Weekly Wabash Express, Volume XXI, Number 11, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 11 February 1863 — Page 2

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WEEKLY EXPRESS.

WEJ^MSDAY... .FEBB.UAKY 11,-1863

HIGHLY IMPORTANT. It is our rule to make the payment of 8ttb Bcriptiona to the WEEKLY EXPRESS, strictlyjii advance, but (in times past, ^when paper was

cheap, we have sent the paper toWihe of

our friends withoutpre-payment. Hereafter we shall be obliged to adhere strictly to the rule. When we inform our readers that the plain white paper, before any-work is pot on it, costs us more than half the price of subscription, they will see the necessity of this. The time of many" expired on the last of January, and we hope all will make prompt payments,' and continue with us another year. We will use our utmost endeavor'to give you a good paper. mt

THE Illinois officers and soldiers stationed at Oorinth have sent on a series of the xaoBt bitter and scathing resolutions to the Legislature, denouncing them as traitors, and expressing their willingness to come on at the command of the Governor and wipe out all the traitors. They sustaiu the Administration at Washington and Gov. Yates. Democratic and Republican Colonels and other officers participated in the meeting, and the s&ldiers of all the regiments stationed there, voted for the resolutions. They prove that the army is right to its very heart's core.

WE hear it reported that the 43d. Indiana Regiment is under arrest at Helena for throwing down their arms and refusing to do duty. We have not been able to trace the report to any authentic source.—-iVeu« Sheet. ... -If the Editor of the News Sheet has been unable to trace the report to any authentic source he should not have published it. The News Sheet is constantly publishing such report. It shows very plainly that it would like all such reports to be correct. In fact nothing would please the Netee Sheet so well as to have the whole army throw down its arms and refuse to do duty, as that "speedy peace" which the Editor so much desires ^ould then be secured.

WB have examined with much pleasure, the reports of the President and Secretary, to the Stockholders of theTerre Haute and Richmond Railroad Company, for the year ending November 30, 1862. The road is in excellent repair and is considered by the traveling public, to be the best road in the

whole west. The gross revenue from transportation for the last year, is $597,697 11. The June dividend of fivo per cent, was $69,222 50.— The Decmber dividend of seven per cent., and Government tax was $103,947 19.

The capital stock has been increased by the surrender of fifty-nine seven per cent, bonds of $1,000 each, making capital stock, November 30,1862, $1,440,450. Bends outstanding at the same date $171,000 00. The increase of revenue for transportation over the previous year, roaches the sum of $185,621 78.

DIRECTORS ELECTED JAN. 5, 1863. Chauncey Rose, Terre Haute. James Farrington, Demas Doming,

Charles Wood, W.K.Edwards, F. Nippert, H. Ross, W. R. McKeen E. .T. Peck, Indianapolis.

OFFICERS

E. J. Peck, President. Charles Wood, Secretary. John Scott, Troasurer. E. J. Peck, General Superintendent, it. E. Ricker, Superintendent. The Reports must bo highly gratifying to t,ho Stockholders, and certainly the condition of the road is such as to please the public find honor its officers.

T:i another place will bo seen an address to the Domocrats of this Stato, by Gen. ALVIN P. HOVEY and others, all of whom are Dem" ocrats. We call the attention of our Demo

cratic

in" which'oneofmote my are not loitering

readers to it, and ask them to consid^ ^entions) if we or it fairly-. Gen. HOVEY was, until the war^~ ""A

oommenced, a leading Democrat of this State, and retains his Democracy still. But it is not tho kind of Democracy which seeks to preserve party organization, in preference to tho Union. It is not that kind of Democracy, which refuses to sustain the Government, simply fiom the fact, that its policy iii conducting the war, does not happen to meet its approval. He is for his country, and for those who represent Its loyalty, until the war ceases and the authority of the Federal Government is fully restored over the rebellious States. While he and others are lighting the enemies of the Union on Southern fields, they regret the necessity of having to invoke their former Democratic friends at home, not to become enemies of their country in the hour of its extremest peril. Party success is evanescent, and the man who says, he "never would have raised his voice for "the war," had he known the administration intended pursuing a certain policy, is no true 'man but is false hearted, and has no patriot i.un in his nature. Tho address to which wo refer exhibits the patriotism aud statesmanship of its authors to be of the highest order.

It in country, and not party organization for

which

they do battle. Posterity will not forget the names of such men, nor will the

present

generation refuse to do them homage.

Tho fact that tho Democratic party of Indiana and Illinois, as it now exists, has ranped itself on the side of the eeemy, is well known to the whole country, and it is condemned by the patriotic Democrats who were once its leaders, but who are now periline their lives in defense of the Republic. It is a sad thing to contemplate. The fact that men should live under the protection of Federal laws and claim the protection of the Federal Constitution, and at the same time give support and comfort to the enemy, armed'for their destruction, is a hateful commentary upon their patriotism and honor, But the loyal men of the North, need only starfB true to thomselves and the Government, as do tho authors of the address re fered to, and the time will speedily come when the old flag will wave defiantly, yet peacefully from the Lakes to the Gulf, and rom Sea to Soa.

Colonel Imbodeu, commanding the

rebel troops in Western Virginia, lately adduced a letter to General Milroy, stating that he had a number of his prisoners and would hang two of them for every man of the fifteen citizent arrested in Barbour county that should bo hung by the State Government of West Virgiaia. Milroy replied that he nad no jurisdiction or control over the ma|Ur, that he had a much larger numbef o! rrfbel prisouors in bis power, and that Imbjden must not presume so far upon the forbearance aud superior humanity of tho Federal authorities as to put his threat into execution, and expressing the hope that he would not compel him to the painful'alternate which the execution of the threat would render inevitable. General Milroy concludes his letter thus: notice that the Confederate government SS'abaut to offer ten thousand dollars for my •head. Had you not better come down and make the speculation? „tir, ***-., R. H. MILROY, *°U BrigadierGeneraK

from the ar-

The arrest of these

deserters and their return to the' army is as proper as it is necessary, and no right thinking citizen will oppose the proper officers in the duty assigned them of arresting these deserters. On the other hand it is the clear

MUM iq^MrvrVM^NULUUior

deserters in theirtowna dr neighborhoods, t« repott- inch' desertcfs,"that' the^ tttvy be arrested and sent back -to their regiments.— Resistance to officers appointed to arrest deserters, while in the legitimate discharge of their duties in this behalf, is a clear violation of law and a grave offence, and should be frowned upon by every loyal citizen.— Soldiers, on provost duty of this character, should be held strictly responsible for all violations of law and all infringements of the rights of citizens. A strict compliance with the law and military orders from the War

Department, by both provost guards ftnd citizens, prevent any collisions between soldiers and citizens and in the present excited state of public feeling this compliance is all the more essential in order to a preservation of the public peace.

