg 30,000 Gardner's at Port Hudson 6,000 Bragg's in Middle Tennessee. 4,000 Morgan's in Indiana and Ohio.. 5.000 Holmes' at Helena 2,000 Beauregard's at Charleston 1,000 Bliffies' &c., in North Mississippi. 1,000 At Jackson, Tcnn., &c ,'at least. 1,000

Total rebel loss in three weeks.OO,OOO This is not a man less than oue-third of tho entlro rebel strength, while our losses during the sameporiod have not amounted to more than 30,000.

Of course the demoralization, discouragement, despair of the beaten rebels, their losses of cannon, small arms, ammunition, horses, 4c., intensify this avalanche of disasters. Their routed, flying conscripts are deserting by hundieds and making for their homes, protesting that they have bad enough of rebeellion, and shall demean themselves henceforth as peacofnl citiiens of the United States.

Whereupon JEFFERSON DAVIS doos tho only thing he can do in his dire extremity—he orders a levy en masse of every white man botween 18 and 45 years of age throughout his dominions. Those who have hired substitutes and have paid $1,500 to $2,000 each for them, those who have hitherto been exempted as employed in vocations wherein their continuance is indispensable to the success, and to the protracted mairitainance of the rebellion, and those who are subjects of foreign powers, are all swept into the vortex of this remorseless conscription. The deter^ mined Unionists of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina, the thousands in every State but South Carolina, who stood up for the Union, voted for it, and would joyfully die for it, are now to be driven into rebel encampmentB and compelled to fight against their country on pain of instant death.

To meet this last possible resort of rebel fury and despair, to strengthen and sustain our toil-worn, foot-sore, battlo—wasted brethren composing tho Union armies, our Government makes a levy of less than one fourth of tbe able-bodied militia of the loyal States. Could this force be promptly raised and embodied, it is not probable that ono-quarter of it need ever march Southward. Could the Government but show this halt million ready for the field, composed in good part, as it would be, of veterans whom tho extra bounty of $300 obtained from those who seek exemption would certainly attack, the rebels would see that their case was hopeless,and the great body of them would submit and mako their peace. Tbo desperate leaders, would of course, persist in their rebellion but, deserted by tbo bulk of tbeir followers, they would have no alternative but to get out of the country a9 speedily as possible.

The war department will most assuredly proceed with the draft, and defy the clamors of tho copperheads and tories who are meanly endeavor:• to neutralize the successes, by thwarting the Government and producing delays to favor the rebels. The ranks of the Regiments will bo filled up, and the rebellion will speedily yield.

The Viotory Over Anarchy. The Boston Post, the old Democratic organ of New England, and the ablest of the enemies of the Abolitionists in that section, wr.

While the tide of victories is thus swelling ovor the rebellion, there are tbe victories in Boston and New York over the 6pirit of anarchy and grand triumph of social order. Short-lived indeed will be the exultation of the Abolitionists in Europe over tbe iutelligonco of what the mob did in these cities and the more formidable appears to bo disorder the greater will sound the triumph. Dearly did New York pay for the deliverance of Pennsylvania. Had not, said a distinguished New York citizen to us, our troops been away, the mob would not have lived a day. As it is, the greatest mob which the country ever SAW has been quelled and this will now Ve regarded as the most important of all our victories.

Company was sworn into tbe Indi

ana Legien at Middletown, in this county, by Auditor Allen, on Saturday last.

DIED, on Thursday night, at half past nine o'clock, at the residence of the late Charles Seeman, Wflhelmine, daughter of Charles and Margaret Seeman, aged seven years, 10 months, and 27 dayB.

fy Twenty-four hundred of Morgan's men have been received at 'Indianapolis. This second visit of these rebels to Indiana is not (juite so.full of promise to them as the first.

We learn legal proceedings have been taken against several houses of ill-fame in the citv.

Says the Dayton Journal The energy and zeal of Governor Tod in calling out and preparing the militia to pursue Morgan entitles him to the gratitude of the people. His conduct is decidedly Morton ish.

Seven deserters from various regiments were lodged in jail yesterday, and will be sent to Indianapelis to-day. Two of them, who were brought from Greene connty, are said to be desperate fellows, and have killed three or four men lately.

A girl apparently about twenty years

of age, was detected yesterday in the act of stealing a roll of calico from the store of Ed sail, Root & Co. She was arrested and taken before the Mayor, who, in default ef bail, sent her to jail to await the action of the Circuit Court.

|3PTHE Indianapolis Journal saye a search among the prisoners of Morgan's band, who arrived there Thursday night, brought to light a large amount of money stolen from our own people by these thieving, robbing, murdering guerrillas. One man was observed putting something into his canteen, which was taken from him, broken open, and several hundred dollars in green backs recovered.

A copperhead from 'the rura dis

tricts, juat crawled out from his hole, says that the Morgan raid is all a damued atolition lie that it was got up to get the Republicans and Home Guards out of the way in order to have tho Democrats drafted.

Mr. Jos. Wallace banded us, yester

day, a nice lot of his celebrated Lawton blackberry. These berries are large, sweet and lucious, and aro as much superior to the common berry, as is the cultivated to the wild Btrawberry. They are au excellent article for oanning, and can be had of Mr. Wallace in any quantity.

fl^-A young man named Andrews,who vis* ited tbo city a few weeks since soliciting subscriptions to a portrait of Washington, returned a few days ago, and had commenced the delivery, when be was stricken down by that remorseless destroyer, consumption, and expired Saturday night at the Buntin House. Although away from home and friends, be received every attention the kind [host and guests of the house could bestow. His remains were interred in the cemetery Sabbath afternoon.

