Weekly Wabash Express, Volume XXI, Number 14, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 4 March 1863 — Page 2

'EBBE -HATJTil:

WEDNESDAY. MARCH 4, 1863

THE Morgan county man, WHO resisted the efforts of the officers to recl&im. deserters, have been tried and convicted by the District Court. Thus hath justice speedily overtaken them.

TpE^newa from Vicksburg is becoming ot ntereSt. Circumstances indicate that some fighting has been done there, but the truth ofi*he matter is not known. News from that point will be looked for with much tor terest.

WE regret to know that Col. GOOKERLT believes that we grievously wronged him in referring to the destruction of his office, and his indemnification bill before the Legisla tare. We did not mean to reflect upon him, and will now state, that we trust he will reeeive justice for his wrongs, if any he hath received.

We did say to Senator Wnadi* that we believed two thousand Jive hundred dollars was too much for the damage sustained. In this Senator WILSON agreed with us. In referring to this matter in our columns we did it out of no spito to the editor of the Newt Sheet, nor for partisan purposes. In so doing we had no malice to gratify, nor party purposes to advance or subserve.

CONGRESS will adjourn on to-morrow.— Nearly all business of importance has been disposed of. The Conscription Act has received the sanction of both houses, and has before this become a law. The Conference Committee on the Finance Sill have agreed to its provisions also. The Senate will remain in Executive Session a few days for tho purpose of ratifying tlie recent nominations of tho President. A great deal of labor has been performed by tho members of Congress during this session, and the public business lias been very well disposed of. The regu lation of the finances and the Conscription

Bill were the all-important measures of this Congress.

THE State Sentinel is furious over what it pleases to term the revolutionary action of the Union Representatives in withdrawin from tho Legislature, and thus summarily checking the progress of legislation. But little business of importance has been ac complished during the session. Tho general appropriation bill has not yet been passed and matters of much interest have been left undone. The Democratic members of the House consumed nearly all the time of the session in introducing resolutions and in making speeches thereon. This failure to pass an appropriation bill will be some inconvenience to to the Democrats as well as to others. No Legislature ever convened in tho State so utterly contemptible and worthless as tho present one.—

The Democrotic members have vied with each other as who could bring upon the State tho greatest reproach. Their action has boon unpatriotic in the highest dogree, and is regarded with mingled contempt and scorn by the loyal people of tho Stato. The determination of tho friends of tho Military Bill to socure its passage, was the cause of the withdrawal of tho Union Representatives. The measure is apalpablo violation of tlio Constitution. It takes the military power of tho State from its proper and Constitutional depository and places it in the hands of a justice of tho peace, when such an officer sees lit to use it. The people of In diana aro not only satisfied with theconduct of Governer MORTON, sinco tho war commenced, but aro proud of it. He has won a reputation for patriotism and enorgy, sec ond to that of no other man in the West, and under his administration the name of Indiana has become the type and synonym of all that is self-sacrificing and noble. The iMilitary Bill proposed to divest him of his power, and transfer it to tho hands of aBet of men who are at heart adverse to the intereat of tho Federal Government in tho present contost, and in favor of an ignominious peaco. The passage of the bill would have been attended by tho most disastrous consequences, and wo boliovo the Union Representatives justifiable in their conduct, and that the peoplo will approve it.

The True Irrepressible Conflict Tho Louisville Courier, a paper in tho interest of tho Border State rebols, said, not long ago, in giving its opinions on the war This has been called a fratricidal war by some, by others an irrepressible conflict betweeufreedom and slavery. We respectfully take issue with tho authors of both of these idoas. We are not the brothers of the Yankoes, aud the slavery question is meroly a pretext, not the cause of the war. Tho true irreprossiblo conflict lies fundamentally iu tho hereditary hostility, the sacred animosity, the eternal antagonism between the two races engaged. The Norman cavalior cannot brook the vulgar familiarity ot the Saxon Yankee, whi'othe latter is continually devising some plan to briDg down his aristocratic neighbor to his own detested level. Thus was the coutest waged in the old United States. So long as Dickinson doughfaces were to be bought, and Cochrane cowards to be frightened, so long was tho Union tolerablo to Southern men but whou, uwing to divisions in our rauks, the Yankee hirelings placed 0110 of their own spawn over us, political connection became unendurable, and separation necessary to preserve our self-respect.

Such talk as this has become very common at the South. Tho ignorance which bos been one of tho marked characteristics of Southern Society has gono so far that tho Southerners no longer kuow who wero their own fathers,—and aro apparently incapable of understanding tho true nature of the war into which they recklessly plunged. Nothing could bo more foolish than this talk about "a war of races," sacred animosity," "eternal antagonism." It is no war of races. The worst Southern rebels aro renegade Yankees. It is a war not of races but of two adverse eonditions of society. It is a conflict ef systems, a struggle of ideas. It is a war natural, necessary, inevitable, not on account of any horeditary hostility of race, but because of the irreconcilablo di versity of social organization nud of moral idea. Light and darkness cannot coexist.— Liberty and slavery cannot dwell side by eido iu peace. Tho honest man and the traitor will never agree. Tho man who believes that all men arc created equal, aud the man who believes and acts on his belief, that some men do not possess the inalienable rights to lifo, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, cannot live in accord under one gov

ernment.

Tho war we are engaged in is no

new war. It is tho old struggle between the

defenders

of right and the despotic support

ers of privilege. The cause of tho war lies the very depths of huraau nature. The South has tamporcd with its conscience so long that it has lost the power of distinguishing between good and evil. It has come to hate what we of the free States love and to love what we hate.

STRAW FOE PAPER—Largo quantities of straw are being bought in the vicinity of Lock port, N. Y„ and taken to the Falls, to b« manufactured into paper. Five dollars per ton is paid for the straw, and $1,50 for drawing. The machinery at the Falls has tttQI MTftPg^ f°r

t^,e

straw into paper,

manufacture of

From Lake Providencc.

^^boMlwotir^ZViHSiiefMjioaieidiyiMyrKgii From private sources we learn of important movements down the river, the news of ri$f$ed ic coaresi) the tMi

through jiire canhl tMTum uiu jup Lajte Profidipce jp4 W#p onTuesdiy lasf'the stesT

ipi 161

steamer Continental

pasted through. A large division of the army, including the ?th Missouri, 8th, 20th, 30lb, and 81et Illinois, and some others, under Generals Logan and McArthur, was ready for transportation through the Lake, and before this time is doubtless on its way to Red river.the destination probably*b«ii Port Hudson, where the command'will cooperate with Gen. Banks for the reduction o( that rebel stronghold. Great and good news may soon be expected from this expedition. 7T- u'ir I.

Revolution.