THE EXPRESS justifies the refusal of its party to compromise with the South and avert the war, upon the grounds that the Democrats refused to compromise political principles at the Charleston Convention. The one existence of the involved the peace and very Nation itself, While the other involved the success of a political party. So wedded to party is the EXPRESS that it cannot under stand the difference between party and country. The conduct of its leaders in refusing

to yield their platform for the good of the country, shows conclusively that they loved their party better than they did their country.—Newt Sheet.

Th« argument in the above extract is the one usually made use of by Democrats, as they call themselves, in justification of their conduct at the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions. It is a flimsy argument and is easily disposed of. If YAXCET aud his friends were right in their demands then made, the Democratic leaders should have yielded to them. But if they were wrong the Northern members of those Conventions did right in refusing to accede to their demands

The Northern delegates believed the com promise^ which YANCEY proposed was too odious to go into a party platform. Mr, RICHARDSON, of Illinois, aud Mr. PAINE, of Ohio, said they could not endorse such a platform of principles without "personal dishonor" to themselves. This compromise, then, which YANCEY offered, was regarded as too odious to go into a Democratic platform bnt the Newt Sheet alleges that the Repub licans ought to have submitted to make it a pari of the CONSTITUTION. Well, a principle especially when it is intended to advance the slave interest, must be very dirty indeed to be excluded from a Democratic platform.— But the Newt Sheet claims that although the YANCEY compromise was too odious for the Northern Democrats, yet it was good enough to become a part of the Constitution. And thus the purity of that party is above that of the Constitution. The Democracy was too pure to endorse YANCEY'S views, but the Constitution was not so pure but that the same principles should have been incorporated into it. This is the reasoning of the News Sheet.

But YANOEY and his friends were at that time ondeavoring to destroy tho Union, and made numberless threats in those Conven tions, that if their views were not sanctioned the Southern States would secede. And what thcr Northern Democrats refused to grant them by consultation in Convention they afterwrrds became clamorous for, when JEFF. DAVIS, took the master's whip in his hand, and said to them: "If you do not grant us our demands I will apply tho lash. Whereupon these Democrats become as obedient to the rebelPresident as so many negroes on his plantation, and at once were willing to swear that, the YANCEY doctrine was the very thing to put into the Constitution. JEFF DAVIS said to them: "Peaceably (in Con can, but forcibly if

must," and they yielded to a doctrine which was once too odious to put into a party platform without dishonor These Democrats now whine at the feet oif the rebel slave-driver, and are ready and willing to do anything to prevent him from applying the lash. The Republl cans held that a doctrine which was too odious to be put into a party platjorm, was also too odious to form part of the Constitution, and rather than such a doctrine should be incorporated into that sacred instrument to please the arch-traitor and slave driver they would if driven to the necessity, maintain their con victionB by tho sword. Our forefathers might have yielded to the Stamp Act, and the num berless other aggressions upon their rights, and thus have avoided the war of the Revolution. The tories of those days used much the same arguments that Northern tories do now. They had much to say then about the horrors of war, peace, high taxes, etc. and wo hear the same now. But our Revolu tionary sires did not yield to British aggres sion, for in yielding they would have lost their freedom and manhood—something which their stern sense of duty would not tolerate. Nor can the loyal people of this country now yield to the rebel power without that loss of principle and manhood which only a Peace Democrat would conseut to make Nor can they yield without a loss of freedom and Union. Nor will they yield, until the rebel power is overthrown and the leading traitors banished or hung.

LAND FOR SALE.—A Farm of 100 acres near this city, also 500 acres in lots to suit purchasers, and 40 acres of timber land few rods southwest of Terre Haute Bridge

To RENT—A small Farm near the city, Brick Store nearly opposite the Postoffice, Saloon on First street, recently kept by Gregg & Straun, a Two-story House on Fiiet street—to sell or rent to two families.

For terms inquire of

A. WATSON,

febl0w2d3t At the Buntin House

cr The Lebanon Mail says a rebel sympathizer offered to sell hts house and lot for $2,000, and tako Confederate money. A gentleman present took him up, but when he found that the Confederate money could be bought for $30 he backed down, as his wife refused to sign the papers.

A CURIOUS FACT.—Some curious genius states, as the result of an estimate, that a million one-dollar treasury notes woald weigh over a tun, and make a pile as high as the Washington monument. This will give some idea of the labor of preparing our treasury note issue..

....

ir A citizen of New York, who has taken the pains to examine tho record of deeds, claims, through the Evening Post, that the Herald's story of the gift of a splendid residence to Mrs. McClellan, by admirers of the General, is a boax.,

":tj

Ar is ^matter qaife well get! attack"-Igpon ChfiHeston .wil^l formidable chgwtctei^ 'l|e landman forces winch will be engagea Tn the

.•

efw -I rsa

er Lieutenant Colonel John Coombs, of the 14th Ind., has been appointed Colenei, vice ^Harrow, promoted to Brigadier Qenera?-

1 mittee on Finance, reported back the bill to) destined for this port.

bflof a very nd naval conflict

are supposed to be sufficient to capture the place This object should have been accomplished long since. Two or three expeditions attempted to get possession of the cjty, and failed, after the expenditure of much resources and the loss much life, and the to perferiBr with an immense icico what it should have performed long since. The capture of Sa*. vaimab and Charleston cannot be much longer delated. With those two points and

Vicksburg in possession of the Federal forces the Confederate Government must rapidly decline, even if Richmond does continue to be the Rebel Capitol

THB report that Gen. MCCLELLAN, is to again take command of the army of the Po

tomac

is doubless unfounded. Rumors and reports of a similar character have been pe riodically put in circulation for some time on perhaps as authentic information as this last one is based upon. We believe that the removal of Gen. MCCLELLAN is fiinal. No officer of the Federal army was so much favored as Gen. MOCLELLAN. "Without re fleeting in the slightest manner upon his patriotism, or desire to serve his country so as to accomplish the greatest possible good, it must be admitted that he did not satisfy the expectations of the people, and exhausted immense resources, without accomplishing proportionate results. This report to which we refer, indicates that the "radicals" have influenced the President in the matter of reealling Gen. MOCLELLAN to the command of the army, again, and as a consequence it will not just at this time bo done. We believe the whole matter to be nothing more tnan a sensation report. The President, could in no other way so effectually discourage the great mass of the loyal people of the country, as by again placing tho Potomac

Army under the command of Gen. McCIELLAN. The only thing under such circumstances, which would have a tendency to relieve the general despair, would be the activity of the army in other places. But should the President, see fit, after reflection and a careful review of the circumstances involved to recall Gen. McCLEELAN, the country as a matter of course, will make the best of it. Gen. HOOKER seems to bo the favorite now, and is laboring, with great zeal in reorganizing the army and preparing it for a movement at the earliest moment ^possible. The idea that his appointment is merely temporary is not a reasonable one by any means. Gen. HOOKER is at work as if he did not certainly regard his appointment as of a temporary charactor. Geu. BURNSIDE gave the Vf ar Department ample time to decide who should fill his place, without forcing it to make a temporary appointment. We regard the whole report as having no foundation, and believe that Gen. IHOOKEB will continue in command of the Army of the Potomac until time and experience demonstrates his incapacity to fill the position.

