Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 24, Number 2, Vincennes, Knox County, 9 February 1833 — Page 2

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YOU THE W ESTERN SUX. Tlie times in which we live are certainly marked by strange eveuts. Never since the formation of our government have principles been professed and openly promulgated so dangerous in their tendency, so utterly subversive of our republican in sUtutions, as at the present. Never in the history of our countrv has there been a period when it behooved every patriot and friend to his conntrv, to "buckle cn

on his armour1 and prepare fur fight, to arm himself in defence ofall that Ireemen prize, and by iron, and if necessary In deed, to show the world that the sneers ot the discontented and the taunts of the en emies of republican institutions, whether here or elsew here, are treated with scorn and contumely, and known only to be derided. Haifa century has not yet rolled round incc the adoption of our present constitu tion, and we are called upon to say, thai it is utterly incompetent for the purposes for which it wns frontal: that the union of .... - these states mav be dissolved by the se session of a single member of the confedelacv: 'hat the "sacred knot' which bind? 13 together may be peaceably unloosed, or if not. forcibly cut assumler, that the gol den chain mav be broken by the dissever ing of one of the links, and that ths rest may bo so soldered that its binding force and efficacy shall not be weakened; in fine, that one stripe may be stricken from jjur broad banner, and orte star blotted out forever, and yet the flag, which in "the battle. and he breeze," has been the rallying signal of freedom throughout the world, the guide by day and the "pillar of iirev by night, to all who have contended, here or elsewhere, for the rights of man, is still to be borne aloft, without Ins, and with out dishonor: Such, in substance, are the sentiments advanced, and ths language made use. of bv those whr would "calcu late the value of our Union."' It is fortunate, my countrymen, that here, as well as in most parts of our happy country, these feelings thus boldly avowed, nr.d unfortunately for the peace cf our country, tolemnly .sartctimed, have met with but a feeble support, that the good sense and sound idgmxnt of the American .per-ple has in so many ways, both executive, legislative and popular, shown to those w hi have so unwisely, and unfortunately for themselves and their countrv, advanced these monstrous doctrines, that the -spirit which animated our fathers i3 not yet extinct, and that now, as in days by gone, we prize even -above life itself, the peace, prosperity and happiness of our Union; not that of the single state in which chance or infiliation may have located us, but of the .'a hob? confederacy, not alone the welfare of Indiana, but of "South Carolina also. A briefand fimple inquiry into the origin of our government and tin forma 'ion f our present constitution, may not at this time be uninteresting; and as few have probably taken the trouble to investigate it, satisfied wish the blessings V confers, it may not be misspent time in calling their attention to it, for if the doctrine contended for at the present day is correct, if the powers of the general government are as limited as argued for by those who are Mich sticklers tor "state ii-jhts,"' it is hiiih time an amendment was made to it. For I do contend i hrst if a pinTie str.te at "its own volition for any cither leal or supposed giievance. arising from an act of congress, constitutional or oiner imr, nns trio right to secede, to uissr ive its connection with its sister states, at its own sovrei,n will and pleasure, the union is a rope of sand. Our constitution, the wrrk f patriots and sacs. most of whom have already gone beyond the reach of its infl i .'pre, and w In wo trust arc now enjoy ing the reward of iheir labours, is a nullity. And the f rm cf government under which we hive lived and flourished, and under which we shall live arid flourish f r centuries, notwithstanding the single dark ppeck in our political horizon which has lately made its baleful appearance anvmg u, w as but a form devoid of all substance, and calculated instead of being a blessing as i curse; unequal m its practical operation to the old nrticKvs of confederation, rnd the utter impracticability of w hich far the government of tho states was the cans? ind reason w hy the present was established. After the conclusion of our revolutionary contest, indeed before, the plan of a nvre perfect Union was a subject of deep and serious consideration. We were engaged with the 'mother country ii a struggle for the dearest lights of min, "the right of self government."1 And long before the contest w as brought to an issue. r.nd even before the declaration of our independence was si rued, as eailv as the 11th of .Line, 177t, congress undertook to digest and prepare "articles of confederation."1 The br.siess, however, was at traded w ith Croat delay, and it was not until tke l."ili of March, 1777. thc.t "ihe dis. c?rdaet interests and prejudices of thir"cen distinct communities," could be so ir muted a ti agree to them. These ar ti l s wore lhieitte I to the sfj'r leislateres ( r thi ir ratification and approval, th-y were declared to be the rc.i!t of ne-ce-iy, and as n!VrdiMi the het sv-em uhu h, un !er all circumstance', could be adepted, which woubl probably be most lilv.dy to b nssctvW t . T!ie" fra-t-iers of ih" nrticbM thriiis-dves acknowledged tliMr dil iac , but a son ! form rfgnverrimerit w is absolutely necesuv to enable o to act efficiently in tlj.j , oninun atisA in w hich we who cndMikcd, an I the perils attending which Ind ulM,e i-!i?ed us. Th"v submitted thm to the