The State Journal of Tuesday says the Copperheads yesterday, through the mouthpiece of all their most outrageous declarations, Mr. Packard, stated distinctly that ib no event would they abandon the unconstitutional and revolutionary.measures they had introduced, but if the minority should return to their seats, those measures should be the grst aud only ones passed if there were no time left to pass others. Remember this 'de claration. Among the measures thus avowed to be the aim of the Copperhead Democracy, to which they will sacrifice'all other legislation, are the ordinance of secession introduced by Brown of Wells, providing for the separation of Indiana from the Union and its allianco with the rebels the resolutions of Wolf demanding an armistice the bill taking from the Governor his military authority, as a necessary step to the enforce mentof the secession of Indiana and the bill taking the government of this city out of tho hands of its own citizens, and putting it in such hands as will enable the Copperheads to uae its police to put down any resistance of loyal citizens to their secession schemes. The whole batch of measures are parts of one complete scheme concocted months ago, and steadily pursued from the first day of the session till now, to force Indiana out of the Union, mako her a party to a shameful surrender to the rebels, and an ignominious part of a rebel confederacy.—

This is the scheme. The Knights ot the Golden Circle aro tho outside power intend ed to give forco to the Legislative 1 action, and what they are the conviction of four of them from Morgan county for trying to assassinate our soldiers tells plainly enough. The measures, and the instruments intended to execute them, are worthy of each other. And these measures we aro now authoritatively told, will be passed, if all other legislation fails! Mr. Packard says it, and utters tho determination.of tho Butternut caucus in so saying. He speaks it by authdrity. Now the course of all Union men is clear. Secession, or the steps to it, is tho ultimatum of the Copperheads. If they can't get that, t«id the measures rifecessary to it, tlioy don't want, and won't have, anything. On their heads bo the responsibility. The people understand their purposo, and will not forget their action.

The 85th Regiment.

publish in this issue a series of resolutions adopted by the officers and privates of the 85th Regiment Indiana Volunteers.

It will bo seen that the voice of that regiment is not different from that ot all the Indiana regiments of that department.— When Col. BAIBD'S regiment left here it was known to be largely Democratic, and a majority of its members are undoubtedly so yet, but thoy entertain that, kiud of Democracy which ANDY. JOHNSON applauds and teaches, and not that which is regarded as only genuine, by tho leaders of that party in this State. The 33d Indiana regiment, including its officers and privates adopted the same resolutions together with 30ma addition^ al ones gof a similar character. The officers'of each Regiment signed the resolutions passed by it, but only those of the 85th have been forwarded to us. Of the thirty-nine commissioned officers, thirty-three endorsed the resolutions, and of tho other six, Capts. FLOYD and PUCKKTT, Lieutotiants TILLOTSON and HOKE were not with the regimeut, aud had no opportunity to see its resolutions. Capts STARK Co. C, andWiKR Co. F, refusod to endorse them. Capt. STATK is under arrest on a charge of encouraging desertions in his company.

Thus it will bo seen tho sentiments ex pressed in tho resolutions wore endorsed by all the privates and uon-commissioned officers of the regiment, and by all but two of tho commissioned officers.

Of the company officers, thirteen are Dem

ocrats

and seventeen are Republicans. So it will at onco bo seen, that there could have been nojmrlisan feeling iu the matter.

The unanimity of the Indiana Regiments on those matters of public eoncorn, is remarkable. Thoy are for tho Government, first last, and all the timo, .'and are therefore opposed to all its enemies. Tlicy. want no armi6tico, and no peace, but that which will result alter tho completo triumph of tje Federal armies, ond tho restoration of the Union. The peace Democrats of Indiana have certainly incurred the censuro of the army in tho field, as well as that of all loyal men at home. And with such censure resting upon them, they ennnot hope to bo trsuted by the loyal poople of the State hereafter.

TUE following letter was written by a soldier to a friend residing near Roscdale, in Parke county, and has boon sent to ns with the request for its publication. Wo are in receipt of a jjreat many such letters, but cannot find room for them in onr columns. Our friends will bear in mind tho fact that our space is limited, and therefore wo cannot publish evorvthing which is sent to us. Tho following letter is a very good one, however and we give it space

CRIPPLE CRKKK, TKKV., Feb. 1, 1863 DEAR FRIEND: It is with pleasure that 1 seat myself to respond to your's of the Uth ult., which camo to hand on last evening, and found me in the enjoyment of excellent healty aud cheerful spirit"). Should your eyes be permitted to trace these poorly written lines, 1 trust they will find you also in good health.

I hardly know wh.it to wiilo to make my lotter interesting. Tho first thing which I will mention, however, is that I do not like the way that some of our pretended friends write to us from home coucerniog the Presi dent's proclamation. But I gue*s they will obtain but little satisfaction from us on such matters. The negro is going to be put into the ranks and made to fight, and if any of those who write to us desire the negro ex eluded, let them come down and take his ptace. The negro should have been put to service mo£e than a year ago. I. would make every one of them capable of carrying a gun, fight and help to crush the rebellion. Afterwards thoy can be colonized at the discretion of tho Government. The object of those persons who send us letters from home denouncing tho Proclamation ctc., is to bring about a feeliug in the army in favor of poace on almost any terms with the rebels. Oertainly, we would nil like to g»*et the return of poace. But what kiud of a peace do we want? We want an boporable and permanent peaco and such a peace can only be bad ty accomplishing this entire

destruction of the rebel power.

general is the

feelins

of the soldiers

seen so mo

danger

would not do so if they could go home safely

jot xolntotoer to fight to free Abe. aegroe?,

sometimes do not have veryj propr

plenty for awhile. But we beat ttiem^wj

last, for wo then move forward "and take

from the rebel citizens, potato^ geese, hog^

part of tho expenses. Yours trWly,*" -p. 0. SANDERSON. 3f

r')i*

Counsels 61 the Fikthefrs. "THE PEOPLE WANT TO KNOWTHE HISTORY or THEIR GOVERNMENT. THEY WANT THE. COUNSELS OF TQK FATHERS REPEATED JOR, THEIR INSTRUCTION."—[JAWR. 0/ Commerce.

sire for knowledge is one evidence of a leart-1

ing to repentance. The Journal, to be sure,

puU forth «s

Political

it3 members ought to bo excluded from right

Journal of

Commerce

Since that

that

the

North

is divided only'by

cipation

isms* *,sr !•.

I say never I would he havo said, if he bad lived in our

tl HI tfcH

hero]

are some home fight to upon it,

I have

such men,

men they can bo|

called, and about the time they hear the dull, heavy sound of tho cannon, on the com-

the

Rebellion to destroy the Union and erect a Slave Empire on its ruins I —These the eviden —the statesi lie's earliest for its its possible to add to tho impressiveness of such testimony, nor has there been any moment

jjn

aud honey, and thus live .well at last. They "t pointed a CoinnittteP or five to draft resoltNcommenced the game of war and must payj tions expressing'the sense of the1 meeting, consisting of the following gentlemen:!

(1 1

Ct" Froilihe NdW York Tribute,

^Einan-

Proclamation, apd that, would oth-

wise be a unit for. the War, thej|e ean jje

110

subject on which the Councils of tho Fathers

are

the revered v.oico of GEORGE WASHINCWON,

of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating I

must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Providence, and hope that that is preparing tho deliverance of these our suffering brethren. When tho moasuro of their tears shall be full, doubtless a God of Justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing a light and liberality among their oppressors, OR AT LENGTH BY UIS EXTERMINATING TIUINDKR, manifest his attention to things of this world, and that they are not left tho guidance of blind fatality."