SINGULAR COINCIDENCE.—Our readers will remember the notice published in tho EXPRESS a day or two

siuco ol the death of Ms*

jor McCook, at the battle of Buffington.— Major McCook is the father of the "fighting McCook family," who have figured so conspicuously in the present war. The young' est son, Charles McCook, was killed on the 21st of July, 1861, at Bull Run. The oldest son, Gen. Robert McCook, was assassinated in Tennessee on the 21st of July, 1862, and now the father, Major McCook, fills on the 21st of July, 1863. Thus on the same day of the same month in three successive years have the oldest and youngest sons and the pater Jamilias, ended their earthly career.

How THE DRAFTING IS DONE.—The draw ing for the conscription is conducted in a very simple manner. The names of those enrolled under the first class are written on slips of paper, which are placed in a wheel and thoroughly shuffled, and are drawn out by a man thoroughly blindfoldod for the purpose. As each ballot is drawn it is hand ed to the Provost Marshal, who (mils the name out. It is then handed to an examining clerk, who, after examing it, places it in the hands of a recording clerk, by whom it is recorded. This is repooted until the required number has been drawn.

The Indianapolis Journal says among

the eight hundred of Morgan's meti brought to that city Friday morning, is a young man named Stone, who, in' 60, '61 and '62, re sided in Greencastle, in this State, and studied law with that pestilent old traitor Dclana R. Eckles. He will bo remembered by very many ot the citizens of the 7th Dis trict as a very zealous advocate of Dan. oorhees's first nomination for Congress, and one of the most active of the little implements employed to "set the triggers" for that job.— He visited township conventions, and cross roads meetings, and made speeches for Yoorhees, and contributed considerably towards that rush of Democratic confidence which swept Daniel into tho position in which ho stands a capital chance to be swept into obli vion. After the nomination of the Democratic State ticket, in January, 1862, ho took the stump for it, and did what he could to help it till he entered in tbo rebel army.— We do not remember when he emerged from the chrysalis of a Copperhead into the full grown butterfly of a rebel soldier, but wo believe it was in the spring or summer of 1862. Whenever it was, tbe transition was so easy that nobody thought it worth while to be excited about. That a Toorhees man, full ot such ideas as Voorheea is able to im part, should join the rebel army, was just as natural as that a tadpole should shed its tail and put on hind legs, and panide as a frog How far he was encouraged in this patriotic determination by his leader aud teacher, we do not know, but that he was not discouraged is verv certain

company styled the "Kemp Guards"

is being organized at Armiesburg, Parke Co.

ftWJohn Morgan, Col. Clarke, and about thirty other rebol officers, arrived at Cincinnati Monday night, and were taken to the city prison.

PROVOST MARSHAL'S OFFICE. TIMS HAUTE, July 28,1863

The enrollment of the 7th Congressional District being now complete, the rolls ere now subject to correction and, as the draft is not yet ordered, it is desired that all persons who have knowledge of errors, or suspects tbem, should make them known imnje diately, so that they m*y be corrected.

R. W. THexrsoy, Prevost Marshal.

THE SOLDIER'S WAYSIDE DBEA3I

to**.

& IitfnoU fn/imtry.) J?:. .... The wora was "itert The dusty road was rocky, worn, and cttep And Dsn? san-fcrownei sollisr's face sank on hi* breast to sleep. Afar, the Alabama hille *wept round in billowy lines The soft gieen of their bo#ety el ops* vu dotted dirk with pints, And from their tops a gentle breeze, boin In the cloud! egg sky, Stole through the valley whete a stream was slowly warbling bj And, as it passed, it brought a cloud of odora in ita plamea, Of violets and columbines, and milk-whlw plum-tree blooms. The coolness and the pertains o'er my weary senses crept. And with ny musket on my arm I bowwl my head and alcpt. No more the Alabama hills no more the waiving pines, But still the scent of violets and red wild columbines I drew my breath In ecstasy, my feet were shod with Joy— I dreamed I trod the prairie 9C1 in my beautifnl

Illinois.

Tbe lark sang welcome from the grass, tbe wellknown path along, And the pulsations of my heart seemed echoes of his song 1 thought the sunlight never shone so gloriously before But sweeter were the smiles of ltve that met me a the door. 0 hold my hand wlifle yel yon may, love or my earlier years, And wet my faco. my mother, with thy proud and happy teart! And bless me again, my father—bless me again I prajl For I hear the bugle—I hear the dram—I have but an hour to stay. AlasI my dreamiDg wards were true 1 woke, and knew it all— 1 heard the clamor of the dram—1 .heard tha captain'scall, And over all another voice I oft had heard before: A sound that ssirs the dullest heart—the cunoon's muffled roar I No longer "Best," but "Forward I" for, ere the day is done. It will tell of the fearful glory of a battle lost and won Ander« the breath ot its blackened lips has time to lift away, My hand must bored and warm with blood, or white and cold as clay! O pray for me in thy gentlo heart, lova of my earlier years 1 And mother, on'yweep for ma thoss proul and happy tears 1 And bless mo again, my father, bless ms while yet you way! My dream-words may be doubly true—1 may have, but an hour to stay 1

Woman's Education.