ood sense and ;Vs iotisni of the states br !

their ratification, these nrticlcs met with still greater obstacles in the states themselves; most, however, assented to them from mere necessity, knowing probably, that a union of some kind was ne cessary for the common safety. Dclawpre lid not adept them until 1779, and Maryland expressly rejected them, and instructed her delegates to withhold their assent to them, for this singular reason, until there was an amendment or additional arrrecment, to appropriate the nevchimU in tie uct tern juirtof the union to a "com mon fund to defray the expenses ot the war. ' The refusal of Maryland gave 2 reat encouragement to the enemy, ready then as hok- to take advantage cf our di-; visions, injured the common cause, and was a source of sincere regret to every friend of America, at home or abroad. These considerations, induced that state finally to yield her assent to them, and on the first of larch, 1781, upwards of three years from their first promulgation and only two years before the peace, these articles received the unanimous approbation of the United States; the first written ajreement by which these states acknowledged their confederation as a government. What a lesson should it teach us: For if under all our embarrassments, w ith the enemy spreading desolation and ruin throughout ourcountry, our towns burnt, our fields laid waste, w ithout money and without credit, cur citizens declared rebels, our soldiers without clothing and ammunition, with all the horrors of war in the very heart of our country, one state alonc could thus nearly ruin our hopes and blast our prospects of independence, merely because the other states would not make "a common fund of t heir western lands.11 If under all thesecircjirnstaiw.es,

one. state, because she would not yield whole will always lhictuate, on the dinTCher assent, kept us without a government j tion of the ill informed and prejudiced o-

at the most critical period of our political history for three years and upwards, and under the pressure of a common calamity, such as we experienced, and from the force of local interests alone, refused her assent, how difficult it mieht be again to try the experiment of amending what the wisdom and experience of near half a century has satisfied us is the bert popular form of government for a free people.. The articles of confederation it will be recollected were ratified bv the 'V?ac leffi.slattrresP The stales agreed to them as slates. I nev were in tact nothing more than a compact between i ho states. It is true they confered upon congress though imperfectly and unskilfully the chief rigiVs of political supremacy. They were a written ackunvledgnicnt on the part of the stater, of those undefined and general powers which had been adopted bv congress un"cr their instructions, at uiutr iui ii!-eii;iiing, in ai 1 una - dclphia, and by which they were instructiU..:. i.i: :1-frr- . Hi I.. ed, to "concert, agree upen, direct, order, and prosecute such measures as they should deem fit and proper to obtain redress of American grievances Or in more general terms, "they were to kike care of the liberties of the country.'1 I.rt us now examine what were the difficulties attendant on this form of government, and which, after the short expertrneco? fovr years from its ratitiration bv the states, induced them to abandon it altogether, and to substitute in is dare the present constitution of the United ""States The old "articles of confederation'' gave to congress the exclusive cognizance of our foreign relation, the right of making peace and war, and the unlimited requisition of men and money on the states, as might be deemed necessary for the common safety; but the powers of the government were not as in the present constitution, distributed and carried down throu-rh the medium of a judiciary and executive, to the individual eithtriv, like all other eo'tjederations of slates, ei'hcr ancient or modern, the acts of congress were binding on the .'fare,? only in their sorercign eapaeity as states. They did not operate on the people direefly. They w ere "sovereign! ies w ithin a sovereignty,1 and this w as the great defect in the confederation of 17S1. Congress might pass an act, but it was in the power of a single state to vvHify it. For as (he act had to be ratified by a state before it could operate as a law, if a state refused to obey, there was no power to enforce it, hence a law was perfectly nugatory as there war, no means of enforcing it when a state was refractory. Laws may be en forces I upon individuals, but the disobedience of a state requirer. the use of arms in carrying it into effect. "The mild influence of the civil magistrate, however strongly it may be felt and obeyed by private individuals, will net be heeded by organized communities.1 The history of all republics teaches this lesson, and hence the melancholy examples in dreece, in Cerminv, in Switzerland, and Holland, ofrivil wars arising from the disobedience of the separate members. There was no ppnisvui for adJing a sanction to the laws in the articles of the confederation, each state obeved or r.otas suited their own sovereign w ill and nW sure. There was no such thing as constructive pow er known, however essential it might be deemed. The powers granted w ere "expressly" granted, and hence even a liberal and equitable interpretation, in caes where such inter pretation was necessary, was denied, and prostrated in many cases entirely, the exercise cf thoc powers about which there could be no doubt. Whit was the corisemieuce? Almost a soon as the compact was ratified, the states began to fail in their obedience. There was .scarcely any thin-' wLichcouU wound tJo pride, or degrade