The word3 of Jefferson are indeed prophetic. Light and liberality Camo not to the oppressors of four millions of slaves, but Justice awoke, and the voicc of exterminating thunder has at length tdc itself heard. Who can doubt that the yi'tfat men who left behind them such a record of their hatred to slavery would have annihilated the system if an opportunity had offered? The proclamation of freedom in 18G3 is but tho echo of their voices in 1778.

Benjamin Franklin was President of a Philadelphia society forpromoting the Abolitioa oj Maury, tho relief of free negroes unlawfully hold in bondage, and tho improvement of the condition of the A'rican pice.-' As its President, his last public act was to sign a memorial to Congress, on the February, 1788, praying for the abolition of Slavery. His language is most remarkable "Your memorialists conceivo themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of Slavery and promote general enjoyment of the blessings of Freedom. Under these impressions they earnestty eutreat your serious attention to the sub jectof Slavery that you will bo pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men who alone in this laud of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who amid the general'joy of sur rounding freemen are groaning in servile Subjection—that you will devise means lor removing this inconsistency from the character of the American people —that you will promote mercy and toward this distressed race—and that y=su will step Jto the very verge of tij power vested in you for discouragiug every species of trafic in the persons of our fellow men."

JAUKS MONROE, in the Yirgioia Coaven-, tion thundered against the system as an evil which has preyed upon the very VITALS of die Union, and has beien prejudicial to all the States iq which it has Misled." JWhat

.il'

WHICH

more important than Slavery, and

tho policy that ought to be pursued in refer- I

Nation when it was of

rcaders see the light which it declares they

them for me that they will not fight to-j Couriiy. 9 themselves. There aktJ others who-sayl I 'Pursuant to' a call the Union citizPiis Of £he fareistoo hard for .them aJidnine Out Of Green couniy metin Mass Gotten tiort at Gen of them never had* half as plenty when Bloomfield on'last "Saturday/ the 2lsi inst: at home. (. Wo have a plenty to eaV and Qn motVon.'Efaytoh Topping was called to' £ood clothes to wear, as any man -need. .to chair/ 'and John O'Neal stated the {rant, and I am proud tp say that ..''^Rpl*]: object oTthe mpirtih& fh a short Mtapprb$am" can nffprd .everything which reason-J address. r/." J" dble men can wish for. But sometimes the I The Prosident'called upon R'ev. T. H. A1 rebels get behind us, and cut off our cracker |erdicej wh'oo'pencJd ihe meetifag with atrkpline, and then

Couveuiion In «reen

motion of P. Burr.'&q^tbe Ohirir ap-^

Ellas Dayhoff. Henry C.- Owen, Drayton Ritter,"Janrtes' R. Baxter, and I. N Morrison:

Altera shirt %6sefi5tf the Committed re turned and submitted the following pream ble and resolutions which were heartily endorsed and'unanimously adopted:

WE,

So reasonable a desire ought certainly to be gratified, and it gives us especial pleasure should to find such a request such a pkper. A de I

Unj^,'^rHIRK4Sj

that

the lotyaL people of Greta county Indiana, believing the, Government our Fathers gave us, sealed with tpatriot blood, should succeed to our children, erect, and'

it ia plainly diseernable

there are in

our

of the Society for the Diffusion of Souudj ithin our midst, for the. purpose of a

Information,- with the views of dismemberment of our glorious land which wb had not hoped to bo able to agree, do resolve— .' nor had.wo expected to bo called on so soon ^fof thV^orilTy,|as thegfoundato aid its mission but cannot think that even

sources of information. -Wo take it for effort now being made by a frienzied and sources 01 imurmuuu.r. insolent mihoritv,' to oveHhrow that foundagranted tho Journal will,.reprint the ex- -J.™®' tracts which wo colleot. Theyp*^ indeed That the. political demagogues now familiar to all students.o[ o.ur&w^ry'a hisrJ atriving to obtain an armistice between the lory, and hardl,.ta» to .11 totembl, yeft: D»i»d Sutc, .od lho rob.1. informed citizens but they will be new: to tho "nd

own State many person

traitorous intent, seeking by various pro-

UUo„ i„ SSWfitf-i S—'

hich pur Government rest?, and

thftt

jt i9 our duty mntlesa'ly ^to resist the

are

acting in bad faith to the Government therefor© TRAITORS, and that we will

and its, readers. 1 oppose any such move, under* present cir-

and other disloyal-papers assert cumstance3, by all propel means'a9 w6 beht .1. *.Tt»*.ia#i tenfltwhieve its design and tendency to aid-the re bellion, assist treason and in the end secure the Secession of the North W.eetern States. 3d. That we are not at ali surprised that traitors disapprove tho late Proclamation

WE HEARTILY ENDORSE as an effective andneoessary war measure or any, .other

moans

anca to it Let the Journal hoarken first to lion, and promises to bring tlifs horrid car-, ence-

that strikes at the vitalg of this.rebel

a™* WASH.NOCON U'val of human flesh to a cloio, re^erect the

aUr 8panglod banner iu a 0

one of I ho earliest ,of the Abolitionists.— I bring back the long absent loved one to the Wo nuote from the. well-known lettpr to now desolate hearth-stone. 4th. That the resolution passed by the LAFA.YETTK: R.: J' FALSELY s6lf^styled Democracy of this country "The.benevolence o.f yo»r bpart, my.,dea:r

your lato purchase' of an estate in the colony

the slaves, is a generous and nobJe propt of jjut ^oe

your humanity. Would to God, alike spirit

uc realm, and

Uie7thinW, pledging themMlves against

Marquis, is so conspicuous ,on alloccasipns I «furnisbing the present Administration that I never woiider at fresh proofs of it but

ano

tber,man, gun, or dollar" for what they

ca||««a

hellish,' unchristian cruSado," may

pres3 the sentiments of rebel sympathized,

not

"I never mean, unless some particular I alohe in the Mississippi valley, nor yet alone circumstances should compel mo fa the Eastern, North Western, or Southern possess another slavo by purchase .it .being states, but in the UNION, and that undivi among my first wi&l^es to see ^oniG p]an I del. adopted by nvhicli Slavery. i_|? tli/§ ^untjy 7^, TlVttfc we are'for the 'Govcfnttientof may may be abolished'by .law.'

against Slavery, sb'at bis dqath his convictions bore fruit ,in the emancipation of all the slaves whom his own act could Iree.— Hia last will directs that: "Upon tho decease of my' tvife," it is mv will and desire that ALT, MY SLAVES, which 1 hold in my own right, SMALL 'RECEIVE' THEIR FREEDOM."

Would Washington have hesitated to do for his country ha*, he deemed it right to do for himself?

