Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 25, Number 17, Vincennes, Knox County, 17 May 1834 — Page 1

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BY BMmJ BTOUTJ VOL. 23nr.-TO. 17

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tisements, must specify the number of ... .1 .1 Ml

tunes they wish them inserted, or mey win bo continued until ordered out, and must be paid for accordingly. LIST OF AGENTS.

John Murphy, Washington, Ind. John Vantrees, do do. John Arbuthnot, Princeton, Ind. John I. Neely, do. Thomas Cissell, Mount Pleasant, Ind. Post-Master, Owl Prairie, Ind. Post-Master, Bloomfield, Ind. Post-Mister, Sandersville, Ind. Post-M ister, Owensville, Ind. Post-Master, Stinkard's Mills, Ind. Jesse Y. Wilborn, Mount Vernon, Ind. Levi Price, Evansville, Ind. John W. Davis, Carlisle, Ind. Isaac Oust, Merom, Ind. Post-Master, 'Firman's Creek, Ind. John C. Reiley, Lawrenceville, III. Fost-M;ister, Palestine, III. Post-Master, Boonville, Ind. Post-Master, Rockport, Ind. Lewi Go, r. M.New-Hirmony, Ind.

fore was a Senate so constituted as this 1 ly maintain the great principle, that Conone? When did it contain so many polit-j gress has the right to place it in the hands ical aspirants, so anxious to increase the : of persons, who are beyond the Executive public agitation, so determined to attack 1 control that if the Legislative power and pull down an administration so reck- J gives it to the Executive officers, which ho less in its means; so desperate in its de-i is authorized to nominate and superintend, signs? When was the majority of the ' he then can control them but if to othSenate of the United States everknown to ers, he cannot. And surely this must be made up of such materials so discor- have Leen the meaning, and no other, dant in their general views, yet so united which wa9 intended to be conveyed.

From the Richmond Knquirtr. THE PROTEST. We lav before our readers the very in lerestinn State Paper which the Preside

of the United States has addressed to the

Senate. As almost all our space is occupied with the document itself, the proceedings of Congress, and the election returns, and which arc now all the order of the day, we must content ourselves with submitting a very rapid sketch of the opinions we hav e formed of its character and contents. We leave it to a more favorable opportunity to fill up this hasty outline. We arc free to confess, that we would rather not have seen si hng and elaborate a paper emanating at this time from the adminis'ration. Able and eloquent as it is in its composition, it is impossible to frame any such document, without throwing into it much that is debatable, much that is susceptible of misconception, and more of misrepresentation. Party ingetuiitv will pervert some of its doctrines. Some weak point might possibly bo found

in so wide a compass. The enemies of the administration will attack even its strongest positions, in order to make a diversion. And let us add, that at this time particularly, when we have so gigantic a in-Ulster to encounter as the Bank of the United States when its allies are swarming all around us; when ambitious men are lending all their talents to increase tho public commotion, availing themselves of the general panic to promote iWcir own elevation, and lashing up the tempest, in order that they may "ride in the whirlwind and direct the stormit was peculiarly desirable for all the friends of the Constiution to unite together, to march on, shoulder to shoulder, against the common enemy, instead of debating abstract propositions and answering the general objections of their oppo

nents. B it the document has gone forth. Let lis then freely and frankly examine it. We make n exception to the President's attempt to clear himself from tho charges i f the Senate. They have tried and condemned him upon general grounds, without any specification of the facts, and without anv heiriug Thev assumo to themselves the power of impeachment, while it belongs to tho House of Representatives, and prejudge him. in the very case, in which they might be called upon to appear as the ultimate judges of his conduct. Thev charge him with assum

ing a power not conferred by the Constitution and laws, without saying what law he has violated, or w hat clause of the constitution he has disturbed! If it bo asked, when was it Known that a President of the United States had ever before protested against the acts of the Senate, it may be answered trhen tnij it Known heore, that "tho Senate had passed so harsh a resolution against the President I When was it Known before, that the Senate has charged him in round and general terms with having violated the constitution I When uas it Known before that partv spirit ran so high, and avarice and ambition so strongly concentrated their energies to increase it? Whcu lo

in one common object of assailing the

Executive T And when was it known that five of the majority, without whom, in fact, that majority could not exist at all, misrepresented their constituents, contemned their positive instructions, and stript themselves of much of that dignity which attaches to the body; and all of that importance which they derive from reflecting the sentiments of the sovereign States whieh they were constituted to represent? When, in fact, was this body impelled to pass a resolution so harsh in its denunciations, so accusatory in its character, so fraught with tke moral power of an impeachment, as the one which

has called forth this Protest from the President of the United States?" Their resolution, too, was not a joint, but a separate one. It was not sent to the