the character cf an independent nation,' which we did not experience, ond there ' are some alive now who may possibly read j

this essay, who will remcunber with lccl ; tion was depending on the issue of this do-1 ins of regret, the pvint of national degra-llilratien. In vain had our fathers dation which we had reached in tho year i fought, in vain had they bled, I'selc nnl

after the peace w ith Great liritain, and j the termination ot our contest with the i

mother country. "To shorten an enuni'-pvhicti,

meration of particular?, and which can af - ford neither pleasure or instruction, (says , a writer w ho was a delcate in the conven- i tion of "81 and who aided greatly in the Jf .m. - tB M Ik formation of the present constitution.) it may uet in general demanded, what indication is thereof national disorder, poverty, and insignificance that could befall a nation so particularly blessed as we arc which doe:; not form a part of the dark j catalogue of our public misfortunes Power, controlled or abridged, is always j the rival ai.d enemy of that power bv ; which it is controlled or abridged. it a .uuu uas me right to call in ques-. 1 1 .- I .i . . . ... uou uic acioi the nation, ond to ilecide ; upon its fitness to the peculiar circumstances which surrounds the lesser sovereignty, if they have the constitutional power to obey or not, as inclination or prudence may dictate, to consider of the conformity of the thing to their own immediate wants and interests, or the momentary conveniences or inconveniences that would attend it in a spirit f interested and suspicious scrutiny, with a strong predilection in favor of local objects, and without a p;t understanding ot the national circumstances and reasons which iivlucf d the general government to adopt (he act, and this same process is to be gone through with in hcenty-four slitter, it requires "neither a prophet", or the son of a prophetlo predict that the execution ftho laws framed by the conm ils of the pinion ot any part .-and that which was devised by the wisdom of all, will be marred by the act of a single member. Such j is tlte doctrine contended for at the pre-; sent day a doctrine fraught with so much evil that our union could not have continued a year longer if the wisdom of our forefathers had not remedied it an cvil which was the bane of the old confederacy, and to provide an antidote to which induced tl.em to establish the oonlit' tion i 1 - t aniier wnicu we nave prospered :n peace iud triumphed in war. "rinch were the.

difficulties we encountered,1 savs IIr. j or abridge one clause of its wise and gloMadison ut.mtil each state yiedding to the rious provisier.?. When they say so, let it persuasive voice of immediate interest or j be done, and not till then. lis foundaconvenience suceessivelv withdrew its ! tions are laid where thev onht to be laid, support, till Ihe frail and tottering edifice J on the broad consent of those w ho ratified

eemed ready to fall :i our heads and crush us beneath its ruins.'1 Such a state of things could net endure jlong; th ; states became sensible of their I .1 1 . . . 1 eoiumon uanger ; inny ieii ih'i necessity of aeloo union; th?y saw that this dee - trine of 'State Uights1 would not answer; the found that tlr: anomalv of u sovereignty wiOnn a sovereignty 1 however it might appear on paper, was but a bad theory when carried into practical opera - tion; that the 'nullifying pro.'rs was