At no period in the world's history has wo man occupicd so high a position, intellectually, as at tbe present day such is the boast ol our civilization. It is now question whether she can be taught the abstract sciences and tbe elements of a classicle education but she is dragged with an indiscriminate jumble of dead languages and living sciences, mathemat cs and ethics, galvanized with showy accomplishments—all complete and set out in the world a mature young lady, at au age whenber elder brother is still with her tutor. It is easy to guess what kind of a rehash of intellectual knowledge such a woman will be able to serve up to her children, when after u. lew years given to the bewildering maze of fashionable life, she assumes a new dignity among the matrons of the land. Thore is no doubt that women is as capable of receiving a classical education as man. The troub le lies, rather, in that foreign process which oppresses the braiu at the expense of health and a comprehension of her studies.

American beauty is fragile hence the unduo haste in exhibiting it to the world. It strikes us, however, that this fragility is at tributablo to tho tha sanio causes, and that with a proper and gradual development of the biain-power, and a proportionate degree .pf culture bestowed .on physical education. American girls might be made to compete successfully in health and strength with their English cousins. Mrs. Jameson treats the subject very truthfully in her "Characteristics of Women."' As, for instance: "It appears to me that the conditions of women in society, as at present constructed, is false in stself—injurious to them. That the education of women, as at prefent conducted, is founded in mistaken principles, and tends fearfully to increase the sum of misery and error in both sexes. A time is coming, perhaps, when the education of women will be considered with a view to their future destination as the mothers and nurses of statesmen and legislators, and the cultivation of their powers of reflection and moral feeling supersede tha exciting drudgery by which they are crammed with knowledge and accomplishments [National Quaiterly Review.

Ma. GRKKLT OX BROADWAY.—The philosopher of the Tlibune nmbled down Broadway yesterday morning, alone, unprotected and unmolested Ho was not in disguise, being attired with his usual disregard of amenities of civilized life. Not wearing boots he of course did not indulge in the picturesque effect of sticking his pants inside the tops but he had on shoes, which were trod till the upper part of the leather partaily usurped the place of the soles and vice versa, salt and pepper stockings of which several inches were visible at every step, brown linen pants not quite large enough with the lower parts par tially worn away, so that there was an irregular fringe without any well defined boundary to it He was the object of much wondering and amused observation on the way down.—N. Y. World, 20//i.

Tho New York World, in speaking of Governor Seymour's call upon the citizens of New York, to suppres the late riot, said:— The man who refuses to put his physical strength at the service o# the legitimate authorities when summoned so to do, coniributes to tho power ol the mob by precisely so much as he detracts from the power ol the Government. This is sound doctrine, undoubtedly, and it is quite as applicable to the call of tho President for volunteers to put down tho rebellion, which is only a mob on a grand scale, as it is to the law abiding por tion of the people of any city to aid the local authorities in quelling a riot.—Philtdelphia Ledger.

A French paper—L'Abeille Gaueboise recoids the following instance of tbe voraeity of rats, which it declares hus just occurred at a farm near Yvetot CSeine-Inferie): The proprietor of tho farm, M. Panchont, had a pig so exceedingly fat it could scarcely move and was nearly always asleep. Three nights since he was awakened by hearing the squeels of the animal, and ou froing to tho sty lound that a number of rats had nttacked it, and eaten their way into its fat to tho debth of four inches. The pig was so much injured that it was found necessary to kill it imme diately. The Journal do Rouen, after giving the above account, meutions a circumstance which occnred to a gentleman of that town not long since: On returning from a residence in tho tropica be wished to bring back a serpent about six feet long. He accordingly put it into a large box, and along with it a number of live rats for it te kil and eat when so disposed. On opening tbe box, however, he found that during tbe passage the rats had not only eaten all the food enplsed for tbem, but bad also devoured tbe serpant itself.

THE Taoors THIRSTING roa RZVXKGS CTox TBx CorWBSADS.—The desire of tbe New York troops for a tea days' furlough, to go home and "charge upon the enemy in the rear," is mosi intense, Do the poor wretches who are chasing beating, and maiming sick and wounded soldiers in your streets and hanging tbe sacred veterans of our army, think for a moment what a fearful retribution they are provoking upon themselves® Yet how insignificant the crimes of these debased and besotted victims of others' designs, compared to those who, knowing better, have continually incited tbem to these wanton and cowardly acts of brutality.—

Army Potomac cor N. Y. Tribune.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SLAVERY

An Article from Brownson's Review.

We make the following extracts from an article io the last number of Brownson's Review. Coming, as it does, from confessedly one of the ablest Catholic scholars on this side of tbe Atlantic, it will attract marked attention. It should be carefully read and pondered over by all classes, especially by the members of the church to which Mr. Brownson's belongs

