Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 21, Number 44, Vincennes, Knox County, 11 December 1830 — Page 1

Till TflJ : BY ELIOT STOUT. VINCEIWHES. (la.) SilTliUDikY, II, 1830. VOL. SSI. INTO

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S2?c0ttm Sun

IS published at S2 50 cents, for 52 numbers; which may be discharged by the payment of 2 at the time of sub scribing. Payment in advance, being the mutual interest of both parties, that mode is solicited. A failure to notify a wish to discontinue at the expiration of the time subscribed for, will be considered a new engagement; no subscriber at liberty to discontinue, until all artcarages arc paid. Subscribers, must pay the postage on their papers when sent by mail. Letters by mail to the Editor on business must be paid,or they will not be attended to. Produce will be received at the Cash Market Price for subscriptions, il delivered within the year. Advertisements not exceeding thirteen lines, will be inserted three times for one dollar, and twenty-five cents for each afier insertion longer ones in the same proportion fcy-Pcrsons sending Advertisements, must specify the num bcr of times they wish them inserted, or they vill be continued until ordered out, and must be for paid accordingly. The present, being the time for preparing and putting up meat for the lower m irkct, 1 have believed that the following directions would be particularly serviceable at this time, and therefore re-pub lish it, particularly for the information of such as tnav be engaged in that trade. It Vill be well to preserve this paper for reference. Sun Ed 2ZRECTJ02v7S Taken frm an Act passed in the STATE OF LOUISIANA, providing for the inspection of BEEFJ.VD PORK'm the Citv of New-Orleans. ME-S FORK must be wholly composed of the sides of well fattened Hogs, between the shoulder and the Hank. FU I ME POUIy. Three shoulders with the shanks cut off at the knee joint, one head and a half, divested of cars, snout and brain ,: the balance to be made up of sides, necks and tail pieces, say a sufficiency of side pieees to form the first and last layers in the barrel: two hams will be admitted. CAJUiO FORK, may lie made of any farts of the llg that can be considered merchantable p nlv. with not more than four shoulders and two heads in a barrel: .--hanks, ears, snouts and b.vjas excluded as in prune. The Hog ought to be cut froui the bark hone to the' middle of the belly, in pieces not more than five inches wide, and packed in the barrel edgewise. M1W HF.F,F must be mad of the brisket and choicest sides of well fattened Cattle. In a barrel of Prime Beef there mut not be tno e than the half of a neck, two flanks and t v ) legs cut above the knee joint; the balance to be choice pieces. A few side Pieces will be required in prime. In a bai rel of Cargo licet" there must nc a proportion of good pieces, with not more !han the one half necks, three flanks and two legs cut as in prime. The beeves must be well fattened with corn, aiu I cut in handsome square pieces, not to exceed twelve, nor to be lass than four pounds in weight. The barrel must be made of good seasoned white oak or w hite ash, to be eighteen inches between the chimes, and not more than twenty-eight inches long, swelling gentle towards the centre, and to be free from "every defect. A quarter bound barrel with only twelve substantial hoops unit, is lawf i, but en a full bound barrel at least eighteen noops will be necessary. 'it is provided bylaw, that two pecks of coarse salt and ix ounces of salt petrc shall be put in each barrel of Beef or Fork, besides pickle to be made with as much salt as the water will hold in solution; but it is to be observed, that Beef requires a greater quantity of salt for its preservation than Fork, and where only a half bushel is used in packing, it is rather doubtful whether on reaching New-Orlean. there would be a sufficiency remaining undissolved in the barrel tojus'tify the Inspector in branding it "Without changing its condition. From the Richmond Enquirer. THE WEST INDIA TRADE. The Intelligencer has ventured at last to touch this subject in its usual vein care fully softening into shade, all the advantages it conters, and bringing into bo. d relict all the doubts, objections, delusions, fee. cvi. which its affiliated presses have thrown out. We shall notice this Diplotn itic article hereafter But considering what a "new flaVc-" this trade w as at hrst represented by the N. 1., the following confession seems marvellously candid: "Tliat a direct trade is better than an indirect trade, other things beins equal, lequires but little sagacity to perceive, and (ttletf c.i::d ;r to admit." Yet with all its candor, the Intelligencer has candidly labored to prove, how very wV this direct trade is At rr than an indirect one. The .ew-Iliven Register has exhibited n v rv different examnle. This candor which it ready displays should shame the candor which the Intelligencer oni affects. The Register ntither conceal its general opposition to the coarse of the administration, nor (.Iocs it deny the merit which is due to it on the present occasion. The Register says frankly, that " 1 'he whole argument ag tin-' tb'' din et trade, lies in the oinps ot a few w.rds "it was established by Jackson and n't by Adams." It is a mode rf re isouini;. however, which, stmngh as ve dUhkc J.ickvmism, drs int conv'mcc us. d'h oel) unqueiliotiably it ni r!it . . . ,. . . to : e sathr.a A to -aud au uere partis m c t- . ..t wn.-i, ..v. v,,iu thrkuow their bU:el is fojuvKel in cgixf.-