unngcrous; that the powers ol the govern- j eon.-lttutton had received the unanimous ment must bo increase! 1 hut the opera-; ratification of all the members cf the orilionmustbe direct, and not through the ! ginnl confederacy. medium of the leni-biture: in line, that it j Such were the difficulties thedangers, must be a government of ihe 'J'vople,' n"d ihe delays in the establishment of our and not of the Slate--.1 Tli change wh ! present republican form of government; dreaded by grnat and good men; but the ! ',r' were the trials our fathers underwent

exprrimeti-t hiut bo made, or there was an oid to the government; in I thanks to Him 'by whom princes rule and judges decree justice,1 it was made, and the re sult has shown the w isdom of its framer it has proved most clearly and ratifaetori ly what the enemies of republican institutions have asserted was impossible 'the power of a free people to govern themselves" and may the lesion he inculcated to th-2 latest of our posterity. The proposition for a Convention, the first effort made to relieve the countrv from degradation and ruin, rami from and was made bv the state of Virginia a state w hich, whether for the sacrifices she made in the revolutionary contest, for patriotism, for valour, lor liberality, for high minded and chivalrous conduct, ha? never been surpassed if ever equalled by her sister states of ihe confederacy ; the state which, whether in blood or treasure, has always paid her lull quota for the com iti'tn weal arid wellfarc.1 But from whom stion'.' th 1 1 . requisition come, but from the! land of Henry and Washington? mi 1 he nronositrm was. 'Tor a convention of delegates to regulate our commerce 1 a ' - - - - - with I oreign Nations.1 From this vention, assembled for a purpose mi app.i - rentiy unimportant to our general inter - est, sprang the hrst germ ot that men viic which, under all circumstance, h is been, and long may it continue to be, 'th shield ot our defence in pence or war, the present constitution of these United State.'. The proposal was well received by the other states, and several of t!ie:n sent delegates to ihe convention, which met at Annapolis in September, 1 T.'i'.i. The assem bly being small, and the stales but Kirtially represented, thev deemed it advisable to do nothing but unite in a strong appii - cation to Congress for a general conveu - tion, o t ike into consideration the sihri - turn of the United States and to d-vno , such other provisions as should be proper, t render the Federal (lovernmoflt a real gorvnur.ait adequate Ihe wants of thUnion.' Cgngres felt both the wisdu.n and patriotism of the appeal, vud recommended a Convention of 1M ogrUos from the several states to revise, amend and alter the articles of Con federation ; ail th states except Rhde Island acceded to th propot. and delegates Ww'ru appointed

who assembled in genera! convention in Philadelphia, in May 17b7. Thi crisis was an iinjortant one. The fat ? of a n.i-

unprofitable hid been the bloody contest in which we had liecn engaged, antl trom ) hj-o a younrr ion 'we h?tl risen, n not in th fulness of our strength, ur.h' unscathc.r at Irast with energy enough to ; hvc renewed another contest in the caue liberty. If we were w ithout the wisdovn to profit by our success; if we hail riot the power of governing ourselves; vain and idle were the sacrifices we had rr.r.dcj to gain it;-;,n tke fruits of tle revolution, ami per.iaps the final ctemy ot repuoncai. , govcrnmenr.were staked on the experiment He who tempered the wind to the shorn lamb' in ojr reiver-ity, was with us even here. The (iod of Abnm and of I--aac and of Jacob,1 who had purncved with us .1 .! -11 . inrovga me wi:uernc, was wn us even in sight ci our political l.anaan. liappily for ourrelves, and probably as auspi-l ciuusly for the interests of mankind,' the convention was composed of the highest order of talents and patriotism; sectional interests and party feelings w ere lost sight of; 'our country, our wluleecuiitry, and nothing but our cotinrv, was the watchIword; with a unanimity unprecedented they agreed upon the present Constitution ; thev declared it as the 'act ot the people of the United States.1