Thomas Jeffei-on V£is also ari Abolitionist, and has boru*. vhness against Slavery with a courage which in theso days would send him to a dungeon in the Statfe whose only title to reverence is the memory of her ardent support, departed patriots. In a letter to M. Warvile, written in 1788, the Author of the Declaration of Independence declares: "The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exorcise of the moat boisterous passions the most unremitting despotism on the ono part and degrading submissions on the other. The man must boa'prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepnived by such circumstauces. Aud can the liberties of a nation bo thought secure when wo have removed their only firm basis, a'cObviction in tho minds of nho people that theso liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to bo violated -but with his tfrath? Indoed I tremble for'my ciourttry when 1 rcllecttlmt God is just »hat his justice cannot sleep forever that considering numbers, oatuie, and natural means only, a revolution of tho wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in tuch a contest. But

express the sentiments of the

of coun

might diffuse'itself getierally into the minds 5^, That those who are constantly find of the people of this country. ing1 fault with the Administration, talking of Still more emphSttftiS the expression of a peace, of conciliation, compromise or recog letter from the siimo illustrious pen to John nition of tho Rebel Confederacy, are prac^ ,, 1. tical enemies to the Gpvernment. F. Mercer: ., Gth. That the interests of Indlaha lie

try.

WE have not had space for the great

aaapolis on the 26th inst., prior to this time, but this morning we publish as much of it as WM#epoJfd, and ^ich incl paqLintwf the sn«dh. lie byt#ov. •RioBT^KMMproceodi ft'

Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana, and I think I have aright to call you fellowciueens. Although an inhabitant of another State, I claim to be a citizen of the United

dn8er tl^^^^^^^^^^^iA Wnloo ^f' ours. In presenting myself to you, it is with

dress so far as my voice' is concerned, nor Have I strength to present the subject op I ^rish. Another cauae of embarrassment is that Appear before yotf in the midst or a 4ivil war, a revolution, which: is calculated •^interest each one of you, If.any had come. Expecting ora^ofy they, would bp. disappointed.' For in presenting myself to thiS conours£ of people, if'I know fny own mhid, it

te and forfeit prayer foi' the Uhibn

On motion,

nljnl W8

I. N. Morrison and S.! A. By-

rf&M SecttrtaiW/i0

rill be for-the. purposeof making a iodgent in your hearts of the truth on the great questions which liavp ^agitated tlfB| nation, 2nd inv6lved it iri ^ivil Vvar.

When we look aroUndi what condition do 're find the country in? 'Just tbe other day 1.11 was peaceful, happy, and prosperous. All tortious of the country vied with each other 'their profusions of tbeii' desire for the :etmnoh goods T-ho" great cdntest 'Beemed 1 bfl between the advopates of the various (arties-and creeds, in pronouncing eulogies 1 )n their several States. Each one uttered eulogies oh the blessings which had flowed ^ipon this people under the Constitution of be United States sipce the formation of the

Government. What has transpired or taken jlac'e in so short ii period of tthie, as to make necessary for one portion of your countryinen to commence a war of disintegration in he at on

Tt' has boeri contended Diy some in nigh places, and somo In places not so high, that onb portion of our fellow citizens had been deprived of their

lifbt

ur Fathers, and for the friends .of that Gov,

And as throughout his life.the words of ornmout, and against the enemies of that aoorjo Wiislitngton .»0r for- ^oo, EJ

mdy. 8th.. That, we are inflexibly, opposed to the unmitigated and disgraceful folly of scheming for Secession in the North West, which would as surely bring desolating civil war to our Own doors, as Secession has brought .it to States already, drenched iu blooa, and that we will resist it,.wnti our lives, our fortunes, and our gac«*d honor. yL 9th. That we have an abiding ccmfideflice in the abilities, honor aud patriotism of Governor MORTON, and believe those desirous of his removal from office, or of the renfioval from his hands of the Military power of the State, to be traitors at heart, and in sympathy with the armed rebels of tho disloyal States. We therefore pledgo to bim our united and

10th. That-we view with pride and admiration tho endurance, courage and efficiency of the Indiana soldiers now in the field, and that we hereby tender them our heartfelt thanks as a portion of the whole Nation, be lieving that their skill and bravery have not been surpassed by any other soldiers of the Union army. 11th. That wo arp thoroughly i» sympathy with the lon« ones left behiud, and that we hereby renew to each other our pledges to render them a brother's comfort and support, looking anxiously forward to the day when the separated shall be united here or in a better world.

After tho above resolutions were read and adopted without a dissenting voice, the President introduced to the immense audience Col. G. H. Voss, of Greencastle, whe addressed tho people for three hours in one of most able, argumentative, patriotic and thrilling speeches that has ever .been delivered in our county.

I.N. Morrison offered the following resolution, which was adopted RESOLVED, That the thanks of this meeting be tendered to COLONEL Voss, for his able, eloquent and patriotic speech.,

On motion of James R. Baxter, til® following resolution was adopted: RKSOLVKD, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the "Worthington Gazette," "Wabash Express," "Indianapolis Journal," aud "Cincinnati Gazette

On motion the following persons were elected to constitute a Union Central Committee for Greene county Aaron Bland James R. Baxter, and Wm. W Gainey, of Bloomfield, and Stephen H. Lockwood, Phi lander Burr, Clarkson Start, and I. N. Mor lisoo. of Worthington

Tho meeting then adjourned and tho people quietly dispersed to their homes, with their devotion and love for the Union strengthened, and well pleased with the proceedings of the day.. i. ., ,, ,,

D. TOPPING, President.

J. N. MORRISON S. A. BYNUM,

."iiM

Secretaries.

BCTTFUNUT.—The Vincennes Qazette says this is a peculiarly appropriate name, style and designation fOr that class of men who sympathize with rebellion but lack tbe nerve to aid it in tbe battle-field. Tbe wood, soil, green and worthless the fruit, shriveled and meagre, and generally mouldy or worm -oaten, and the peculiar color imparted by the bark, a dirty brown, a sort of mulatto with dirt predominant. Verily, if soolor be selected to represent principle or rather want Of principle, the butternut is the one. 'T!B the garb in which nature clothes all things approaching decay* We know of no living animal that affects thfe color except it be a yellow dog, and it is a singular fact in natural history that dogs ef that color kill sheep and suck eggs, in fact are the butter note of the canine race? Of a truth the name as now used, is appropriate and symbolic.

A 69-poifeder shell bnrst near an

Irishmiih' In one of the trenches, fat Ooolly surveyed tbe ruins the fragment bail made, and exolaissed: "Bo jaben! tbim's tho fcl lows to soften tbe wax in a man's ear!"

rights.

Let. mo ask this

iea of upturned faces before me to lay aside .heir prejudices—to forget that they ever belonged to tho respective-parties of the coun»ry_let me ask them what rights have been jqst in ,the United States since tho formation ofth& Constitution?' Has any right been given ilpi or Sny right been taken away? care not. wlwttparty any man belongs to, can he put his finger on any one constitutional right which lias been lost. Why, then, this criisade On the Constitution and the institutions under it?