j ous imposition the imposture of figures." j

fanatv cr XQ jVures which have been ar-1 rayed by the opposition prints hut the ar-' cumc nt which it draws irom the manner o currum? on the trade, is still more coftrlu sh e as to the superiority of the direct oyer the circuitous trade. It dissipates at enc . . . i e i. . . 1 1 all trie little sopiusms oi rue intelligencer, " The trude to the Brinish West Indies (said that veracious print,) basnet been lost for a single day. 1 he objects cf the trade that is, the lumber, the live stock, the flour, and some other articles less important, have miy passed to each country, through Danish Islands, Swedish Islands, and other channels that arc circuitous.0 Yes, .simply' say the Intelligencer. They have only gone a roundabout road, instead of a straight road. Now, what shall we think of this i'wit assertion, when it is known,' as it must have been by every man of sagactiy and candor that there were many of our articles which would not bear the expense of transhipment many which could not sell so well, by beitug limited to a few markets in the West Indies, instead of being carried to all and many, which were entirely superseded by similar cargoes, carried rfrcr from the British Northern Frovinccs, in their own vessels? What a severe lecture does the firactical knowledge of the .Yexu Haven Register, read to the ignorance or sophistry of the Intelligencer? The following are the remarks of the Connecticut Editor, upon the course of the trade and though not intended for the Intelligencer, yet they are calculated to expose vulgar sophisms of the "bubble" print. With these seasonable hints, wc dismiss the Intelligencer for the present: "But the amount of exports is not exactly the criterion, by w hich to determine the relative values of the two modes of trade. The persons engaged in the trade, whose interest it is to pursue that channel which enables them to dispose of the greatest amouut of merchandise at the best profit, can afford us the most certain data. The market is the true place to ascertain the advantages of trade, a better place, common men will think, than the studies of scheming politicians. "The fact that a trade is carried on does not afford absolute evidence that it is profit able. The West India trade is a fair instance. It is a stock trade, and the vessels employed in it arc built expressly to accommodate stock. A portion of that business being curtaiied, the vessels employed in it are rendered nearly useless. They cannot be con erted into good freighting or packeting vessels: they must be sold at a great sacrifice, laid up, which is destructive, or continued in the trade for which they lit Under such circumstances thev are sent the ports of certain Islands being closed to other Islands with which the trade is similar. In this way, the trade which had been distributed through the West Indies, u forced to center at a fetv fioints. For a time the same amount ci produce which had. been sufilc'rjnt for the supply of all the Islands, will be farced into a ft'v markets. For the merchants must wear out their vessel' in the trade to enable themselves to withdraw. The markets arc thus glutted; and the instant reduction of prices at home shows the farmer what the operation of the indirect trade is. The merchant loses hi time and the fair earnings which ought to accrue upon his capital. Nor does the farmer escape: he can raise no more hay.no more corn, no more oats, no more beef, no more live stock on the same land, now that a great market for his produce is destroyed, than formerly. He is obliged, therefore, to sell at reduced prices. "On closing the British ports, other causes were brought to operate to our disadvantage. The British colonists north of us, have canied out cargoes direct, containing the same supplies, and at old prices, would have been enabled to have driven an excellent business, and even at the present, incurring none of the extra expenses of a shipment from the United States, they do well The effect upon our trade has been ruinous. For, could we have supplied the English through the Swedish and French Islands, this trade would have been in a short time as profitable to us as ever. But the British Islands have been so far supdied from the Writish .Yorth American colonies, as to throw all the disadvantages of the trade ufion us. A profitable indirect intcrcouse has thus been completely cut off. The consequence of such a state of tilings of the same shipments being made to a few Isl anils that had been previously made to all the West Indies and of a new supply to the closed ports, equal to the wants of the Islanders from another quarter was inevitably in jurious to us. The articles sent from this country to the Danish, Swedish, and French Islands far exceed the demand for them, in those Islands they cannot be sold there they mint be re-shipped to the British Islands; where they are offered in competi tion with the same articles sent out direct from New Brunswick a competition wholly unequal and unfavorable to our merchandise. Burdened with double duties, double port charges, double frieght, double commissions and treble detention, the same articles could not be afforded so cheap from our country as from the colonies, and were necessarily sold either at a loss or at a profit so small as to yield no adequate compensation. It is easy to see from this state of tilings that, it was not merely the trade with the British Islands that were i.vj ired, hut that the trade with all the West India Islands suffered severely. Markets which ha,4 been previously abundantly supplied by a few vessrls, were perfectly glinted by heir v.- made tin; receptacles cf the whole West ir.dia, trade, tin I piv:t;:Ve .drs at then; were pi.t cntnviy t-e.t : 'piesti'Ui. That' i v:e have statea t-ie cii..'i :i . t tne rhf trade truly, we appeal ciuv m. -reliant at all acquainted v: 'nh a." Now, here are I u't fur vm u iw b cm neither be contradicted nor u eakeued in i tlu ir ai; lie iv. "ti It iI nn, st roiig, cu'ii -d:s-.n itir, alt the me sri.e tea rcii'g a'i ii t i ..is. . ii .Nil or-hlovvti h'.r I s - t the N ttion.d FucXh - - rv..i..,., -v ,!, iMvLl - cicsan: remarks cf ;he luristcr. Thea;?:

fits them, and they arc welcome to we:ir it.

party who feted what is due to their country, from their loyal allegiance to Henry CUv. deserve the name of "schempoliticians." who consult their misera ble "personal ends," in preference to the "deep and immediate interests" of the nation. Hear what the New Haven UcirUtcr justlv savs of such men: "Now, it may be ot no sort ot consequence to the pei 5onal ends of scheming politicians, whether a trade, consuming in large quantities the surplus products of large tracts of country, be retained or lost; but the farmer and the merchant, the people by whose labor the nation prospers, rune a deep and immediate interest in it. They will judge whether it is best that the country be enriched by the profits of its foreign trade; or w hether that trade shall be denied and lost to blast the reputation cf one administration and sustain that of anoth er, LAFAYETTE. A Paris correspondent of the New-York Sentinel, in relation to the coUrse of La Fayette in the recent revolution, holds the following language. It furnishes the most lucid and prooable solution of his motives that we have seen. Enquirer. The purer and more decided reformers, who had volunteered as leaders and organizers during the three day's war in the capital, w aited for La Fa) ettc to pronounce the word rriuldic; the party of intriguers who watched the moment to put forward a KiiiS f their own, effected the manoeuv re by arrogating that influence which then courted for authority, and which in moral right and popular opinion, belonged to LaFuuette alont'y namely to sjieak in the name cf the nation He spoke not: for directly and iositivclit, La Fayette would not could not speak in favor of any government which bore the name and form of privilege; while won into the belief that the govern ment, favored by the provisional committee and their part) in the Chamber, would have nothing of privilege but the name ar.dlhe lorm, and harboring some doubts howfar the nation was as yet prepared, unitedly ' and confdi ntly, to place itself (in the face of all the governments and armies of Kurope, and under the disadvantages of all the secrit corruption so long bred and fostered at home by successive despotisms) on the broad basis of American republicanism he would not oppose what lie could i.et tboi);.;hly t approve. There were also circunntarees. hi the ! situation ri" La e'a ette, which cor.si'!eins nis nieiiv.ii eiev.u'en and coa sc;.m ;:,i were calculated to embarrass himerits and io incapaeituU hmi fr.-.o teerintMhc character of spon - i i .r ..lOV!.'nhiO- ' 111 tion. An appeal from him to the people to choose the.' o'vu jovtte.uHv.t would have been equivalent to a recommendation 6i repuhlie, and in which cae he vo:dd have bet n i's President. This had leinr been is'i and avowed object of the generous and influential youth ot " Fa is and of the mini enlightened cities and depai tnientsand g-r crally speal.ing, of all tin- powerful u u more conscientious reformers ot Frame The interested o. Init i.it i s , ;.d halt' jr ioc patriots, in the Chamber of Deputies and out of it, who cared for their own interest first, and then for those of the people, knew