Train off the Track.

The Democrat of yesterday says: That arrant humbug, George Francis Train, was brought to a suddon stop in his career on Saturday last, in this city, while uuder a full head of steam. The military authorities applied the brakes. After being checked up he was taken across the river to Illinois by conductor Tollis, of the U. S. police, and turned loose. He probably took the cars for Alton. He expected to go to Jefferson City this morning and address the Missouri Legislature, in compliance with an invitation extended to him by that honorable body. He will not be thero.

This mountebank Train appearod before our citizens in two lectures on Thursday and Friday nights—the first about England and the Becond about himself. The character of both these performances was low and the audiences were small. His lecture on Saturday night was to have been on "Politics, the same probably delivered a number of times in the principal cities of the North, and which was received with such enthusiasm at Springfield, Illinois, by tho tory members of tho Illinois Legislature.

This lecture, on account of its abuse of President Lincoln and the New England States, as well as its advocacy of an ignominious peace with the rebels is offensive to all truly loyal men. Our loyal citizens did not want to hear it. No amount of impupudence, borrowed wit, or blackguardism, on all occasions so lavishly bestowed by Train, could make it palatable. Their extreme averson to it, would, probably, have found expression in a shower of rotten egga The tastes of the tory Democracy of the North, who have indulged, courted, and feted this fellow, diffor somewhat from those of the loyal citizens of St. Louis. We have seen and suffered too much in this city and Stato for tho sake of the Govern ment, to be made tho sport of his ribald treason. To save, perhaps, Library Hall from disfigurement, and possibly the sleek person of Train from loss of hair and an excoriated hide, the Provost Marshal considerately interposed, took a carriage to Train's hotel, and told him to get in and go across tho river or go to prison. Train incontinently packed liia trunk and urged the driver across the river, fully p«rsuaded, no doubt, that St. Louis docs not lie in tho road of his much vaunted peace journey to Richmond.

We understand he lectures in Alton tonight. A bag or two of ancient eggs might be expressed from this eity to that place upon a responsible order.

IN an amusing article upon the "Physicians and Surgeons of a By-gone Generation," a foreign journal describes Abernethy conversing thus with a certain patient: "I opine, said bo, "that more than half your illness arises from too tuadi reading." On my answering that my reading was chiefly history, which amused while it instructed, he replied: "That is no answer to my objection. At your time of life a young fellow should endeavor to strengthen his constitution, and lay in a stock of health. Besides too much reading never yet made an able man. It is not so much the amount or extent "of what we read that serves us, as what we assimilate and make our own. It is that, to use an illustration borrowed from my profession, that constitutes the chyle of the mind. I have always found that really indolent men, men of what I would eall flabby intellects, are great readers. It is far easier to read than to think, to reflect or to observe and these fellows, not having learned to think, cram themselves with the ideas or the words of others. This they call study, but it is not so. In my own profession, I have observed that the greatest men were not the mere readers—but the men who observed, who reflected, who fairly thought out an idea. To learn to reflect and observe is a grand desideratum for a young man.- John

Hunter owed to his power of observation that fine discrimination, that keen judgment, that intuitiveness which be possessed in greater degree than any of the sargeons of is time."

Heavy Hog*.

David McGhee still keeps the lead in hog raising. He this year aold to Ben. Myers, of Gamden, Preble County, three hogs, which weighed, respectively, 867 lbs., 765 lbs., and 705 lbs. The first two were two and a half years old, and the third two years and four month*. The remainder of the lot of he raising—fifty head—averaged a llulo over 450 lbs. net. This makes the twenty-second year that the hogs of his own feeding, numbering from 40 to 100 in the lots, have averaged 400 lbs. and upward. If this can be excelled we should like to chronicle the fact. —Cim, Gnat.

mtttvadiumur

To the Democracy of Indiaaa: Having a deep iotcrcat, in the future glory and we!faro|Df o|| C%intry/»ndfeelievidg^ that we occupy aposition, "in which, ~we can see the effects of the political {struggles at home, upon the hopes and fears of the rebels, wo deem it to be our duty, to speak to you' openly and plainly ii| regard totbe same.1

The rebels of the South, are leaning on the Northern Democracy for support, and it is unquestionably true, that unjustifiable opposition to the administration, is "giving aid and comfort to the ciifAiT." Whilst it is the duty of patriots,*to oppose the usurpation of power, it is aliko their duty, to avoid captious criticisms, that might crwtp the very evils vhieh they attempt to avoid. at as so at it all trm bright and glorious in the history of tb« past, is being sullied and disgraced by demagogues, who are appealing to the lowest prejudices and passions of our people.

We have nothing to expect from the South, land nothing to hope, without their conquest. They are now nsing their money freely, to subsidize the press and politicians of the North, and with what effect, the tone of some of our journals^ and the speeches of some of [our leaders, too plainly and painfully testify.

We see with deep solicitude and regret, that there is an undercurrent in Indiana, tendiog towards a coalition of tho Northwest with the South, ngainst the Eastern States. Be not deceived—Pause, for the love you bear -to your Country, and reflect. This movement, is only a rebel scheme in disguise, in -the crime of rebellion, and bring to your own hearth awues, the desolation of a French revolution. Separation on either side, with peace in the future isjimpossible, and wo are compelled by self-interest, by very principle of honor, and overy impulse of manhood, to bring this unholy contest, to a successful termination.