As I remarked on a former occasion, I do not appear here as a partizan but I have not given up my political creed in tho slightest degree. I have neither come here, or been elsewhere, to revoke single political principle- which I espoused at. the commencement Of my public life. I stand where I have illways Stood, an'uncompromising Democrat.— I stand to-day, as the advocato of the great Democratic principle of self government that the poople are .the great sourco of political power. In later years I have come to the conclusion that the'Union of these States was a fixed principle of Democracy. Hence. WP,simply adhere to .tho principles of selfgovernment, and of tho people as the source of power, when wp talk of the Constitution and of all laws enacted under it as obligatory on those who live under it. This is Democracy. This-is. where I stand. It is a true doctrihe that th6 Government was mado for the convenience of man, and not man for. the Government just as the shoe is made, for the foot, not the loot for the shoe.

Oqe of the first ideas I learned in connection with government was that the soul of liberty was the love of. law What liberty have you without the Constitution or laws? Take away law, apd you have vice and anarchy rampant. With law we have liberty. It protects the weafc'agkinst the strong, virtue against. vico.'^.!'This is apart of my Democracy.

But, my countrymen, what has brought this condition ti^on us? I will illustrate the question by reierenco to the history of party politics. We havo been divided into political parties—Whig and Democratic—and, latterly, Republican and Democratic. Whichever part^ was dissatisfied with the result of an election appealed to tho peoplo. Whatever the issue, baulfs or tariffs, or latterly the issue between tlie Democratic and Republican parties/there was Waving over all, the stars arid stripes. All parties vied in their fealty to the.-Constitution and devotion to the banner of. their Country. Let me ask my republican friends and my Democratic friends whether the contest has not been as to which wonld best promote tho prosperity of the Union and preserve its existence? On all pulic measures the contest was whether the policy of bither party would best preserve fflieUnion and: prosperity of the States. All agreed in the supremacy of the Constitution aBfUTTnien of States. iVhat are we doing about this matter now? These defenders of the South profess to find reasons for the men for whom they sympathize.

At-the last election, Lincoln, Boll, Douglas and Breckenridgo were candidates, and they all professed to be strongly devoted to the Union. I made speeches for John C. Breckinridgo, for the same reason I would h&ve spoken for Douglas, had I been living in a free State, because he was the strongest man there, and by supporting him we hoped to beat the candidate of the Republican party. This is the truth, and I will not lie about it. We repudiated all idea that Breckinridge was a disunlonist. Each party was especially devoted to the country. To satisfy my Democratic friends that lie was a professed Unionist, I will quote a few extracts from his speeches. We all know how parties divide',' some going one way, some another,' and we had as well admit it as honest men that thousands of them havo their sympathies based on old party biases. If we were deceived is it any reason why we should turn traitors? He deceived me then —that was his fault. If he deceives me now it would be my fault. If God forgives me for advocating the claims of one who turned traitor, I pledge this assembly that I will never again bo guilty of alike offense. [Gov. Johnson quoted passages from Breckinridge's speeches, which he had used during the campaign to prove him a devoted Union man, referring to his speech on the occasion of the removal from the old Senate chamber to the new, when he prophesied that the execration of mankind would rest on any one who attempted to disrupt the Union. They wero used by his advocates to convince the peoplo that ho was the most devoted Union candidate.]

Now, what has transpired since the Presidential election to make the Union so odious, and the Constitution so inefficient and illy calculated to benefit the country What has been dono to destroy tho Union of the States? Can any ono tell? Let inc ask my Republican aud Democratic frieuds, in the language of soberness and truth, to-day, do you believe if John 0. Breckinridgo had been elected, could we not have stood this Constitution and this Union at least four years longer? [Ciies of "We do."]

The) question resolves itself into this. One party was in power, and after the election it saw tlie sceptre of the Union had gono from it. For, even looking to the expiration of Lincoln's term ot' four yeais, there was, even if Mr. Lincoln was not rejected, other or-

ganisations coming up to retain the power from them, and they knew it. Now, they said, is the time to strike and make the slavery question, A pretext to unite the Southern States, Wo seo to day, in this terrible war, what it ended in. Lot me ask this audienPc to-day, if we are to have a civil war after every election, because one party or the other is defeated, what are we coming to? Look at Mexico, torn with internal dissension, too feeble to resent foreign oppression. Whftt is it to end in? Anarchy, loss of property, of life, and of national prosperity and honor.

What is our true policy Because Mr. Lincoln beat us, and was elected under the forms of law, he was entitled to come into power and try bis policy, and if the country prospered we ought to submit to it like men. If it was a bad administration we could oppose it as in the past we had that of others. That being so, let me ask every Democrat in the State of Indiana, and every Democrat in the Southern Confederacy, where was the danger of wrong when Mr. Lincoln came in to power Let mo be heard on this point a few moments. On the 4th day of March, 1861, be came inWpOwCr. Anew Congress came in. In the House was a majority of Representatives against him. In tbe Senate the:e was a majority of six against him.— There could be no danger from his administration. He must bring his Cabinet about him, whose nomination mnst be confirmed by the. Senate. If he attempted to bring into power men opposed to the interests Of any one section, they had the power to reject them He could not make a Cabinet without their consent. We bad it in our power to make the whole Cabinet to-suit ourselves. Where was the] danger, then, from his administration 1 He could not send out a foreign minister without our conseiit. mtui 20 g.

Every treaty he made must be submitted to Constitution as it is, protection •s tmiiMiiiiMi fnr ratiftMlinn Nor ssnkl In anpoiot and the quaranty of republicanformot gov1.for the Union moo of the South

Consuls. Nor draw bis own salary unless we appropriated it for bim. Hence, you see, there was on the part of these men a fixed determination to ^reafejpEd destroy He GoW ernmcnt. This is tio Miw thing. I Jill read you one or two extrMts from Son&rn papers, to show you ha# disunion baneen going on from time togSime. IChere ifcs a determination to brwr'tip the-Voimamtmi, and the great difficulty was making an excuse for it.

Governor Johnson then read from the Montgomery (Ala.) Daily Advertiser which at "it was no precipitate rebellion."— e^ could have staid in the Union and arrested every unfriendly measure. One of their organs says "it has not been a precipi--tatenrevohttioBt bat wUh cooimsn ana deliberation has been thought of for forty years

For ten years this has been the all-absorbing question." I will read nothing further to show that it was their design in l860 that the Union should be broken up. I might introduce ether authorities^

In proof of what I am now saying I may uote an extract from a letter of General ackson on the disunion movement of Seuth Carolina in 1832. Let me ask Jackson Democrats, if there are any here, to hear him speak on this occasion. He now sleeps in a toomb which was, but a short time sinco, in the Southern Confederacy. I was told that* when they took possession ef that county, they marched out to his toomb and attempted to plant the stars and bars upon it. Ou that occasion an old Jackson Democrat reqiarked: 'Byjlhe Eternal God, I expected to see Jackson jump out of bis grave!" Though he now sleeps in tho grave, if it were possible to communicate with tbe dead, and if be foresee the condition of to day, I have some times thought he would turn over in his tomb, burst it asunderj and, extending that long arm and that long finger, declare: "The Federal Union—it must bo preserved!" [Immense applause.]