House of Representatives; because, in the first place, it would have been rejected by that House; and in the second place, in case they had concurred in it, it would necessarily have been sent, (under the 7th sec. 1st art. ef the constitution,) to the President himself, and thus have given him a direct opportunity of answering the charge of usurpation which it conveyed. We confess, therefore, that we are not at all astonished at the Protest which he has addressed to them. He has regarded their resolution as an attack upon his constitutional functions, and he has come forward, in temperate and respectful terms, to reply to their accusation and to justify his conduct. They have attacked him with unprecedented violence; and he has come forward to defend himself, in a calm and dignifieOmanner. After having tran

scended the spirit of the constitution; as

sumed to themselves the power of im peachment, and inflicted a part of its pun ishmcnl upon the character of the accu sed,can the Senate complain of the pro test they have received? If theif have vi

olated the constitution, has he not a right

to protest? If they accused, is he not

even bound to defend ? If they attack a

co-ordinate branch ot the government,

has it not a right respectfully to reply ?

So far, then, all seems to us unquestiona

bly fair and right.

Tho motive of the reply then appears to

us lo vc perfectly proper. In its manner

it is decorous and respectful. The topics

w hich it selects, too, are powerfully han

died. ISut there is one passage in it whch the opposition have seized upon in

the harshest manner, and which is entitled to particular notice. It relates to the custody of the public monev. Now, we

admit at once that Congress has the rinht

to place the public funds, not only in what

soever places they may please, but in

whosoever hands they please. We con

tend that "the custody and control of the

moneys of the United States, not appro

priated by law, are, bv the constitution,

placed under the order and direction of the Congress of the U. S ates" that they tiny intrust its custody to ( ?her agene than that of the Executive department ;M and that they "may take out of the hands of the Executive Department1 the custody of it, "w ithout an assumption of Executive power. But we can scarcely suppose it possible, that General Jackson means to deny this position. In one part of his message, we find him admitting that the custody of the public property is subject to "such regulations as may be prescribed by legi.ld' the authcrity" in another part, that "the legislative power may undoubtedly bind him and the President, by any laws they may think proper to enact; they may prescribe in w hat place particular portions of

the public money shall be kept, and for

w hat reason it shall be removed, as they may direct that supplies for the army or navy shall be kept in particular stores, and it will be the duty of the President to see that the law is faithfully executed." We cannot, therefore, suppose, whatever may be the hasty phraseology of other parts of the Protest, that he intended to claim a general control over the public purse. We must presume that the passage properly and fairly interpreted, was intended to admit, without qualification, that Congress have the right to make any laws on the subject for its security and safe keeping that the President only claims the riglit of interfering or superintending it. when it has been once coufided to ar 1'jrecut ire officer, for w hose general con duct he is, as the head of ths Executive

Department, amenable. But we are free to confess, that no possible doubt should be permitted to exist

upon this great principle that there are expressions w hich ought to be explained by the President himself and we are prepared to say, in the face of this People, that if he does not disclaim tho meaning which has been ascribed to them, we mot solemnly protest against this meaning. We solemnly disclaim the dangerous and extravagant doctrine which it would in-

This can be the only justifiable conclusion, it appears to us, of which it is susceptible and we would almost undertake to as sert, that if Andrew Jackson himself w ere appealed to, he would not hesitate to say so. But, we repeat, that no doubt should rest upon this matter. We think with Patton, and Gilmer, it is due to the great

principles of the constitution, that every possible doubt should be cleared up upon this point. In speaking so strongly upon this subject, we are actuated by a strong regard for the vital principle which we maintain.