What I Admit that we are whipped? That twenty three millions of Northtrn men, are unequal to nine millions of the South? Shame rn the State, that would eutertain so disgrac 'ul a proposition! Shame upou the Democ ?.i. who, would submit to it, and raise his cowfc. dly voice an?l claim that he was an Indianian I Ho, and such dastards, with their offspring, are tit "mud sills," upou which shoulo bo built, the lordly structure of their southern aristocracy! Aud with whom, would this unholy alliance be formed? With men, who have forgotten their fathers —their oaths, their country, and their God— With guerrillas—Cotton burners—with those who force every male inhabitant of the South, capable of bearing arms into the field, though starving wives and babes are left behind Men who persecute and hang, or drive from their lines, every man, woman and child, who will not fall down and worship their Southern God. And yet, free born men of our State, will sympathise with such tyrants, and dare to even dream of coalition Indiana's proud and loyal legions, number at least seventy thousand effective men in the field, and as with one great heart, we know they would repudiate all unholy combinations, tending to the dismemberment of our Government.

In this dark hour of our Country's trial, there is but one road to success and peace, and that is, to be as firmly united for our government, as the rebels are against it. Small differences of opinion, amount to nothing, in this grand struggle for a nations existence. Do not place even one straw in the way, and romember, that every word you speak to encourage the South, nerves the arm, that strikes tho blow, which is aimed at tho hearts blood of our brothers and kindred.

ALVIN P. HOVEY, Brig. Gen'l. WILLIAM T. SFICF.LY, Col. 24th Ind. WILLIAM E. MCLEAN, Col. 43d Ind. GEO. F. MCGINNIS, Col. lltli Ind.^ JAMES R. SLACK, Col. 47th Ind. Helena. Ark., Feb. 2d 1863.

[From the Indianapolis Journal

W a a in coiira^in^ Desertions.

Tho following letter from Col. Dunham of tho 5Uth Regiment, to Gov. Morton, speaks for itself, and in such language that no comment is needed to explain or apply it.—

Scoundrels and traitors at homo" will get no comfort from Colonel Cyrus L. Dunham

HEADQUARTEHS 2D BRIGADE, JACKSON,^ Tenn., February 4, 1864. $ GOVERNOB :—This will bo handed to you by Maj. Atkisson, of tho glorious old 50th, who comes homo to gather up our deserters I hope he will have all tho aid and influence you can give him. Vigorous measures must be adopted.or our army, under the influence of the scoundrels and traitors at homo who are, by their letters, scatteiing discontent amongst our soldiers, will be demoralized and dostroyed, and tho scourge of this war will, in less than six months, be rolled back upon tho fair fields of our own glorious Northwest.

These [men know not what they do, and if they expect any general sympathy in the army they nre .reckoning without their host.

I hope you will. use your influence at Washington to get a law passed requiring all tho U. S. Marshals and their deputies, all collectors of internal revenue and their deputies, to arrest all deserters and lodge them at the nearest military post, making it also a penal offenco, indictable in the Distiict Court of the United States, f*r any one to harbor or employ a deserter, knowing him to be such, and that knowledge that the individual had been in tho service of the United States be prima facie evidence of knowledge that he was a deserter making also all contracts with a deserter void Do not for God's sake let this army be so weakened that we shall be driven cack iu humiliation to witness the desolation of our home.

and his tiabinet gro and nob the The Abqlitioni

Respectfully yours, C. L. DUNHAM.

Accompanying Col. Dunham's letter are a number that be sends to the Governor to how the influences brought to bear on the soldiers to produce or increase desertion. We have not space for them all, and it is not necessary, for any one is a fair sample of all the rest. The first letter is addressed to Col. Dunham directly, and one of the writers is a brother, we believe, of Senator Shields of Jackson. The other is a purely private letter, but valuable as an indicati on of the sources from which come the evil influences that are so greatly impairing the efficiency of the army

JANUARY 19th, 1863.

COL. DUNHAM I now take my pen in hand to drop you a few lines, to let you know that we here at home expect that you will come and bring our boys home with you, for when you was the Regiment yon said that when you saw the fight was to free the negroes then you would disband and come homo. Now, sir, old Abe says that the negro is all of tbe fight, and we expect you to fill your promise. The people are all in favor of yoti and others doing so. If you will come hofoe and put out to put nogro equali ty, we will help you.

John Shields says that he is yet alive and untied, but if you will come home en that business he can raise a company for you a heap Miner than you raised your company when you went out.

LEONARD PHILLIPS. JOHN SHIELDS.

"Well Jessie,

will now give you a round

on the negro question, suppose old Abe

get their workjlone wjfjhout doing it selves that 'is the great sting am Abolitionists. Some of them nave cat out of the wallet

Well, Jesse, you had better be here steerdriving than were you arc, negro driving. If you will take, a fool's^dtice ^on will all come homeland! stayjat home.: l^e don't want the black rascals hero amongst us If you free them they will come here. Lincoln says they w^riropMft'anything here. My advice to all is to come home the first chance you can get protection if you will come. I think Indiana will rebel against the draft.

Well, Jesse, I will have to bring my letter to a close by saying, I remain yours truly until death. JAMES KELLAWS..

To JESSE A. LANE."

"Well.Kesterson, a few lia?s to you In to ken of love and friendship. I heard that you was well and hearty, and in the land among the living, and on praying grounds and pleading terms. We are all well as common. 1 am getting able to work

Well, Kesterson, I am glad to hoar of you being so spunky that you are coming home, and coming to. stay. I think Indiana will rebel against the draft and I think you can get protection. Bully for Kess. You can soe'what is on band, in Jesse's letter, amongst the Abolitionists. Well. Kesterson, all you boys .come home, and stay at home, like nicc men ought to

A Fiscal Problem lor Secesh Sympathizers to Solve. Oil both sides of the Atlantic weliear from the friends of the Rebellion a great deal about our gigantic war expenditures, and the enormous propositions of our public^ debt, incurred in so short a time. Such burdens are doubtless to be regretted. But is'nt it rather singular that the parties who sing those dolorous songs for our behoof have no notes of warning to issue in regard to the heavy expenses and the swelling debt of their pet Confederacy? Wo published a few days ago some figures concerning Rebel finances, from the late report of Mr, Memmingor, which should inspire with new zeal tho Jeremiahs who have hitherto devoted their lameutations exclusively to loyal ex travagance. In that document they will perceive that the Rebel debt in December last was $556,105,000 That the Confederates require between now and the first of July

United States Senator.

Ex-Gov. Morgan was yesterday elected Senator in the Congress of the United States, in place of Preston King, whose term e^jjires with the present session. This resul®uts a very effective quietus on the predi Jnons of leading Democratic journals just after the last election, that they would either elect a Democrat or throw the election over to another year. Gov. Morgan is a Republican, and if wo may judge tho future by the past, will continue to act as the representative of that party. At the same time he is a gentleman of enlarged and liberal views, and has seen onough of public life to appreciate tho fact that public service is a practical matter, and as such is inconsistent with an obstinate adherence to favorite theories, regardless of circumstances and under all contingencies.