THE XKGSO A HFUAX BIT KG

The negro ia a man, and if a man he is sprung from the same original stock as ourselves, and ha9 the same natural indefeasible rights. In his most degraded state almost touches the purely animal world, but even in that state he is a man, a human soul, created by God in his own image, and redeemed by his word, who assumed the nature of the black men as well as of the white man, for both are of one and the same species, and have one and the same jiaturo. He cannot be reduced to an hereditary bondman without sin against God and crime against humanity, whatever slaveholders and their apologists may allege to the country. The negro is a man, and all men are born free, and Slavery is the natural and nominal condition of no man, race or class of men. The slave is always the man wrested by violence from this natural condition Slavery is a violent state, and has no justification but on principle that might makes right. A man

may, without sin, where Slavery exists and has been established without any agency of his, hold as slaves persons by the constitution of society born in servitude, providing he treats them well, leaves their souls free, instructs them in tbe true religion, respects all their moral rights, especially the rights of Christian marriage, and providing, also, that he exerts all his influence in a legal way, as a man and a citizen, to charge that social constiutien and extinguish Slavery at the earliest practicable moment but tbe man who undertakes to justify Slavery, to defend it on principle, to maintain that it is an institution in accordance with the Christian religion, or he who holds that it is a good institution and seeks to defend and perpetuate it, is a man who understands neither tho law of humanity nor the simplest element of the Christian religion. Christianity deintegrates tbe human race, restores tbe original communion of man with man, re-establishes man in all his natural rights. THE REAL POSITION OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

FERVERTED.

They iu our Catholic Church, whether priests or laymen, journalists or public speakers, who take the ground actually that slavery is an institution approved, or at least not opposed by tho Catholic Church, give only scandal to inteligent non-Cat lolics, and shock every well instructed aud co iscientious Catholic. We have been deeply pained and mortified at the position we hav found the great body of American Catholics, with a large portion of the venerable clergy themselves, occupying in regard to the question of negro slavery. Not a single Catholic journal, ex* cept one, ventures to assert openly and decidedly the true Catholic doctrine iu regard to Slavery, and the Catholic who does not throw all his influence on the wide of the proSlavery party is read out of tho pale of Catholic Society, especially in this city of New York, where there are more Catholics than in all the seceded States put together. The Catholic who ventures to arraiDg the institution of Slavery on even moral and religious grounds, though backed by tho spirit, teaching, and action of the church in all ages, aud in all countries but this, js at once suspected of being shaky in hiB fuith, and is denounced as a "Puritan," or as a "Yankee," the two most opprobrious epithets that can, in the estimate of New York Cathelics, be applied to any man and the promptness and zeal with which they rally to tbe disloyal peacc party, and swell its ranks, proves that their sympathies are pro-Slavery. We can scarcely and a Catholic descended from an old American family, or even of American birth, that is not practically a pro Slavery man iu his talk and in his influences. Why is it we find the mass of our Cacholics ioilowiug Fernando Wood. James Brooks, and tho Abbe McMaster? Whence the intense hatred of New England—whose Catholicity is really more flourishing than anywhere else on this continent—which is the most salient feature of our Catholic population? Whence, indeed, but from the conviction that New England is anti-Slavery, and in favor of negro emancipation. Go where we will in the loyal States, and wo find nearly every Catholic we meet a Southorn sympathizer, an intense hater of tha Abolitionist, and more ready to see the Union divided, or reconstructed, under Jeff. Davis, on Slavery as its corner stono, than to see it restored by the extinction of Slavery.

POSITION OF ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. The Catholic organs have, it seems to us, been very unwise and impolite, and our Catholic leaders have placed us in a very unpleasant position. The Know Nothings, a few yaars ago, demanded the exclusion of every Catholic who would not renounce his religion, from every office of trust or emolument, civil or military, under tho State or the nation., on the grounds that Catholics are not, and caunot be loyal to the Republic, and in case of war are more likely to side with its enemies than with his friends. If it had been the settled purpose of Catholics to confirm this charge, they could hardly have taken a different course from tbo one they have actually taken since the breaking out of the present civil war. They have shown that their sympathies were with Slavery, in whioh the rebellion originated, and with the rebels themselves. Though they constitute, by no moans, the whole of tho disloyal Peace party, there are comparatively few of them who are not attached to that party. When tho Archbishop of New York attacked us for proposing the emancipation as a war measure, denounced or ridiculed the Abolitionists,* and made the best possiblo defense of the salve trade, he was applauded to the echo but when, on bis return from Europe, ho took a decidedly national ground, and defended tho draft, as a just, wise, and patriotic measure, he was everywhere murmured against, and even a brother Archbishop, without naming him, read him lectures through a Catholic journal on his unopiscopal, conduct, and censured him for meddling with politics, approving the war for the natioual life and integrity, and endeavored to mako it appear that he had departed from the Hue of his duty as a Catholic Bishop, in supporting tho flag that had protected'him at homo and abroad, and in standing by the Government to which he had bworn allegiauce. No act of the encrable Archbishop's life ever cost him so much popularity with his own poople as that one act of decided loyalty. Of all the Catholic publicists in the "country, the editor of this Review has been the only one to applaud or even to approve his truly patriotic and loyal act. That sermon more than atoned to us for all that we had personally suffered from him, for it was a loyal service to our country. Had he been backed up by the Bishops and and clergy of tho loyal States, the Northern people would have been united in prosecuting the war, and the peace party would never have bceu organized ftr the leaders ol that execrable party kuow perfectly well that, though the foreign born population and their children, the majority of whom are Catholics, are not all who are ready to follow them, yet, that without the assurance of their adherence, they could hardly rally a corporal's guard Individual Catholics have been loyal, but tbey have been so in spite of reproach and obloquy from their Catholic brethren, and the bitter invectives of the Catholic organs. What more could the Know Nothings novo asked of us ia tbeir justification?