We are for supporting tho Executive in all his constitutional rights but we are a-

gainst extending his power one inch be

yond them. I he Executive of this Re

public is already strong enough and in

some cases too strong and we should

deem it peculiarly unfortunate, if a bad

precedent should be set by so popular and respected a Chief-Magistrate as Andrew-

Jackson. Bold and bad men may come

alter him, who tiny abuse his example.

We should regard it as one of the great-

est misfortunes whieh could happen to .:s,

if the confidence of his countrymen wen;

shaken in the democratic principles of A.

Jackson. He is nobly contending against

an institution, which is contrary to our constitution, and fatal to our Liberties.

The Bank is attempting to break him dow n ambitious men are joining in the effect. Wavering politicians are willing to abandon their opposition to the Bank to recharter, or to prolong it and to prolong its charter is to perpetuate it provided the public distress becomes more orgenf, and public opinion becomes more accommodating ti thrirown wishes. Let us not deceive ourselves! The signs of tho times are alarming to the true friends of: he constitution The question is not et settled, Ii is still Bank or no Bank? Tho Bank hopes yet to be rr chartered, lis friends are working fir it in tho most ingenious aud effective manner. Webster openly proposes to re-charter it for six years Calhoun for twelve. L-igh has so manv "awful alternatives11 flitting before his imagination, that he may be set dow n as a quasi Bank man. When this formidable- institution, comes tu put its screws closer upon us, then we shall have

all the wavering politicians crying out, if

the) dare, tor re-charter or for prolongation, just as they have been crying out for restoration of the dcposiies and the tug will come on probably at the next session, certainly at the next Congres . With these impressions deeply riveted upon our understanding, we feel more 'ban ever the

necessity of preserving the moral lull i-

ence of den. Jackson as the strongest

antagonist we have against the Bank as the right arm, w hich is to break dow n that

monstrous Institution. Thinking thus, we

have thus acted. We have stood by him,

and will stand bv film, in his patriotic at

tempt "to heal the wounds of the coosti tution, and to preserve it from further vio latum.11

One word more upon the Bank! The choice lies between the National Bank

and the State Ba.iks, as the fiscal agents

of the government. We prefer the latter

because they are constitutional because thev are less powerful, less dangerous to

our liberties, under the control of th

States, and can be sooner put dow n, than

one great mammoth Bank, which sproads

its arms through every portion of the

Union, and exert its stupendous power

over the markets and politics of the coun

try. The quasi friends of this Bank,

however, contend, that it is safer to trusi

it, than to give the Executive an uncon

trolled power over an anointed system of

St te Banks. But uc demand, why it

should be uncontrolled ? Whv cannot

Congress throw around them as many guards as possi.de to shield them from Ex ccutive abuses' We insisted upon this proposition in our last tvv papers, and we repeat it with additional emphasis. Why should not the State Legislatures exert the same survcilauce' Why should not Congress itself designate the State Banks

where the public funds should be deposit

mean such a thing? We are perfectly never been chosen by a constitutional lesatisfied that he does not. With all his eislaturc, and took his seat and keeps it ambition perfectly satiated by the grati- in defiance of the known will ,f his tude of his country with the highest State. By the charter or constitution of honor in the world in his hand in the Rhode Island, the State Senate is elected wane of his life desirous to change the for a year by a majority of all the votes turmoils of office for the tranquility of the given by the freemen of the State. There Hermitage anxious to seethe close of was no election at the usual time, the peohis Administration, instead of aspiring to pie being divided into three parties, neithits prolongation with not one enlighten- er of which had a mai ritv The old

ed and patriotic man in the whole coun- Senate and House of Representatives

try, who is inclined to support him for a w ithout any constitutional power, passed third term wh should he now desire to an act continuing the Senators in office extend the authority of the Executive, and after their term of service had expired!to snatch at powers beyond the reach of These self-created Senators elected Mr. the Constitution? Ilohbius. Afbrwards, and befu-e .Mr. But look, on the other hand, at the mo Robbins took his seat in the U. States fives which would impel the opposition to Senate, the People succeeded in electing

blacken his character, misrepresent his not onlv a Senate, but a Governor and.