In the caucus of Republicans and Union Democrats by which this nomination was mado, tbe services and fidelity of Senator King were fully appreciated, and there was a very strong Inclination to renew his term. But tho Stato has recently inclined to the policy of a single term for its representatives in tho Senate, as more just to the several localities, and to tho personal and political claims of individual. There was a largo number of members in tho caucus who at the outset preferred some other caudidate to Gov. Morgan but their unwillingness to waive personal preferences aud resentments, and their lack of any common principle or sentiment to control their action, soon gave Gov. Morgan a very signal and decisive triumph. Their defeat in this as in many other instances may possibly serve to teach some who aspire and claim to be political leaders, that passion is a very poor substitute fer policy, and that reseseutmcnt and revenge form a very unsubstantial basis for party movements.

Gov. Morgan has served the public one year as Assis ant Alderman in this City, two terms as State Seuator, and four years as Governor. He has ability and experience in tho management of public affairs. He represents what is known as the conservative wing of tho Republican party, and though it is not very easy to say what speci fic distinction of piinciples or of policy that term indicates, his election is understood to signalize a decided defeat of the "radicals." His election is acceptable to tho more Icyal and conservative section of tho Democrats, and will give very general satisfaction throughout tho State and nation.—N. Y. Times.

THEEK HINTS FOR THK SEASONS.—Be sure and cover the bits of your bridle with leather, to prevent the frost from making the mouth of your horse sore. It is a downright cruelty to a horse to put an iron bit in his mouth on a cold morniDg. If you doubt it, bit your self some morning when the mercury stands below zero.

When yon cut India rubber, keep the blade of your knife wet, and you can cut it without difficulty.

When your boots are stiff, and you think need oiling, wash them in castile seapsuds— oil them before the leather dries, (you may use blackball or any kind of grease:) have a solution of gum shelac in alchobol (dissolve in alcohol as much shelac as the liquid will take up), and apply this solution to your boot with a spoDgo. In two or three minutes the Shelac will dry and harden, and you will havo a coating on your boot through which the water cannot possibly penetrate.

WE remarked yesterday that "a party in this country against the war is just as legitimate as a party for the war.—[Cm. Eng.

The Louisville Journal replied: "That's just what some of the leading New England Federalists remarked during the last war with Great Britaiu. 'Tis precisely what a party in this country, numbering many members in South Carolina, remarked during the war of the Revolution."

A r.IBL was brought before the Mayor this morning dressed in the clothes of a cavalry sergeant. She presented a very soldierly appearance and braved the gaze of the crowd with the stolidity of an oid offend er. The night previous she had been induced to dan the military attire nnd visit several saloons, where ua •"smiled" with her companions and smoked w^tin

that would have graced the performance of a *'fast man" anywhere. She was taken to the headquarters of the Provost'Guard for retransformation.—Indi-

MMM

bound to free th jfuth of their httppin ddfi*t like it blSSaui ey emamoug the ave let the

357,929,000

Making an aggregate of $914,034,000 Our debt and expenses to the same time will be about $1,200,000,000, and tnis in eludes nearly a hundred millions incurred before the war began. It will therefore be seen that whilo the war will have cost us, by the ond of June, $i00,000,

OOOjit will have cost

the Rebels for tho same timo $914,000,000. In proportion to our expenditures theirs will stand as nine to eleven, while their pop ulation stands but as ten to twenty-one, including both slave and free. Thus again, although the numbers which aro to carrjjthe burden of their debt are less than one half our population, their obligations are more than vine-elevenths. When we come to the ability to pay, the proportion stands in our favor—"all the world to "nothing."

If then, with our twofold and rapidly Increasing number, our broad expanse of rich public lands, our untiring industry, our proverbial enterprise and thrift, our tresh vital-, ity and elastic energies, if with all these great advantages in our favor, there is any real cause for fear that our debt will bear us down, how is it we hear of no such fear in Secesh circles, either on this or on the other side of the Atlantic, touching the Atlas load of indebtedness on the backs of the Rebels? If we shall stagger beneath our burden, they must inevitably bo «unk into|[a bottomless slough of bankruptcy, and repudiation by theirs. Yet we do not find in the Anglo$ Rebel press any reproaches of our "misguided Southern brethren" for their boundless and reckless expendi tures beyond any possible ability to pay. Nor do we hear of such reproofs amongsympathizers here. Why is this? Is such palpable cant the result of that blind prejudice that will see but one sido of a great conflict or is it because the champions of the Rebellion regard our debt as obligations that will be paid, while thoy seo in Memminger's scrip but so many false promises never intended to be redeemed.— Phil. Inquirer.

535F^S®^®^®?5iP6Si'afci rakimiL,

TheNimhttest.

Theie is good ^pound for the bdief that tho Atlantylntellij

nta the

eral sentiments ojy|he S^Saasionilta of

South, in protesting against a reconstruction of tbo rebel Government, so as to include tbe Northwestern States. Thero has lately been considerable discussion of this embryo question ia both tections of the country, and the opinion seems to be the next thing to unanimous that such a confederation is not be reckoned possible, even though it iQuld rest alone with tbe people of the )utli and West. The Georgia paper declares that the admission of any free States into the Confederacy would not only be repugnant to tho citizens of the Sonth, bpt would a.erve to continue that agitation of the

Slavery question which has brought on the war. This expression is based on some resolutions introduced into the rebel House of Representatives, by Mr. Foote of Tennessee. Mr. Foote is reckoned, among tho Secessionists, as a conservative man, though with us here would be regarded as radical enough, he being utterly opposed to any arrangement of our difficulties nQ&*«nbracing the complete |and absolute recognition of the Southern Confederacy. Let us see then what this moderate" man's views are.

Mr. Foote, only a few days ago, replying, to some misrepresentations of his position, stated he was "not in favor of any political confederation with the States of the North west." He was, however, in favor of a military league, offensive and defensive, with any of tho Northwestern States that would lay down their arms. His resolutions declare that the Confederate States will never consent to any plan tor reconstructing the Federal Union that the Confederate States cannot agree to negotiate at all in regard to a suspension of hostilities, except^ upon the basis of an unconditional recognition of their independence that, after separation, tho Confederate States would consent to a commercial treaty with the States ofthe Union except

New England that the Confederate States would consent to a league, offensive^ and defensive, with the several States which have recently manifested a change of public senti ment, upon their stipulating for desisting at once from the further prosecution of the war, and renouncing all political connection with New England and that the Confederate States will guarantee the peaceful and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi and its tributaries to the States bordering there on, which shall have declared their inclina tion to withdraw from tho prosecution of tho war.