THK ROMAN CATHOLIC 7JU13 D1SIOTAL. To deter Oatboiios from engaging with pa triotic ardor in the war for the suppression of tbe rebellion, the so-ealled Catholic pi ess circulated* tbe mischievous ffiction that it was the determination of toe Republicans, when tbey had put down the slaveholders, to turn round and put down the Catholic religion in this country, as if therewas, or could be, any natural relation between professing tbe Catholic religion and tbe holding of slaves. But suppose su: ha thought had been enter* tained, what was the proper course for Catholics to take? To unite with the slaveholders, identify our Ohurch with Slavery and rebellion, and clearly ourselves disloyal? Unhapi^'ly. Catholics eeem to imagine that we have power only to obstruct, and that our influence will be nufl unless exerted in some work of destruction, or to defeat some national purpose. To express our

sympathy with tho rebellion and make common cause with it in its efforts to overthrow tho Government of the United States and destoy the .country, or even to withhold all active support of the national cause, would seem to most people the way to bring about the very result apprehended, and which it was our interest wad our dnty to guard against. The Government will succeed the rebellion will be suppressed, and the Union will be restored without Slavery, and will be firmer and stronger than ever.

When that is done what will be our position, if we have succeeded in identifying our Church with the cause of Slavery and rebellion, and demonstrated to the world that American Catholics lovenot liberty, and hold that tbey have the right resist the legal government, and the legimale authority of tbe nation to which we have sworn allegiance? In vain sfaou we appeal to instances of individual loyalty among Catholics, for it wonld be shown that tbey are the exception, not the rule. In vain would Catholics cite our Review, for though that has been uniformly loyal and true to the Government, the enemies of Catholics could easily prove that in being so it lost the confidence of tbe Catholic community, and was interdicted by tho Bishop ef Wheeling, and ofiicialy declared by the Bishop of Philadelphia and the Archbishop of Cincinnati to be no longer a Catholic Review, In vain should we appeal to tho Telegraph and Advocate, the New York Tablet, and the Pittsburg Catholic, for these journals have not been uniformly anti-Slavery or decidedly loyal, and at best are only exceptions and by no means fair exponents of the sentiments and opinions of the Catholic body (Tnited States. In vain should we appeal to the large number of Catholic volunteers in the army, for that number, as large as it has been or even is, we are told by Archbishop Hughes, is not relatively so large as is the proportion of the loyal States and besides, it may be said that the mass of them volunteered not from loyalty, but for tho sake of the high bounties and liberal pay offered, and in the case of tho Irish, for the purpose of acquiring military experience and distinction, to be turned to account in a war against Great Britain for the liberation and indepenco of Ireland. Should it be so said, we should find it difficult to prove the contrary. Itis undeniable that no religious body in the country stands so generally commited to Slavery and and the rebellion,[or as a body have shown so little sympathy with the efforts of the Government save the unity and life of the nation as tbe Catholic. This fact is known, and we need not be surprised to find it some day made use of to our prejodice, besides it is not a legacy we would like to bequeath to our posterity.

THE DEMOCRATIC FARTT RESPONSIBLE. So stand the facts simply stated, and yet in their very face, we venture to believo that very few Catholics, except old American Catholics, in the slaveholding States and not all even of them, are deliberately or inten tionally disloyal, or on moral and religious grounds in favor of Slavery, when brought forward as a distinct and separate question Catholics have generally, in late years at least, been associated with the Democratic party, aud that party, since 1850, has been politically a pro-slavery party, and from its have issued the chiefs of the rebellion. Se» session was the work of the Democratic party in the Southern States, aided and encouraged up to a certain point by the Democratic loaders at the North, for reasons not difficult to divine. Catholics have become pro-sla-very through party associations and paty attachments. They have confounded opposition to political Abolitionism with tbe defense of Slavery itself, and mistaken fidelity to their party foi loyalty to the nation. Not a few of them cannot conceive it possible tor a man to be a good Catholich and not support tho Democratic party and to have a large number of there, leaving their political party is next neighbor to renouncing their church. The leaders of the rebellion at the South were also among the first, in 1855, to meet and roll back the Know Nothing movement, and the mass of our Catholics have a much more ready sympathy with Southern slavehlders than they have with the more prosaic population of the North. The slaveholder seems to them nearer akin than the Northern feeman to tbe gentleman or nobleman of the old world. Hero is, we apprehend, the real secret of the pro-slavery ism and disloyal proclivities which we notice in a large portion of our Catholic population, or if not disloyal proclivities, at least lack of heart sympathy with Government to which they owe allegience. It is probable that the majority of our co-religionists consider the fearfel strusgle for life in which the nation is now engaged, is only an ordinary struggle for place and power between two political parties, in which a man may take either side at all, without disloyalty. They seem not to understand that the struggle is between tbe Government representing the nation, and rebels seeking its overthrow, and that between the legitimate government and rebels there is but one side which a loyal citizen can take. If loyal he can neither side with the rtbels nor stand neutral. When the nation is engaged in a struggle for its existence against an armed rebellion, neutrality itself is treason and made so by laws of Solon— and taking aides in any respect with the rebels is high treason, and punishable as such.— Yet our Catholics have only folio sved their Democratic leaders, who are, for the most part, non Catholics, and more censurable than they.