'Wcihc people of the Vmled Statcs, '":rZZ .1 ti l t 's,ircd upon fair and reasonable terin--iaysthepream!de,) in order to form a , , ' nnnnm-t.. . A- , , terin-"

Mtwwrfrrt JTninn. Pn!iIiJi I! PP. Illsui domestic tranquility, provide for the j rommon defence, promote the general irels i ' .i. i i . . . ... 'iirt; aim secure ine oiesssings 01 uuun. to )iirselvcs and posterity, uo ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States," not we the Stairs, hut l:rc the people'1 do ordain, &c. This Constitution was ratified by whom? lly the delegates oj the people elected by the people, not by the legislatures of the several state;?, as was the case w ith the articles ot the old confederation ; and lie who wishes to know why this distinction v?s made, ha only to read 1 1t i debates in the Virgi?iia Convention,1 to learn that by i'-s founders it was considered the 'act of the people, and n t r.f the States; and lhat no human power short of lhat w here all power is and should be lodged in a government like ours, th? power of the people, can alter lit; near a year elapsed, however, before th", ratification took place. New Hamp shire was the tnnih state, whereby, ac ! cording to one of its articles, it became ! 1 : 1 .i . . . . ir ' 1 inumg on ine stales rauiying 11. ner ! example was followed by the powerful f tntesof Virginia and New York, and on thedth March, lTbf, the government under which we live v'n duly organized and 1 put in operation. North Cur dina and j lihode Island held out some time Ion i hut finally yielJ?d ; and in June 1'7J0, gcr, the in framing a Constitution which tinder all our troubles and calamities has orofectcd and sustained u, our aegis in lime of war and our safeguard in time of peace; a Constitution under which we have floirrished and prosp?re 1 an 1 increased in wealth, in population, in arf, in the refinements of life, and in all that constitutes a nation's prosperity and happiness. Since the adoption of it, eleven states have been added to our confederacy, their institutions based upon the bread foundation of republicanism, and supported, nol by force, but hy the only guarantee of a republic's existence, the love and afi'eclion of a free people; & shall we not c!irih it? Shall we, for whose happiness it was created, nourished, and fostered, in the darkest period of our history Miall we, the descendants of those who poured out their blood like water to unite in ns one people in ihe bonds of union and liberty shall we, in the mid-tof all the blessings j it has besfved upon us, raise our parri ctd il arm to pull tlown the pillars of our political temple, and efface from cvist once ihi glorious monument erected bv ' "r fathers to perpetuate the union of ' themselves and ihur children? I'.iNiod j he the hand, and withered the arm, that ' wouai attempt ir. A NT I NULLIFICATION. EJ0T2C3. Tills 7c,v? an4 legal rr preset: tir"f of John Ileal, ijiic of Cibscncannly) deceased. TAIkU notice npiLVT I shall apply M the Jnd ji the Ciilnon ('i.-cuit .'ourt, o on the i 'st day of rhisr next Fef)ruary Term, ito nppomt (uimiioners an-eal ly tu i to lay me 'T my sh ire of the real lt ate ol .aid Kcal, lying in the above named tvuit of tlibson, w hero they mav , Ueiid co cuiw. 1ILNRY RKAL, one of the fairs. .ro-t;t.$i Jin. 7, 1S.T) iid ! Kags ! Kags ! CJSIl or nOKK, will be piven fa J any quantity of clean Lumen or Cottar. i iug at the vmtiksi sur ufTicc.

-- YTT-m 7v a V STATU OI LIIANA. Vile County.

IMlOBATB COURT, Ao r anber Term, b'Sl. Xancv KLnman, "I rT. V Pcti'hn to ft I Archibald Kinmair heirs I asioc u llenrv Kinmin. Jas. Km-