Theso are the propositions of a peace man in tho rebel Congress. Thoy havo been referred to tho House Committee on Foreign Relation, and may or may not be reported back for passage. The plain meaning of these resolutions is to maneuver for four separato and indopendent Confederacies out of the old Union. The New England States to form one, the Middle, Northern and Western Sfatos to form another, tho Slave States a third, and the Pacific States and tho territories west of the Rocky Mouutains to constituto a fourth. How does the Northwest like the picture? What have the citi zens of Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Iowa, Michi gan, Wisconsin and Minnesota done that they should be thought so bumble as to accept such terms of peace as these? It will bo seen that there is not one word about any surrender whatever on the part of the Southern Confederacy? There is no compromise, no modification of any of the demands of the rebellious States. For the possession of the privilege of navigating the Mississippi river and its tributaries, the Northwest is to become the mere tool and catspaw of the Southern radicals in making war upon New England and, antecedent to any negotiation, this section is to place itself in a condition of absolute helplessness, at the same time that it connives at the most gigantic treason the world has ever known. The Northwest is to take its soldiers from the Union side of tho con flict and transfer them to the disunion side and for this forsooth, it is to enjoy what of right and of law belong to it. We are to transfer the war to the Free States, and in* augurate armed civil strife within their borders, merely to enablo the Secessionists to destroy tho Union and our reward shall be our own deserts. What love do we bear the rebels that we should do this base, ignoble suicidal thing?

We hopo there will be no more talk of ar mistices, reconstruction, peace, ctc., iu the North as long as such insults are offered the pride and honor ot tho loyal people, the rebels will not now listen to reason, but insist upon the humiliation and degradation of tho citizens of the States remaining in the Union, let us bide tho time when they may come to their senses. To our minds it is certain that disunion and permanent peace are utterly incompatible.—Missouri Republican.

Thc Sonth Carolina Volunteers It has been repeatedly declared, in journals of a certain class at the North, that the pi ject of organizing colored regiments at Royal has proved a failure that tho negroes chafe under the restraints of military discipline, and that very many of tho officers of the armv, resenting the proposition to place the blacks side by side with the regular (white) regiments, were resigning and leaving the service. The Port Royal New South, noticing these reports, declares explicitly that they are utterly without foundation adding that notwithstanding all the efforts of disorganizors to prevent the enlistment of blacks as soldiers, they have flocked gladly to the ranks, llie first regiment South Carolina volunteers, this paper announced, is i'ully organized and ready for service, both in officers and men," though it is deficient in arms, and so far from being "a dead weight on the department," as one Northern journal has declared, '-it has rendered good service, and thousands of dollars worth of lumber used in the camps of the white regiments was procured by their efforts alone, though they were but a handful compared with the white troops around them." The South, in its remarks upon this subject, gives tho following exhibit of tho treatment which the poor black too generally receive: "Every obstacle has been thrown in the way of its enlistment of negroes, and every effort made by the advocates of slavery, in and out of tbe army, here and elsewhere, to degrade and embarrass tho fugitive blacks and render them useless and unhappy. They debauch the women and Unnt and jeer at the men, and undertake to ridicnle every effort for their improvement and elevation.

To enlist white men at tho

North it has been found nocessary to stimulate enthusiasm by appeals to patriotism pride and finally by large bounties. It was made honorable to enlist in the servico of the country, and dishonorable to refuse.— But here the case has been very different. The black volunteers have been refused pay, and neglected by the Government ill-treat-ed by its agents, and taunted and insulted by officers and soldiers, for daring to wish to fight for their country and freedom. Recruiting officers have been refused passage on transports in Government employ, and recruits, when taken on board, have been denied every comfort, and subjected to the abuse of the lowest as well as the highest employees of the boat. In short, every way that human ingenuity could invent has been devised to destroy the confidence of the blacks and create anarchy, confusion and distress among them."

And yet, in spite of all these wrongs and abuses, these men with tawny skins cleave still to the Union flag, proving themselves far truer patriots—black aud ignorant though they be—than treason-mongers who wou deny them the common rights of humanity. —N. Post.

Cool and Comfortable.

We have been neglecting the London Times for some times past bnt in its issue ofthe 14th, which arrived here yesterday, there is a "peace proposition," at once so cool and exhilarating that we ennnot help thinking it worth a paragraph, if but for the benefit of Northern advocates of peace and Becsssion. It is setting forth the prospect of a general disruption between the States, and the groat disquiet which was growing up in New York, and^roposes the following solution of the whole matter: "Apparently the only way to solve the whole dilemma would be for the Federal Government to dissolve ilself, and, declaring the sovereign independence of each State, leavo each perfectly untrammeled to form its own connections for the future, a position of affairs which might enable, under mutual compromises, a new federation to be formed that should again comprise the whole of them Such an act of self-abnegation, however, is scarcely likely to proceed from Washington." —N. Y. Times. r.

We should think so

gusto

THK address of Gen. Butler ie having its effect upon Democrats: They begin to consider the question of emancipation calmly and to question the propriety of denouncing life-long members of their party political apostacy for giving the government

Openlaff the MiMinippi. The Mississippi,

tbe

hearty

S'W! &&v\ 7%r--

below the mouths of the

OMo and Missouri, though its average volman mi hfi liat thinthat of the Amazon, or even of the Ganges, is doubtless the most important river on the globe. Its navigation—never obstructed by drouth, or food, or frost—has probably employed a larger steamboot tunnage than that of any other river the counti^ drained by it above the mouth of the Ohio covering more than one million square miles, lying wholly within the Temperate Zone and being unsurpassed tally ex-

in average feitility by any other equal tensive portion of the globe. And great as has been its importance in tbe immediate past, bears ne comparison with what it must be the future. "The Valley of the Mississip )i is capable of sustaining in comfort a civslzed population of Three Hundred Millions, while it has never yet numbered Twenty Million. Not ono acre in twenty of its arable surface has ever yet been traversed by the plow.

The Mississippi is itself the strongest possible refutation of the monstrous hcref«"» which have culminated in the bloody saturnalia ef secession. It is pre-eminently and emphaticallya river of the Union. Every foot of this Valley lies entirely within our undisputed area—or did until the slaveholder's rebellion. It was purchased—we speak now of the lower Mississippi—not by the States lying on its banks—which then had no existence—ror by the South, nor yet by the Northwest, but by the United States. The Federal Government purchased the vast region then known as Louisiana, because experience had proved that treaties.^ however solemn, could never secure to us its unterrupted and fi ee navigation. Spain stipulated this, but did not—perhaps could not—secure it. The Republic bought out the adverse holder, because she felt that the free navigation of the Mississippi was a vital element of her integrity, her prosperity, and her ereatness. Every owner of a quarter-section in any Stato of tho great Northwest has a direct interest in theprservation of our national control over that river. And the national right to the Mississippi—denied and defied by the slaveholders rebellion—the free sons of the West are now in arms before Vicksburg to assert and make good.