HATRED OV NEW ENGLAND,

We maintain that Catholics are only accidentally pro-slavery and disloyal in their action. If the case were reversed, and the Northern, especially tbe New England States, were tho seceding States, and to put down their rebellion it were necessary to emancipate the slaves, we think there would lie no more earnest emancipationists, and no more loyal men in the Republic. The ,ablic opinion of the Catholic body is formed inainly by the Catholics in the border slave -Sutes, aud the Catholics in these States, including tho District of Columbia, are intensely Southern in their character and sympathies, and bitterly hostile to New England, or to the Yankees." Their Southern sympathies and hatred of Yankees, or New Engenders, aro diffused through the entire Catholic body, oven in tho New England States themselves. Catholics liavo been made to believe that but for New England, nay, but for Massachusetts, there would have been no rebellion, no civil war. It ij-:, they generally believe, tbe intermeddling policy of Yankee abolitionists, of such men as Garrison and Phillips, that has caused all tho trouble—arediculous belief, no doubt, but still seriously held by a large majority of both our clergy and laitv. Hence their extreme reluctaueo to bo lound on the side of the hated New Englaud against tho darling South. It goes decidedly_against the grain.

If the

editor of this review had not been a New Euglaudcr by birth and descent, or if he had been willing to have denounce his Puritan ancestors as a set of. psalm-singing hypocrites without a single virtue, he would have been a great favorite with American Catholics, and if he had been willing to make his Review a tender to the New York Freeman's Journal, tho redoubtable graduate of Fort Lafayette, tho Abbe McMaster, as. the Herald calls him. would, we have no doubt, been a staunch Union man, and foremost and loudest among tbe opponents ol tho rebellion, and advocates of a vigorous prosecution of the war against it. He is now one of the leaders of the copperheads, and a most belligerent peacc man and yet ifper iinpossibile, wo were to side with tho rebellion, he would renounce his copperheadism and become loyal. He is a man incapable of acting from other thau personal or sectional prejudices, and we have sometimes fancied he would rather go below, tban enter heaven with a Yankee, or ah other thau the chief of his clan. All prejudices of this sort are silly, and yet they have too much influence with us Catholics. THS OPPOSITION OF THS CHURCH CONFESSED AND

RETROVED.

Regarding the question of slavery as solely a political question, our Catholic community have done themselves and their religion ereat injustice by their public attitude in regard to it. No Catholic would ever dream of removing slavery by illegal or revolutionary means and no Catholic, who has tbe slightest knowledge of his religion, could for a moment entertain the notion that he could be a true Catholic and not be heartily opposed to slavery- On this subject the clergy mast permit us to say that tbey have been too reticent, too timid, too cautious, and have pushed human prudence beyond its legitimate limits. Tbey have failed to bear that testimony against slavery which the Catholic church always bears against it. They know, far better than we do, the absolute incompaU

ibility of American slavery with Christian morality. Tbey know that, save in very rare instances, it is impossible for the slave to observe tbo laws of Christian marriage, orfultl the imperative (duties of a Christian parent. Christian marriage is almost entirely substituted by conoubinage, and the masters seldom respect the sanctity of the marriage relation among their slaves, and.they bold it neither adnltery nor fornication to satisfy their own brutal lusts with any of their female Blavea tbey choose. It is little, either for master or slave, that tbe priest can do, even in the confessional and in most parts of the South the priest is regarded only as abetter sort of servant, and is very indifferently supported. We have never conversed with a priest in a slaveholding State, who, when he dared speak his mind, did not deplore, on moral and religions grounds, the existence of slavery, and feelingly exptess his earnest wish for its extinction. How many enlightened, devout, and truly Catholic ladies have we met in our visit to the slave States, who could not, without a visible shudder, refer to the moral enormities of negro slavery! We have Catholic ladies in the slave States who were opposed to the intermeddling of the Abolitionists, but none who expressed themselves in favor of slavery. We have found many who expressed themselves unable to see any practicable way of getting rid of slavery, but none who xpressed a wish to have it perpetuated. No Catholic, indeed, can uphold slavery as a good institution, or be otherwise than opposed to it, and prepared to abolish it in the best way, and at the earliest moment possible, without doing a greater wrong and creating a greater evil. Those nominal Catholic publicists at the North, who take slavery under their protection, and call upon Catholics to sustain it as an institution in accordance with Christianity, are not Catholics, except in name and by baptism, but are really pagans, and pagans of the lowest type, lower even than they themselves represent the negro.