all there was to fear from the merited popularity of La Fayette. No arts were spared therefore bv indiiectlv workimr on his deli cacy, as well as scrupulous conscientiousness, to neutralize his influence, until a government could be patched up without him. This was not difficult, while it w as made to appear that by sacrificing the nume of Republic, all its .mciiles would be secured. That such were the pure motives which dictated the conduct of Lafayette, appears suflicientlv in his own confidential account of the agreement entered into between the republican party, of which he was the organ, and the specious but hollow politicians who contrived to win his countenance for the establishment of the patchwork government which is now the laughing-stock of Paris "On the 30th July, the people being victorious, and the enemy driven in retreat to St. Cloud, 1 announced to them that all reconciliation vith the existing government was impossible, and that the royal family had coast d to reign. Then, after consulting circumstance and what was conceived to be the views of a large majority of the nation, we rrtublicans consented to a patriotic union with a popular throne, surrounded with institutions truly free, and expressly stipulating against the existence of every hereditary institution whatever." "You will think, perhaps," continues the venerable patriot in the letter from which I quote, "that we might have done better. I believe not. As for the choice of the individual (the new King) it is excellent, and I am more and mere persuaded of this ev ery day. Hut many of those w ho surround him are inadequate to the critical exigencies of the times and the circumstances in which we are placed." Those who possess a thorough knowledge of the high-minded patriotism and consistent principle of La Fayette, feel satisfied that his eye will closely watch the helm of government, and his hand be ready to steady it in necessity. In the o.Ticial report made to Congress, bv Mr. Meigs, and which w as printed by The editors of the Intelligent tr, m 1322, he aio: Extract rf the P: ;v.:-!of Ft-b st mufcr Gm, nil's Re-rur.'-tj J5. i22. The c.ciscs prev i(u',v as-: -ivd for the . diminution of postage, tn;e:V.cr with occasion.d b mkruptues, deaths of p-,st-;n iter r ... the extensive number et nearly t.ve fir.; sand post -masters, operate also to retard the collection ot bal u.ces. " The change ot "p t-rtiat rs. iVoui vstti'uii e cases, is no i'tco'ismera .e source ot la'.'ia- in m.iki"g haal a. ha ,1'nents. These l.ane.s; amou.it tonettiv one thousand l " 1 it- iv. 1 ' M.. l. V lURnorr. .V,v,v.:vr. r. I lu uumhw uf pcs;-:ua-uis w.t then

about five thousand; it in now upwards of eight thousand. Mr. Meigs made one thousand removals in one year, and the Intelligencer was silent; Mr. Barry had made fic or six hundred, w e take the data furnished by the Intelligencer itself, and the consequence is that the President is declared to be worse than (iharlcs X; and the whole Department, every post-master, and every contractor, from Maine to Georgia, tin nee to New Orleans, and thence to the point of beginning" are declared to be knaves and hjpoc rites!! Could a grosser