Jeff. Davis, in his War Speech at Jackson, virtually proclaimed that the retention of its clutch on tho Mississippi was a question of life or death to his Confederacy—that it must hold the Missippi or die. He is right, so far. If we open the Mississippi and keep it open, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, are inevitably regained to the Union, and the last guerrilla in Missouri may as well simplify matters by considering himself shot. If we hold the Missippi, Jeff, is cut off from the vast resources, in men and cattle, that he has hitherto drawn from the

South-West,

mainly

from Texas. If wo hold the Mississippi, his empire must soon collapse and he be a wanderer in exile.

But, before we again hold the Mississippi, we must take it and this work is now in the hands of at least One Hundred Thousand Western Volunteers, led by Gens. M'Clernand. Grant, and Sherman. Our gunboats OH the Mississippi practically add some thou sands to their numbers. We apprehend that the aggregate is still too few, unices the thousands commanded by Gen. Banks in Louisiana can be added. The "mediation" suited to our present needs is that which cuts the Rebel Confederacy through the middle, and we trust the mediators may be found not too few. It would-be deplorable should it prove that our armies are attempting so many enterprises at once that too' little force has been allotted to the most important and necessary of them at all.

The rebels have able chiefs, and as yet unlimited supply of raw material for soldiers, collected by means of their sweeping conscription. But in everythigh else they are deficient, especially in munitions of war.— They have many cannou well planted at the most defensible points but we believe a few days' careful shelling will run any of them short of ammunition. We obtain our gunpowder cheaper and in greater abundance than they, and should compel them to use theirs lavishly as possible.

The river is now in full stage, though not in flood, and is likely to remain so for the greater part of the next six months. The effort of last season to open it was mado with too Blender forces and too late. Gunboats, at the present stage of water, may engage most of the shore batteries with advantage with the water twenty or thirty feet lower, they have no fair chance. Necks of land may now be cut across, saving miles to the voyager, and in time taking the channel away from the vicinity ef high-placed bat teries, as we trust is now being dono opposite Vicksburg. That city taken or reduced to insignificance, we trust tho rest of the work may be far more easy. And, wero Vicksburg thus reduced or turned, our troops might be conveyed to Port Hudson before the rebels in any force could reach that point. We anticipate stirring news almost daily for the next month.—N. F. Tribune.

The Democratic Press

We do not bel.eve, and have never intimated, that all who call themselves Democrats are disloyal bnt we cannot help seeing that the whole tenor of the Democratic journals tends to make them so. We have just looked through a ile of them, and find in not one a word of sympathy or cheer for those struggling to uphold tho National integrity against thn assaults of malignant, blood-thirsty Treason. On the contrary, every paragraph or rumor calculated to discourage or demoruli/.( our Volunteers now braving the hardships of a Winter in the tented field (often minus the tents), is para ded aud gloated over bv them with a chuckle of delight everything {calculated to make the Union soldiers hate tho Federal authorities and distrust their Generals is emblazon ed and emphasized. You could not guess, from reading any of them, that Abraham Lincon was the President of our sorely tried and fearfully imperiled country, and Jeff. Davis the chief the traitors now at war with us to divide and destroy her. That their party has any interest in the War, save to embarrass it, or owes any duty to the Government savo to snarl at it, no ono would ever glean from their columns.

That oannot go on. Either this is just war lor the preservation of tbo National unity aud the vindication of the Federal Government's rightful authority, or it is not. It it is, then the President and Congress musf direct in what manner, by what instrumentalities it is to be carried on, and loyal citizens must give them a hearty, effecti)^ support in the prosecution of the struggle.— If it is so, then the members of one party are under as great obligation as those of the othor to stand by tho constituted authorities and carry the country triumphantly through the war.

Have the Democrats dohe so hitherto? Have they not, on the contrary, too generality regarded the war as an affair of the Republicans, and plumed themselves on their peculiar patriotism whenever they condecended to take a hand in it? Who does not know instances in which they have demanded appointment to or retentiou in civil office, on the ground of their zeal in helping on the war for the Union? Aud who that reads the Democratic journals of tlm Free States does net know that their general conduct tends to impede and enfeeble the progres of the war?

Gentlemen opposite 1 this will have to be changed If the War is to be prosecuted to a speedy and triumphant result—as it can

ana

should be vouwill have to recognise and accept your full and equal obligation to contribue to its maintenance and iuvigoration If you insist that you may and will refuse to do your part, because everything is not done as you would have it, you will break down the War and destroy tbe country. If you are to be at liberty to oppose the imposition of War Taxes, and discourage Volunteering, and BOW disaffection among the soldiers, and in every way embarrass the prosecution of the struggle, the result will be disastrous, and History will hold you to a just accountability. Think of these things. To proclaim, like Seymour, that you will never consent to a Disunion Peace, and in the same breath elaborately assail and impeach those charged with the prosecution of the War, in terms which are received and reprinted at Richmond and Charlestown with undislised exultation, will not [serve your turn, ou will have to be for tbe War or against it, and in either case be held to a righteous accountability.—N. Y. Tribune.

Encon raging.

Tbe following lines are in circulation among our exchanges. and contain food for reflection to those of our lady readers who began to wonder why "nobody comes to woo":

Don't despair, girls—tbe war will be brought to an end one of these days, and the gallant fellows who are figbtingjthe reb^ els and hard crackers will come to claim their bounty. Every girl is entitled to a husband, and if she faib to getene it is because there is none worth her having—otheiwise he "would come up to the scratch" and pop the question. We never

see

an "old maid," as

tbey are scandalously called, without think-

•ooa

aukaa

The Mounted Robbers of theSouth— "The Cavalry.'*" [From tbe Richmind Kxtminer,

There are some people who advocate a heavy increase of the cavalry arm of the servico. They would make it outnumber, if possible, all other descriptions of troops.— They appeal to tho good, solid work of Morgan, Wheeler and Forest in the West, and to the clever performances of Stuart in the East, in proof of the super-excellence of the mounted service. With Morgan and Whoeler on their lips, they aro enthusiastic for cavalry. Inspired by a transporting patriotism, they plead for a vast increase of horsemen with tbe zeal of revival preachers for converted sinners.

They show by their devotion to their one idea that they have not been much in camp that they ate unacquainted with the Confederate service that they know very little of the oplnon entertained in the army of "the cavalry," and that they know even less of the feeling toward them cherisned by the people inhabiting o! tin- regions traversed by these troops.