ONE CATHOLIC JOURNAL SOUND._ Our readers know well that, without ever having been or being an Abolitiontst in tbe party sense, we have ever been opposed to slavery, and have done our best to resist the effort to commit our Church to the rebellion in in its favor. But our efforts, though not wholly fruitless, have to a great extent been neutralized by the fact of our being a convert and a Yankee, and by the ridiculous suspicion industriously circulated that we are shaky in our faith, and on the pointof lapsing again into Protestantism or infidelity. We therefore wolcome as an able coadutor in our opposition to slavery, the Cincinnati Telegraph aud Advocate—a paper published under the auspices of the Archbishop of Cincinnati, and whioh has from tbe first held us in a sort of holy horror. Its editor is Vicar-General of the Diocese, and a native of Ireland, and his Catholicity cannot be suspected! His voice can penetrate where ours cannot, and will be listened to with respect where ours will bo unheeded. We forgive him and the Archbishop himself, for having publicly and officially declared our Review to be no longer a Catholic Reviow and sincerely thank them for doing on the slavery question the work which we wero the first Catholic publicist in the United States to attempt. We can cheerfully cooperate with our most bitter enemies in tbe battle for truth, freedom and justice. The Telegraph and Advocate starts with the as-* sumption that negro slavery has been virtually abolished in this country, and it vigorously opposes, on moral and religious ground, all efforts to restore or re-establish it. It has openened tbe question and it has shown that the Church bas always been opposed to slavery, and it has never got along well with it. It calls upon all Catholics to look the subject square in ths face, and be true to the spirit of their holy religion. This opeus a new era in American Catholic journalism, and for the first time introduces into it true manliness and independence. It we were the first Catholic publicist in the United States to open the discussion, in it has been found the first priest te bear a clear, distinct, and unmistakable testimony in public against slavery, and to condemn it on moral and religious grounds. This honor belongs to tbe Very Reverend Edward Percell, brother of the Archbishop of Cincinnati. May Grd bless him, and give him courage and strength to persevere to the end in the good, the noble and the truly Christian work he has so bravely commenced. His name will never be forgotten In the Church in America, but will repeated with gratitude and honor by millions and millions of emancipated souls.

The very Reverend Editor has thrown a bombshell Tnto the camp of pro-slavery and disloyal Catholics, and started not a few of his clerical brethren ho has to undergo much obloquy and abuse, but he will outlive opposition he will bring Catholics to their senses, and soon have them all, or nearly all, with him. He will soon see our reproach wiped out, our church rescued from the false position in which her heedless children have placed her, and Catholics the leading champions of humanity. Too much importance cannot be attached to this movement, for henceforth a man will be allowed to oppose slavery and sustain the Government without having his Catholicity suspected or denied, by tbo public opinions of his brethren and the leading organs of the Church. How far in moral grandeur and true Christian independence does the Very Reverend Edward Purcell tower above those timid and truckling religionists who informed us that they did not daro invite us to dine at their home, because we had given a lecture before the Emancipation League.

BROWNSON'S FORMER POSITION CONSISTENT. Our Catholic brethren erred iu supposing that opposition to political anti-slavery agitation before the rebellion necessarily inplied any sympathy with slavery itself. We opposed that agitation from love for the Union, not from love of slavery, which we never defended, but always detested. Even in the oration, some years since, before the literary societies connected with Mount Saint Mary's College, in which it was said, by a writer in the Catholic Mirror, that we defended slavery, we asserted a principle that strikes at the very root of slavery. We denied that man has or can have dominion or property in man, and maintained that the only title of the master to the bodily services of tbe slave is in consideration of benefits conferred. Ou this principle the slave ceases to be a slave, and is simply a dobtor, and the service he owes is limited by tbe debt he has incurred, or benefit be has received. Wo asserted the same principle in a public lecture in Charleston, S. C„ in May, 185b, and it requires no remarkable sagacity to perceive that its general adoption and operatiou would soon put an end to slavery.

THE REBELLION TO PUT DOWN. But when the rebellion broke out, and tho life of the nation was threatened, all the aspects of tho question were changed, and we could no longer deal with it as in times of peace. The danger apprehended had come, and the agitation of {he Slavery question could no longer endanger the Union, for the Union was de facto dissolved. The slavery question could then be practically important only in Its bearing on the mean3 of suppressing the rebellion, and of obtaining security for the luture. 1 he nation had then but one work before it, that of putting down the rebellion and guarding against its recur rence. Tho emancipation of the slaves, if necessary to both ends, or oither of them, could be lawfully resorted to, under the war powers of the Government, juat as constitutianal as its peace powers. But it was evi* dent that to avail us in the struggle, emancipation must immediate and complete. The error of the Administration bas Deen in the delaying too long the adoption of the emancipation policy and adopting it ouly partially in some of the Sutes and parts of States, instead of adoptiog it for all States, and- making emancipation immediate and universal. Half aud half measures are the worst of all possible measures in revolutionary times.— They make as many enemies as tbe most thorough-going measures, and gain no Bupperters, for they carry out no consistent and commanding principle THE CATHOLIC CHURCH SHOULD TAKE THE

RIGHT SROUKD

The change which the rebellion made in the bearing of tbe Slavery question, our Catholic publicists have failed to notice, and our organs seem to have magined that they, should treat it procsely as they had done before tbe rebellion broke ont. Hence ther have, as far as ia their power, placed out Church and the Catholic people on the side of Slavery and eisloyalty. Here has been the error, an error which bas had a grave effect on tbe future of this nation, and has done, and is doing incalculable injury to the Catholic cause. The arcobishop of New York saw that it was madness for Catholics in tbe

loyal States to take tbe side of disloyalty, and tbe Very Reverend fid ward Purcell has seen that it was equal madness for them to take the side of slavery. The Church neve so it is not absolutely too late. Let Oathunderstand tbe question, and tbey may yet repair much of the harm they have done, and prove themselves alike true friends of their country, and champion* of freedom

W'1 L'he Vigo Cavalry have succeeded ia obtaining the. requisite number of men to complete the organization. They were sworn in last evening, and the company will meet to-night at the Conrt House, for tbe

iy The male bipeds of Nashville, Indiana, not having patriotism enough to get up a demonstration of some kind, io honor of our victories at Vicksburg and Gettysburg, six Union ladies, whose husbands are in the army, procured an anvil and themselves fired an appropriate alute.