Gov. Johnson then quoted his comments on the scheme of Calhoun, in which he proved that the very tariff which was made a pretext for nullification was protective to the coarse wools of the South, and was a mere pretext, and closed with this prophesy: "The next pretext will be the negro, or tho slavery question."

Have we not come to it? Is the Constitution changed? I think not. What rights have the South lost? ["None!" Who can tell? Do you not see that the establishment of a Southern Confederacy was their real object? Jackson's prophesy has been followed out to the very letter.

Who commenced the war—this damnable struggle to destroy the people's rights? The South. Who struck the first blow, fired the first gun, shed tho first blood? It is a matter 01 history that a delegation from Virginia urged the attack upon the Federal forts at Charleston, as a spur for Virginia to revolt. They knew that in fifteen days Anderson and his gallant band in FortSumter would be out of food. But so fearful were they that these men would not be starved to death, or into a surrender, they opened fire on Fort Sumter, on this wretched garrison, and kept it up for three days, so incessantly that they were compollcd to fall on their faces and wet their blankets to keep from suffocation. The surrender was communicated to Jeff. Davis at Montgomery. He could not speak in response to the news, but bis Secretary did. It was in substauce: "The first blow has been struck. Who can tell where it will end? Before May the Confederate flag shall bo floating on the Capitol at Washington and on Congress Hall at Philadelphia."

They at onco raised men and levied taxes Mr. Lincoln came into power, administering the Constitution liko au nonestman, and,lov. ing my country, I determined to sustain^him Because lie called for men to defend the Con stitution and the laws, he has been denounc ed as a usurper and a despot. If he had not called on you when your country was in peril would not tho same armies have been raised by the south, and the revolution gone on? What sort of a Government would you havo had to-day? Would it nothave been a military despotism? You complain of the

eat wrong he has done, of arrests, &c have any complaint to make, it is that President Lincoln has not done more to crush the rebellion. Has Lincoln violated tbe Constitution and trampled the law under foot Who commenced the war? Did not the South? Somehow these sympathizers forgot that Davis and his piratical crew have violated the Constitution. They can see only^the blunders of the party in power, but they have npt a word of disapproval for the total annihilation of the Constitution at the South They can't see any wrong there, but it is all here. They arc attempting to build up a par ty 0:1 the blunders and the imputed crimes of the prosent Administration. Let me say here if you want to build up a party on the ruins of the Administration party, you build upon a foundation of sand, which will be washed from under it. You must re-estab-lish the Democracy in power on the basis of the restoration of the Union and the enforce ment of the laws. That is what I intend to do.

It has been called a high crime to subjugate a State and to enforce tbe laws. Without a law you can have no Legislature, no State. Has a State aright to secede? Settle tho question, they say, by peacablesecescession and reconstruction. This is impossible. This Government cannot be divided without bloodshed. Where will you divide it? Where will you draw the line? Who shall have the Territories? Such are the quest'ons which arise when you attempt to ui vide the Unien. It cannot be done. Tbe framers of the Constitution designed that hould be perpetual. That instrument con

a.iins

[n""rrfer

principles which are fundamental to all government, immutable, emanating from Deity himself. We are engaged in along war, but we shall come out triumphant.— Neither this nor succeeding generations shall tdestroy our rights. Thoy had their origin in a seven years' war, in which our fathers spent their treasure and offered up their lives. So now, brave men of Indiana, your sorrows will return like bread east upon the waters.

Gov. Johnson then referred to the histo ry of the Const'tution, as following after the Articles of Confederation which were to form a perpetual Unien, and the Constitution in its preamble sets forth that it is "to form a more perfeclUnion." It could be adapted to any change in the condition of man, by amendments to the Constitution, and was adapted to all coming time.

Let the idea be kept in mind. We have civil war and revolution. Why not have sought their remedy in the mode pointed out in tho Constitution? But no, that must be dertioyed, and tho destruction of this Gov eminent must 'go with it. They wanted -pparation of the States, and then recon s'ruction. They knew that reconstruction could not follow separation. I hold to the theory that no State can secede. The Union was to be perpetual. Separation dissolves all bonds, and restores the Union to its orig inal elements. What Stato, what Govern qient, could stand this result? Tofillustrate you form a State government, pass laws, and impose penalties for crime. Each man as sents to it. But suppose some one commits murder, and is arraigned for it, and should then notify you that he bad seceded, and was no longer bound by your laws. He was a sovereign. Do you not think the other sovereigns would punish him? A man builds a bouse in a city it is his property and he burns it down, on the principle that he can dipose of his own property as ho pleases^ without regard to tho rights of others, and so burn down a block, or the city. Recognize such a principle, and you have no government but anarchy, and I repudiate the doctrine, in toto coelo, that a State has a right to secede, without reference to its effect on the other States. Hence I am for the Union. I intend£to stand by the Union so long as I live, and shed ray heart's blood, if needed, as a libation for its preservation.

There can be no government unless the laws are enforced. What is the language of the sympathizers with Sonthers rebels? "I am for the Constitution as it is, and the Union as as it was They are giving the enemies of the Union aid and comfort by their clamor. When these cringing, fawn ing, sycophantic set of fellows, are talking about dividing the Union, a Northwestern Confederacy, peace, armistice, etc., they laugh at you, and hold you in utter contempt. No terms will suit them better than the acknowledgment of their independence.

Let me ask tbe rebel sympathizers of Indiana, why you are sympathizing with them —why your bowels of compassion yearn for them. Why, you ,forget the Union men, then? You will not sympathize with us, but rou would compromise with traitors.—

Never.] Union men of those sections of country, whose necks rest beneath tbe iron heel of power, ask you to carry out the Constitution. I do not demand it for them, as a privilege, but demand it of yon as a right, that the traitors of this rebellion shall beput down. Why? Bocause "the United States SHALL—not may—guarantee to every State hi the Union a republican form or government." I call on tho sympatiup* h?re,Idf9M«d, jp tbenan^ of th?

tttfnetat' for the Union men And, pardon me for my remarks. I ask, in the name of the Constitut.on, for the relief of tint portion of the people in my State eaJTof the Cumberland mo*Btains, who, not fxetpting ytarafk are tbe moat loyal people ot the Nation, because they have dared to be loyal in ihe bee of deaths-while some of yotftttvirtoen loyal, because you have not dared to be otherwiee. We are loyal in onr principles, and we have dared to speak Mid maintain tbem. I demand of tho sjmpathisere a morsel of their sympathy, for the Union men of the South. You answer, "Compromise." What will you do with your humble speaker, and those who have stood by him? I suppose theso sympathizers like tbe rebels, want to see me hung.