doctrines, and misconstrue the paper be- House of Representative?, of a different

tore us. Consider the htrong interest political character, who declared his prcw hich the Bank men have in destroying vious election void, because it wa mado the moral force of the man and, from the by meu who had no au'hority under the violent expressions that have been uttered, State constitution, and proceeded to elect we may almost add, hi. very life. Never Mr. Potter, according to the will of tho was any thing more truly or forcibly said, people. But the Senate of the United than was said by Mr. Benton, at the close States, in contempt of the People and of his speech, on Thursday last: State of Rhode Island, have admitted tho 'P w as in vain to say there could be no illegitimate Senator to a seal in thir tool jeet, at this time, in annihil.ving the p- dy, and sent the legitimate Senator h-me! litical influence of President Jackson, and And now, ihc Seuate and Mr. Rot ins

killing him olf as a public man, with a have another evidence that he misreprc-

oeuau nai conviction ior violating ine senis me estate, and remains in that t odv, laws and constitution of the country. not bv the will of the People, but bv tho

a: en an assertion, it ventured upon by grace of the Bank majority! Thn caso

anv one. would stand contradicted bv sir nM il tistrates in li,ni.iti..n ,r ihn

acts, of which Europe and America are dominant party in the Senate to retain

w itnesses. Hoes he not stand between power and ue it, in contempt of the Peothc country and the B ink? Is he not pro- pie and the States. claimed the sole obstacle to the recharter Mr. Southard,"? Sew Jersey, recently.

of the Bank; and in its recharter is there when Governor of that State, asserted the

not w rapped up the destinies of a po'uical right of the State to instruct its Sen it.-r?. party, now panting tor power? Remove and their obligation to obey. He is himthis s le obstacle annihilate its influ- self, perhaps ihc first to be instruct? ! -io

euce kill olf President Jackson with a cording to his own principles, and the first sente.icc of condemnation for a high crime to treat tho instructions ;iven and rei'cra-

ao l misdemeanor, and the charter of the ted, with the utmost contempt! So far

Bauk will be renewed, and in its renewal, from supporting the measures he is in-

t political party , now thundering at the structed to supoort, he pronounced tho

gates of tho Capi'ol, will leap into p w er. Pre.-i 'em the worst of all t rants for adop. Here then is an OBJECT for desiring the ling them! extinction of the noiiiieal influence of Mr. Frelinrrhuusen. from the simp State.

President Jackson! An ohjtct large e- was iustn et i in ihc same manner, and iioiigh tube seen by ull America! and at- has treated ihe instructions with the samo tractive enough to enlist mbined in- contempt.

t-restof a GREAT MONEYED POW- Mr. Fwinrr. of Ohio, was also witirehi

EK,and of a GREAT POLITICAL PAR- instructed to support the reuiui .h

TY." dfposi'es; and not oidy treated the in-

structions with contempt, but is one ofth most violent and unscrupulous advocatei of th- Bank. H'TC i re six Senators who were positively or substaniiallv instructed bv their

On the nature of the Presidents Protest, Slates to support the President, and in vio-

and the political composition of the lation ol those instructions, not only fail Senate. to support, but officially denounce him aa

'oi'Ntrvmejt: guiltv ol violating the constitution and

It is aMcned that tho Protest is in sub- laws of his countn ! Well mav such men

stance an appeal to the People, and as shrink from appeals tu the pcplc!

such it meets tho reprobation of Senators.

Ii it were a direct appeal to tho People,

would it be, on that account, the subject

of just cenmre? The President is a re

presentative of the People, and to them directly responsible. In addressing them

directly, he would but address his constit

uent. That tho practice is not usual, is no ot j-'ction to it. Occasions d j not often occur which make it necessary. B .t when collisions arise between one department of the People's servants, and another, by whom but tho People them selves are thev to be decide.:? To understand the subject, they must hear both si;fe. How can they hear the President,

if he is not permitted 1o speak? Tne de

nial of a riuht in the President to appeal

to the People, in thiscase, is characteris

tic of the whole proceeding. Tried and condemned without a heanug, it is but a

continuation of the outrage to deny him the riaht of explaining his conduct tu thse whom he serves. Nor can it bo expected that men who themselres set the popular will at defiance, can look with complacency upon appeals to the People. It will be instructive to I .'k at the political composition of the present Senate, and see how far their constituent have b?en truly represented in the late denunciation of the Pre-ident. The