ur.U'injman, Mendith Howard, j

Benjamin Kinman, Rilev J Kinman, Willis Kinman,. Juliana Kinman, & Nancy Kinman. heir nnH !r. gal representatives of Da- j vi J Kinman, deed. J ow cnmc ;hc j; aRj i hrr potilion to . -. h . , - -- thcsTid David Kinman Ordered that rotire, thereof le given by publication of the pendency of said petition, that the said hcir be and appear before said court at its next term, and shew cause why the ie!ii . .i ' . tione: .s piavcr should not Uvrantetl oth . ' rrujsc the same will be acl flCtrd iiiiftii in their absence: and on further motmn. tb, cause is conMmicd until the next term A copy Test. JOHN McLNTUtE, Clerk January, lit, 1833. il:5t THK WABASn IXSIRANCC Compv, Vincennes, m now prepared to msu.1 policies, nomt and Furniture, N.W? . " "V UCU IO every prudent person to secure at a tritlinnexpense, his property from accident. OtrWicc on Market-street, adioinin" uj-j sioro 01 j oniiinsOTi lits. Samuel Judah, President. John Kcss, Secretary. Samuel Tom'.inson, Nicholas Sm David h. 15onner, .T. "Martin Wrn. J. Ilebenl, Thomas C. Ilailev, Thomas Bishop, M. Murphy. J directors. The company will loan monev forflmr! periods, upon re.al or personal security, and will exchange uncurrent bank note' foreign gold, 6cc. Persons who may crcnsionnlly nretl money, and do not wish to involve their friends, may h a bond and mortgage a-i a collateral security, and thus lc accommodated upon their own liability, wish this advantage also, that thoe who ma v thus borrow, will be allowed to repay the whole, or any part, at any timr, and hav.i an abatement of all the interest pgrel upon, for the time unexpired, but two per cent. The company will receive money on doposite, and will allow interest at th rate of six per cent per year for dep itel IIOUSIX IX THE'COUXrilY wil. be ins'ired at a very low rate. Vinccnne?,Ang.V, lSIW.' 28-ly ! y ANA WAV from the Slllxrril.r.re C

r

. . .-, h-jj;4 onboard thesteamboat Arab, thirtv miles Ik?1o'v Sha wneetown, on the evenin"' of the K?h instant, Four Xcgro Men. BOB, a yclimv man, agl abont bbout five feet eight inches high, toleraalv stout built; had on a blny coat and fur ha; no other marks perceivable. SAXVl, a mulatto man, aged ahont tMbiityimeor two years, five feet seven ) inches high, Roman nose, is a remarkable likely man, with a fine suit of hair; In I on Jackson coat with large outside nock- ' ets. and a fur hat. CHILCE is ri large hhek about twenty-seven years of age, five feet

w',u' iic is a oiacksmitti by trade a very likely manhe ha rathe- V

a down look when looked in the face lie had on a fulled linsey roundabout pantaloon. I think gray, though not certain. KUNRY is brovvn black. alm. tw enty-oiKior two years of nge, about fi. feet eight inches high; had on a drab fulle I linsey coat, Velais vest, and fur hat; h.t is a very intelligent fellow, and hn been raised a house servant; his eyes are a little sunk in his head. I expect they will nmkc for ime town in Ohio, as they have all U..n accustomed to country town. We will give th? above rewnrd for the apprehension and securing said Negrei in any jiil o that we get tlicrn again, or cue hundred dollars for either. letters addressed to Woodvil! Missisippi, will secure prompt attention. BRANCH .IOII DAN, P.ENJ. II. LF.WIS. Nov. 20th LS.1J 11 tf SGT-iTSCS. ' TMIC Subscriber hnvinc conmeneel i the JI.ViTIN(; niJSiXESSonUa 1 ter street, incenncf, in the house formerly owned !v Wilson Lagnw, uha this mthl of informing tlie citizen, and tht country at large, that he expect tD keep a innt, and for sale, a general assortment of FUR HATS, which work he intends M hive mad in a neat, suistantial and fashi na!e manner. CCT'he highest prije given for all kinds of FUilS. H. M. ;iLHAM Vinrcnn- la. Mirch 17, 0-t(

TIN AND SIIKLT-IRON IMANUr ACTOHY. IH.WK a i.ahcm aortoicnt of TIN WASK on hind, which I wiU ?ll ar A-holee or retail low for CASH or PKODUCK, such a may suit. J.kwok dotse ;it ,.iiort notice. N. SMITH. Vinrrrivs, Jan. C!-, 1S3?. 50 ti

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