The redemption of that brave people has been postponed long enough. I notify the people of Indiana, that, if the effort is not made soon, I will come to Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and plead with you for a chosen band of men to go with me and redeem East Tennessee. [Cheers.]

Talk about being tired of the war I know it is terrible, and realize its horrors, but these are incidents of a civil war. The ruin that has come, the blood that has been shed, are upon the heads of those who precipitated this civil war, and not on ours.— You who have brought on this war, have forced this ruin, set brother against brother, orphaned these children, widowed these wives, and filled the land with mourning— you have done all this,—and let me ask you rebel sympathizers to lift up your hands and see if they are not crimsoned with the blood of the victims of the rebellion? Whether it comes sooner or later, justice will come.— The slower its pace, the surer is its blow. It will come, if we live and :f not living, when wo are dead. Sooner or later, justice will overtake those whoso hands are crimsoned with blood.

Tired of an eighteen months' war? Your fathers fought for seven years to establish this government, and you are tired of fighting eighteen months to defend it. So far as I am concerned, I am ready to fight seven ears, thirty years, and would not stop then.

Phat is a war of thirty years, when you look at the vast results to flow from it down the sea of time, in laying the foundation of a government which will livo in future ages, and revolutionize the governments of the world? Nothing. You are laying the foundation of a government which will endure while the sun rises and sets I say, to-day, not from impulse, but from cool reflection, if my life was spared 700 years, I would fight on and fight ever. I would war against this Southern aristocracy as long as the Moors did against the Spaniards 700 years ago.

Governor Johnson also referred to the gallantry of Paul Jones, who refused to surrender when his ship was sinking, but answered "I am just getting ready to fight.'' He also quoted from the Knoxv]lle Register an editorial article, in which the rebellion was despaired of unless dissensions at the North weakened the Union armies. The editor re marked that the quasi rebellious attitude of the Governors of New York and New Jersey had produced demoralization in Burnssdo's army, just as the same attitude of their sympatizere in the Northwest had prevented the advance of Rosecras' army.

The effect of a compromise would give strength to the rebels. You have commenced the demoralization hero. An armistice will increaso it. When divided, ono half contending against tho other, they would turn their invading armies on us and conquer the North. Tho very state of the war indi eates the speedy suppression oftho rebellion. If we prosecute the war, with the advance of the armies of the Mississippi, it would soon be opened, East Tennessoe occupied by Rosecrans, and tbe great railroad artery of the South cut by our armies a close blockade of Galveston, Mobile, Charleston, and other ports—would confine the rebelion so narrowly that it would die in its own fooble straggles.

Why

hy has not this been done? Lincoln has made some blunders, but that is no reason for attacking tho government. He is not perfect, but 1 sustain him in putting down the infamous rebellion, and in every other measure which is right. Wo are not com mitted to his blunders. When the govern ment is saved by the suppression of the rebellion, and wo have a government to quarrel in, we cvn quarrel as to whether Lincoln is right or wrong. Let us save tho govern ment first.

An armistice! The Constitution as it is and the Union as it was? I assure you, as Jackson did about the tariff, it is a mere pretext for giving up the rebellion. A com promise is the last thing they want. They want to divide, and then conquer the whole What will you put in your compromise?— That each State shall regulate its own domestic institutions. That is a spurious coin After Jeff Davis and other Senators had left Congress, Mr. Cerwin, a Republican, propos ed an amendment to tho Constitution providing that slavery shouldn't be interfered with by any amendment to the Constitution hereafter. It passed Congress by a two-thirds vote, and now waits adoption by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States to become apart of the Constitution. If they wanted a compromise to secure slavery from legisla tion, why did they not accept it?

Has any slave Stato adopted tho amendment? Why did not Jeff. Davis urge Mis sissippi to adopt the amendment? It is nearly two years sinco it passed Congress, and not a seceded State has adopted the guararty.— They did not want it, because they wanted to get their rights—Southern rights. An other case in point wan the organization of the Territories. I11 the acts organizing them, the Territorial Legislatures were prohibited from impairing the rights of the peo pie. This prevented any action against slavery in all the Territory, then unorganized of the United States. This proves that they wanted to separate from the other States, or •ODQuer them. They had no desire for com promise, and had lost faith in man's capabil lty to govern himself, and desired to estab lish an aristocratic form of government.

In support of ibis Gov. Johnson referred to the Southern papers the Richmond Ex aminer, DeBow's Review, and to the utterances of such men as Ishman G. Harris, and the Rhetts and others, that they were our masters. This piratical King, Jeff. Davis to be my master Ishman G. Harris to be my master Instead of being my master he should not be my Blave. The time has arrived in connection with the down-trodden poople of the South, when the tyrant's rod should be broken and the captive set free Though a Southern man I am a citizen of the United States, aud because a man lives at the South is no reason why he should be opposed to any one at the North.

Born and raised in the South, I have been a slave owner, having owned ten slaves. I obtained my Southern rights. The rebels stole my negroes, turned my invalid wife and children into the street, and made my hoviso a barracks for "Butternuts" to lie sick in.— That's my Southern rights, aud if such are the rights to be awarded us when the South era Confederacy is extended over us, I pray to be relieved from such a fate.

Great ado has been made about negroes Let that be as it may, is that any reason why we should oppose our Government, and go croaking about and appealing to a squeamish sympathy in the country. I have lived among negroes, all my life, and I am for this Government with slavery under tbe Constitution as it is, if the Government can be saved. I am for tho Government without negroes, and the Constitution as it is want to be understood on this question. I am for the government of my fathers, if it is being carried out according to tbe principles of the Constitution.

If, as the car of Stato moves along, tbe negroes get in the way, let them be crushed. If they keep out of the way let them remain where they are. I am for the Government and all measures necessary to maintain it.— Is not this Governmi nt, the giaut embodiment of the priBciples of human liberty worth more than the institution of slavery? It is but as dust in the balance. Some persons in the free^States have an idea that if King Cotton didn't rule, they cannot sell a mule or a bushel of corn, but this Government would go on were the cotton plant lost in this world. And when you come to think of it, that by raising a little more wool and flax and hemp—[cries of "that's what's wanted" —you may withhold tbe article of cotton from the markets of the world, and they would be supplied without a ripple upon commercial waters, they will go on with or without cotton, and whether cotton or negroes continue in the United States, tbe Government will continue to remain. I am lor the Government of my fathers with negroes. I am for it without negroes. Before I would see thia Government destroyed I would see every negro go back to Africa, disintegrated and blotted out of space.

Then let us defend this great fabric of human liberty, and the time will come when this nation will bo the great centre of the world, the great guiding star to other nations in government, religion, gcieoce and arts, tbe great centre ftom which en influence and prinoiple will radiate. Is this not worth bat tlingforf Let us go on with this great wj ger&wnt of Pemocracy, .. IkM ,-trnfwMKl.