KT Many of our exchanges in this State made opologies for non-appearance of their respective sheets, the week before. They said editors and printers had gone after Morgan, and nobody was left to make the paper or print it. The apology must be satisfactory to their subscribers. No Copperhead paper makes any such apology.

It is pleasing to know that the Gov

ernment is treating Jeff. Davis* insolent threats of retaliation for the executiou of spies as they deserve. Gee. Fitzhu'gh Lee and Captain Winder are in close confine ment at Fortress Monroe as hostages for the safety of Captains Sawyer and Flinn, who are under sentence of death at Richmond' and no officers will be exchanged until all the officers of Col. Strait's expedition are released. As we have a vast preponderance of prisoners, the rebel leaders will not be likely to commence the work of execution very soon.

Some very practical jokes were perpetrated by Morgan and his men in their raid through this State, which in some instanced, fitted the cases exactly. One Hiram Wingate, living near Vienna, in Scott ceunty, was a noisy anti-emancipationist, and bitterly opposed to arming the negroes to put down thu rebellion. Morgan heard of bisi, and sent a negro to confiscate his horse. With some hesitancy and much reluctance the horso was brought out, and tbe negro, mounting him, pointee a pistol at the head of the "constitutional man, and ordered him to let down the bars. It was done with alacrity, and it is supposed that Wingate is still opposed to arming negroes.

NEW BEDBUG TEAP—Sua* THIHO.—Take a board, say a foot wide, and four feet long, puncture it with many holes with a small bit, put it inside the headboard and next to tbe bed and pillows if there is a bug about the bed he will find the way to the holes in tbe board soon. Take it ont of its place every morning, hold it over fire or water, and give it a few raps with a hammer, then put in place and do so again. This is catching the "insex" in a hurry and upon philosophical principles—the best antidote we have yet heard of.

Morgan's Barbarity.

When the full history of the stupendous crimes committed by that bandit and "murderer, JOHN MORGAN, is written, it will be a volume of barbarous deeds and fiendish outrages such as the bloody pirate of the olden times well might shudder at. A story comes to us, well authenticated, of another murder done at bis guilty instigation. After the capture of the Twentieth^ Kentucky, at Lebanon, they were compelled to march all the way to Springfield, en foot, of course, and were compelled to make lime with the well-mounted Rebel cavalry. Many of the soldiers, from sheer exaustion, gave out, and inevery instance were treated in the most inhuman, unfeeling manner.

One poor fellow, a sergeant in the regiment above-mentioned, not being well, gave out, and asked to be transported by some other means, as he could not proceed further. He wa3 ordered forward, and told that if he did not go death wonld be tbe consequence. He started, but a few steps furthor on hia strength entirely gave way, and he fainted, falling by the wayside. MoaoAN deliberately ordered his brains knrcked out, whieh was done quickly by one of his followers with a clubbed musket. He was left lving where he had thus been fiendishly murdered until some of his comrades, paroled at Springfield, were permitted to go back and bury him.— They dug a mud grave and disposited his body in t, tbe best tbat could be done for the poor, unfortunate soldier under the circumstances. We hope to hear no more parating of this unhuman wretch's chivalry.— Louisville Journal, 11th inst.

Freemasonry.

Freemasonry," said Benjamin Franklin, I admit has its secrets. It has its secrets peculiar to itself, but of what do they principally consist Tbey consist of signs and tokens, which are conferred alter due course of instruction and examination they are of no small value they speak a universal language, and area passport to the support of tbe whole world. Tbey cannot be lost so long as memory retains its power. Let the possessor of them be extirpated, shipwrecked or imprisoned, let him be stripped of everything be has in the world, still these credentials remain, and are available to us as cir» cuinstances may require. The good effects which tbey produce are established by incontestible facts in history. They have stayed tbe uplifted band of the destroyer they have softened the aspirations of the tyrant they have subdued the rancor of malevolence, and broken down the barriers of political animosity and sectional alienation. On the field of battle, in thn solitudes of tho uncultivated forest, or in the busy haunts of tho crowded city, they have made men of the most hostile feelings, and ol the moaidiversified conditions, rush to the aid of each other with special joy and satisfaction that tbey have been able to afford relief to a brother Mason."

Depth ol Quiet People.

Some men dawn upon you like tbe Alps. They impress you vaguely at first, just as do the hundred faces you meet in your daily walks. They come across your horizon like floating clouds, and you have to watch a while before you see that they are mountains. Some men remind you of quiet lakes, places such as you have olten happened upon, when the green turf and tbe field-flower bang over you and are reflected out of the water all day long. Some day ot other you carelessly drop a line into the clear depths, close by the dairies and daffodils, and it goes down, down, down! You lean over and sound deeper, but your line doeqa't bring up. What a deep spot that is 1 you think, and you try another. The reflected daisies smile at you ont of the water, the turf looks green as ever, but there is no shallow spot beneath. You never thought it, but your quiet lake is all around unfathomable. Yon are none the less impressed with the fact that it ia a quiet lake.

CANDOB is very much praised as a virtue but let no one attempt to practice it without discrimination. Every body has heard the story of tbe woman who, baring married uu happily, went to an old maid who bad been au intimate friend of her girlhood, and poured out her sorrows without reserve. 'I am sorry for you," said the sympathetic spinster —"I am sorry you got married." "Thank you I" retorted the wife —"bat I would have you to know that my husband is better than none at all."