The country people have a propensity to suit tbe orthography of words to the idieas associated with the things which they are intended to designate. They call a Cotswold sheep a Scotch wool sheep, having the idea, that Scotch wool is very long and coarse.— The idea of a most horrible crucifixion is associated in the pious mind with the name of Calvary and inasmuch as the peoplo and all: they have and own are literally crucified when the mounted troops come about, in the simplicity of the unlettered mind, they coufound tbe technical word designating these troops with the must painful name in all the Scriptures.

A few special detachments of "our cavalry" have done great service but if wo leave out of*view the daring, heroic and invaluable" services of those brigades, the rest have been a scourge to the people ind a curse to the cause The ex|«nse ot horse troops is enormous it is three times us gieat to the Treasury as thltt of infantry and the inflic tion upon the people of their repacions and wanton depredations is tenfold more than that suffered from any other troops. Thero* has not been a considerable buttle during the war in which tho performances of "our cavalry" have marked any foature of the engagement and in one of the chief duties of mounted troops, that of completing a victory by running down and utterly destroying, a routed foe, their services havo been below zero.

The war has been remarkable in the fact that it has bees fought without that important elemennt of European armies, known as dragoons. Extended level plains suited to the operations of these troops are few on our portion of the continent. Tho heavy compact charge of real cavalry, at the critical moment of battlo, bearing down everything before it, and decidiug tho fate of the day, has not been witnessed in this war. The surest indicat.on of imminent battle to the infantry soldier, impatient for the conflict, is tht order, "cavalry to the the rear/'a movement which he witnesses with shouts of derision and exultation. We have little cavalry in our service few dragoons, light or heavy fewer atill that fulfil tbo technical adea and purpose of such troops. Wheu fighting is to be done, the cavalry are ordered out of tho way.

A faithful descriptiou of the general physiognomy of the "cavalry," as they aro seen, in their camps and upou their atrotliug marches, might bring a ghastly smile On the rigid lips of the most impassable ascetic, provided he were off at a safe distance but* the terror which seize* the people on their approach is overwhelming They are usually armed with every conceivable weapon of effense except tbe saber of the real draggoon. They are as ignorant of the drill a» of the saber practice. They are comfortably clad, but as unwashed and as unkempt as the urchins that play about tho wigwam? in Nebraska. Their steeds are strangers to the curry-comb, stained with habitual mud, small and rickety, and in the order which three rations a week of corn supplied by tho Government, and as much hay as can be begged or wrasted from the farmers aong their march, together with hard and reckless riding may be supposed to produce.

The sensation they create and the value of service they render may be inferred from a single exainplo. A body of Yankee horse lately made a raid from a distauce of several hundred miles into our lines, dashed down upon one of our railroads, burnt some bridges, destroyed several miles of railroad, and made their way back in no great haste. They passod through a certain village going and returning, stopped a few hours each time, took a few horses, but had no time for other depredadions. The "cavalry" went in pursuit, did not catch the Yankees, stopped in the same village, and stripped its owneis remorselessly of every blado of hay and fodder to be found, every bushel of corn thoy could put their hands on, and even robbed the smokehouses of their meat. Tho "cavalry" accomplished a great deal, but it is a deal of mischief they perform a vast amouut of service, but unhapifv, as a general rule, it inures indirectly to toe benefit of the onemy. Their lack of economy is as deplorable as their lack of drill and diseipline, and a general disbanding of at least two-thirds of the numerous corps now in the field would be hailed with joy by all the peoplo whom.

they claim to protect. There area few brigades of splendid mounted troops in the Confederate service but that prodigious body of strolling horseman who lead an unsettled, gipsy life in the border country, stealing here, robbing their, begging in this place and behaving a little better in that who are never heard of in the vicinity of the enemy who are always too late to catch the Yankees when in force, but are dreadfully ferocious on all individuals ever so loyal to the South, whom tbey choose to denounce as Union men, and who are known among the common people by the horrifying appollation of the "cavalry."— These troops are a reproach to tbo Confederate servico, a curse to the cause against which they havo raised up thousands of enemies, a scourge to our own people, ar.d a desolation to large districts of wilderness country which, but for them, would be producing crops for the general support.

If tho forage which has been consumed, stolen, and wasted by theso worse than useless troops had been saved, if the farms which tbey have desolated were still in cultivation, and if the farmers, whom they have utterly discouraged from producing crops. were atill bu3y |in their blessed calling,fan additional amount of supplies would be raised over and above what we now have, to support our entire armies in the field but as long as these licensed plunderers are permitted to run riot over the country, where crops are most needed for our armies, and which must continuo to bo the chief theatre of our military operations, we shall not cease to hear of scarce provisions, high prices of food, arbitrary impressments, desolated farms, and abandoned homes and fields.)

Instead of too few, we have far too many cavalry. Gen. Scott held the true idea when he discouraged tbe undue augmentation of this servico. Had the Yankees indulged in the expensive luxury of horses and mules to the extent that we have done in our service, their exchequer would have been bankrupt in a year. The sums of money which have been expandod in the purchase and support of horses and mules in the Confederate service would be incredible if stated. Our "cavalry" have been the great sink-pocket of the war. A Brigade Quartermaster of one of our Generals recently told the writer that he had purchased a great many more horses for that particular command than there were soldiers und teamsters belonging to it that with the animals he had he could mount every man and evevy teamster and servant in the command, and a good many of them would have a horse to lead beside.

It is this extravagance in horse flesh that has produced the present scarcity of these animals, aBd raised their prices to hold the enormous figures now ruling. Ordinary mules sold last Saturday at the horse lot at from $355 to $500. The mortality of Government horses is fearfal it is fully 50"per cent, tcyear. The scarcity and high price of draft animals produced by the Government demand, will severely effect tbe production of grain, and will much more affect the supply of it,, making the consumption ef forage of double what it ought to be. An increase of "the cavalry" force is simply an impossibility. If we have more cavalry, we must consent to have no more corn. The ques tion of cavalry is simply a question of abao lute ruin. But, happily, this service cannot be increased. The horses are not to be bad at practicable prices and if they could be, they would have to starve for food.

IN the White House we now have a strictly unfashionable President. But that President is the most honest and patriotic since tbe days of Washington. His highest purpose, and the one which oocupies his thoughts day and night, is the success of our arms and the restoration of the National integrity. Still many people abuse him, and who to his le— niency the fact that they are not measured for a hempen cravat, sueer at, and profeu to despise Abraham Lincoln, because he ij un» sir

X'/ 1

ty a