The time has come and is now when we are assured by $o| and their sympathizers that we have an instil tution that is more powerful than the government itself. Wheu any institution, whether banks or the aristocracy of wealth, any Other combination of capital, asserts that the government has no right to agitate its claims, and shakes it to its ceotre, then the government must put it down. If the institution of slavery denies the government tbe right of agitation, and seeks to overthrow it, then tbe government has a clear right to destroy it.

I look upon these principles of free government as the powerful, means of elevating mankind to a higher state of civilisation, 1 look upon our system of religion as advancing man in his spiritual nature. And when wo go on, as it were, in thearttro parallel lines of progress, then we shall pase beyond the church and political systepia, nnd w4. shall secure harmony, "peace on earth and good will to men."

I will hold to tlie govornmont as the palladium of our

libi ii.i.s

and cling to it as the

mariner clings to the last plank when tbe waves are surging over him. If the govern ment is "to be overthrown, I do not want 10 survive it. If the government is totbe en^v tombed in tho tomb of nations, let me buried with it. Let us stand together with those brave Int'ianiana, some of whom are in hospitals, some in new inado graves, and others battling in the field. Indiana has erected a monument for herself. Her reputation will be inscribed on the highest pinnacle of famo. Will you disgrace it by withholding your aid and encouragement?

Will you deny that your soldiers's blood has been shod in a glorious cause? If yott do you aro uuworlhy

fathers

and.mothers.—7

Who will turn his back upon his blood?— [Cries ol "traitors!"] Yes, traitors, none but traitors. For him who sleeps in tbe grave, let him know that he has fallen in^ a glorious cause, and water his grave with tears, and, it ned be, to ciown the war with success, you should shed your own blood and spend your last dollar.

Gov. Johnson concluded by returning bis thanks to his fellow-citizens. He made ape^ cial mention of the ladies. At the South he said it to their shame they had nnsexed themselves, and exerted more influence for the rebellion than the men. He believed that at the North the ladies had it in their power to wield an influKnce that would materially aid tho Uuion cause. It was better to be a brave soldiers' widow than a coward'a wife.

Gov. JohnBon then retired amid Vociferous cheering, and when Gov. Wright proposed nine cheers for Gov. J., they were given with a will, the united tribute of esteem of 35,000 freemen of |fidiana for the noble Governor of Tennessee.

The Press and Dead-Heads. Railroads, steamboats and stago coaches complain of dead-heading—that ia to say, of preachers, editors mid brethren of tho. craft, riding so much without pay. The newspaper press endures mOre of this deadheading than all three of these modes of conveyance combined. The pulpit, the bar and the theater corporations, legislative na semblies, societies, religious, benevolent agricultural, mercantile establishments, venders of quack medicines, taildroad com-, panies, stage-lines, and every variety of individuals, including political parties and potiticions, draw largely upon the liberality of tho press. The press is expected to yield to all theso interests is requested to give strength to all weak institutions and enterprises it is asked to puff small preiclMts into overshadowing pulpit orators to puff small politicians and unprincipled demagogues into great men and patriots to magnify incompetent railroad officers into railroad kings it is expected to herald abroad tbe famo of quacks of all classes, bolster up dull authors, immortalize weak

Congressional speeches it is required to give sight to the blind, bread to the bun gry, talents to the fools, and honor to thieves and robbers it is asked to cover up the infirmities of the weak, to bide tbe faults of guilty men, and wink at the fraud ulent schemes ot scoundrels it is expected. to flatter tho vain, to extol the merits of, those who deserve nothing but the scorn and contempt of all good citizens it is required, in a word, of the newspaper press, that it bccome all things to all men and if it looks for pay, or seuds out its bills for subscriptions or advertising, it is denouueed as mean and sordid, and its conductors as wanting in liberality. There is 110 interest on the face of this green earth that is expected to give as much to society, without pay or thanks, as the newspaper press of the country. The little-souled man, who iuaeru in your columns a fifteen shilling avderlisement, expects you to write out at least five dollars',worth of editorial notices. And the obscuro and niggardly man you have written into a position of importance, far beyond his merits, considers that his name adorns your columns, and gives circulation to your journal I—Lou. Jour. I I

From the 85th Regiment,

PATRIOTIC RESOLUTIONS.

WHEREAS, Our Government is engaged in a struggle to uphold tbe Constitution and Union of all the States in tact, aud ever has been and now is ready to disband our armies and end the war when that object is accomplished and

WHEREAS, A portion of the Legislature of the State of Indiana has, in its present session, by a series of acts and resotutious, shown a manifest intention to embarrass the Federal Government in the prosecution of this war, by propositions for an armistice, and to tako the conductof the war from Gov. orton nd place it in the hands of tho.^e who avow themselves in favor of a Northwestern Confederacy, which propositions could have no other effect than to give aid and encouragement to the enemies of our Government. Therefore. i..

Resolved, 1st, That we, as citizens of tho Stato of Iudiana, do unqualifiedly condemn said acts and proceedings of our Legislature, and all other acts having in view the settlement of the present controversy in any other way than the return of the rebellious States to their allegiance to the Federal Government, and that to secure this end we favor a vigorous prosecution of the war.

Resoloed, 2d. That in our opinion, the factious opposition shown by a portion of our northern peoplo to tbe Federal and State Governments iu the proceedings of their Legislatures, in the editorial articles of their newspapers and the sentiments oipressed bv their orators, is intended to have, and doe's have, the direct effect to encourage our enemies to hold out and prolong this war on hopes of seeing the North so divided that our armies will fall an easy prey to their united exertions. And, so believing, we freely pledgo ourselves, each to the other, that if this course is persisted in, ire will hold these men now so engaged as our mortal cuemios, who have plotted together and treat them aeeordlngly.

Resolved, 3d. That we brieve that the proclamation of the Piesident, dated Janu ary 1, 1863, was intended by him as a means of accomplishing the great end for which alone we are fighting, to wit: the maintainance of tbe Constitution as it is and tbe Uuion as it was, and whatever may be our individual opinions as to tho policy or effect of that measure, we see no reason in it for us to relax our exertions and are resolved to do our whole duly as soldiers of the Union.

Resolved, 4th. That in* our opinion there never has been a time since the secession of South Carolina to this day, when the seceded States would have consented to any peaceable settlement of the quostion that divided us, except on tbe basis of their independence, and to that we never will willingly consent! And we earnestly ask the friends of the Gov* ernment every where -(to give a hearty support to aid the war measures of the Government for the suppression of this rebellion.

Resolved, That our thanks are due to Governor Morton and Adjutant General Noble for tbe skill and untiring industry they have shown iu arming and equipping the troops of Indiana, and the kindness they have shown to our soldiers in tbe field.

We tbe undersigoed commissioned officers of tbe 85th Regiment, Indiana Volunteers, do fully and cordially eodorse the foregoing resolutions,'which have been voted upon and unaninously adopted by tho non-commis sioned officers and privates of said regiment. .7

P-

BAIRD, Colonel^

A. &. CRANE, Lt. Col." IB. B. CRAIG, M^jor. CRAWFORD, Adjt.

THE balance of the names of tbo ofl|eers whose signatures were attached, we omit for want of spaoq.