majority lor the resolution was sir; and the following arc the members who voted fir it, viz: Messrs. Bibb, B!ack, Calhoun, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Kent, Knight, Leigh, Mmgum, Nandain, Poin dexter, Porter, Prenti-i, Preston, R bbms, Silsbee, Smith, Southard, Sprnue, SNift, Tomliuson, Tyler, Waggaman, Wenstcr. Mr. Sprague, of Maine, w as positively INSTRUCTED by a Legislature of his State elected after the removal of the deposites, to sutain the President in that measure. His vote, therefore, is in direct opposition to the w ill of the State he represent. Mr. Knight, of Rhode Island, had seen hi State eh-ct Mr. Pcarce a member of the House of Representatives, on this very ipiction, and thereby sustaining the administration; aud ho has recently seen he same State, in tho midst of tho alleged distress, elect a Governor, Senate, and

a majority of the House of Delegates, in favor of the administration he being himself, the unsuccessful candidate fur Governor, thereby marking their disapprobation of his course as strongly tu could be done bv a direct instruction.

volve. Wc s?y again, we iVr ouodistiact-j Cau he desire, Could he possibly j Mr. Hobbins, of the same State, hai

FROM THE GLOBE. LETTER II.

To the People of the Umted States

ed leavinir it to the Secretary ot the

'IV

lYcasurv to remove them only in the case

of their proving uiuafe, and compelling him to assign his reasons for so doing, to the next Congress? Tell us not, that such restrictions may not, at least, be fairly tried. And moreover, tell us not, that any mains seriously opposed to the U. S. Hank, w ho w ill not first assist in anxiously devising proper means to shield the State Banks from tho discretionary powers vi the Executive. A closing word as to the Protest itself. The conclusion is beautiful and irresistible. Wtut motive can this distinguished man have to usurp the powers, with which he is charged by the opposition? Howcan he desire to grasp into his own hands the custody of the public Treasury?

.

These six 'aken fr m ne Mdc and ad

ded to the other, would have made a ma

jority of six against the resolution!

R.'t ti thcMi we may add very snfe?v Messrs. Poindcxtrr and Black of Mississippi. Messrs. Tyler and Leigh f Virginia, aud Mr Mangum f N t Carolina. If those S ates had been trdy represented, it would have increased the majority against tha rcs . iti..n sixteen. To i best wc in iv probably .id'. Messrs. Porter and Waggananot L" oau i,and Mr. Kent oi M n lam!, which voi.!d carry the m.ijorny up to twenty -iw. Such is the political c :np -i:iou of the majority m the Senate w hi; h st u itse.f a' ov? tho President, above hi H'us cf Representatives, a: mc the Suti they were chosen to represent, and above the people themselvi a!

WhatsTiof leaders do these men follow in preference to the States they oujht to repret;:j!, and 'he P pie whsc rights thc rh udi preserve! HENRY CLAY, who preferred 'war, pestilence, and limine, or any ther scourge,1 to banishment fr ui power, atii the disappointment cf h s political aspirations w h after being thrice dtfeattd in contests for the Presidency, is now attempting to attain a oad eminence' by proclaiming revolution and promoting anarchy w ho opposed the old Rank of tho United States, as unconstitutional and dangerous to Iiocrtv, and having r ueived from SEVENTEEN to FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS from the new Rji.k, i:i the name of fee, serves it with moro fidelity than a Christian d.-es his God! JOHN C. CALHOUN, one if the authors of the TaritF, and the enemy of tho Tariff the friend of the B-iuk, the f e of the 15 ink, and again its friend iha ;'hor of nullification, anarchy, and desolation, in South Carolina a disappointe-5 politician, alvvavs engaged in intrigues for tho ruin of other men, w i'hout any advantage to himself a Maehiavel in management, a Casar in ammtion, and a Prott us in principle -one who seems to dc.iht in inconsistencies as a means wf displaying his absolute power over tho minds of hw admirers, who speak aa he speaks, and change as he changes who is now at

tempting to spread through the Union tho anarchy and misrule which he has brought on S ath Carolina. DANIEL WEBSTER, who in the last war, did all he is doing now, to force the government into terms with the public enemy who taunted the government as he doci now w hen dutresij defeat, and blood