insult be offered to the good sense of its readers, to the late head ct the Department, or to the Department itself. U. S. Telegrafih. From the Evening Post. Mr. Editor: If you arc not opposed to the exposition of the troth, as it exists upon the mooted and deeply interesting subject of State Rights, you will oblige by giving an insertion to the tollowing extract from the Charleston Patriot, illustrative of an irreconcilable collision of the opinions of the eminent individual whose recent letter has been regarded as conclusively establishing the absurdity of a State suspending and unconstitutional law of the Federal Gov. ernmcnt, until confirmed by the only creating power known to the Constitution, viz: "three fourths of the States." The political elevation, which in times past, this gentleman had attained, has imparted a validity to his reasonings, which the present discrtpacy of senti ment must in a great measure cancti. How to account lor the incongruity ot argument, nianilesttd in these two pa pcis, we are hippy docs not devolve upon us to elucidate As the one of 1830 nas been ivtn to the public, it is but reasonable to apprize it of the contents of the celebrated Report of 1798. "Mil. MADISt'K's L!.TTLll" A letter fi cm this gtnilciiit. io ihe editor iff the Nonh Amcrit.w- Review, has just been published, w -ich is tt presented as having nettled the guestion as to tl.t; true thatacter of the Viiginia i!e':oluii )n of 98, and the famous Report based upon them The opinions ol Mr. Madison are certainly entitled to very great respect; but that they are conclusive! as to ilur imp. rhai ai uts nl those celebrated state papurs, will be apparent from a comparison of the doctrines advocated by Mr. Madison in this letter, and those promulgated in this report It will be fuiind that these not only do not agree, but are utterly irreconcilable Whether Mr. Madison's present opinions, or those advanced by him ri '98, contain the tine views of the ; onsiiitiiicn, is another quektion but that . yaic essentially diflcient, is bc)ond iispuie In Mr Madison's letter, he takes tlu ground that the Federal Judiciary are the finai ai Oilers between the individual State s and the United States, "as to all cornrov ersies concerning the boundaries of jurisdiction " He takes great pains io show that it must have been foreseen hat such controversies would arise, and that the federal judiciary was the tribunal presented by the Constitution for the peaceable and authoritative tcrmi nation to them." He goes on to show that the right to decide on such questions was not and could not be safely reserved to the States, and quotes the 29lh number of the Federalist to prove that such were the views of the authors of that wotk. Now in lefening to Mr. Madi son's Reportation the Virginia Resolutions ol '98, we find that he utterly rejects and repudiates the doctrines that the Supreme Court is the ultimate arbiter in relation to such questions, and answers with great force, the very argument which he has now used on this subject Comment on this subject is wholly unnecessary. We shall merely quote Mr Madison's own words on the this subject. mr madison's report oj '98. "The next position is, that the General Assembly views the powers of the Federal Government as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instru ment constituting that compact," and iheiracts as no further valid than they are authorized by the grants therein cnemerated." The resolution having taken this view of the federal compact, pioceeds toinlcr 4that in case of a delibei ate, palpable ard dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by said compact, the states who ate panics thereto, have the right aod aie in duty bound to interfere lor arresting the progress nl the evil, and for maintaining within their i espective limits, the authorities, lights and liberties appertaining to them It appear s to your committee to be a plain p mciplc founded in common sense, illustrated by common practice, and cs se tial to the nature of compacts, that wherea lesu'.t cannot be had to a higher tribunal, supttrior to the authorities cf the parties, the parties themselves must be tte tighttul judge in the last resort ; whether ihc r.ti - iin n-ade (the constitu ; lion) iris been pursued or violated- The j Cor.stituiion 0j tr,? United States was , , .a,. .,v .union nt tne tnt- k. each, in i sovtrrign capacity It adds ; OJ i ic luiaiii) anu menuy as v c I a IO , . . 1 . . , the authon'.y ct ttic constitution, that II i ... .i. . ... r. . .- ai - acts upor this Ultimate and solid lout)-

dation, the states then beirg parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity. It follows of necessity, there can be no tribunal over their authority, to decide in the last resort, whether the compact by them be violated, and consequently that as parties to it thty mutt decide in the last resort such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition." But it is objected (as Mr. M. now himself objects) that the judicial authority is regarded as the sole expesitorof the Constitution in the last resort. On this objection it may be observed Firstly that there may be instances of usurped power, which the forms of the constitution would never deem within the control of the judicial department (the tariff and internal improvement! arc two conspicuous instances ) Secondly that if the decision of the judicial be raised above the authority of the sovereign party of the constitution, the decisions of other departments, not carried by the forms of the constitution before the judiciary, must be equally authoritative and final with that department. But the proper answer to thia objection is that the resolutitnof the general assembly relates to those great and extraordinary cases, in which all the lorms of the constitution may prove ineffectual against infractions, dangerous to the essential rights ot the paiticsto it. (buch the alien and sedition laws were then pronounced to be.) The resolution supposes that dangerous powers, not delegated, may not only be usurped and executed by the other departments, but the like individual departments may also exercise or sanction dantje ous powers beyond the grants of the constitution, U. consequently that the ultimate nht of the parties to the cons'itution to judge whether the contract had been dangerously violated, must extend to violations by one delegated authority as well as another, by the judiciary as well as by the executive or the legislature. So much for the present and former opinions of Mr. Madison as to he exclusive right of the supreme court to determine finally on the constitutionality of laws, and the right ol states to judge for itself on such questions. A considerable portion of Mr Madison's letter is taken up in attempting to show that the exercise ol such a power by a state would be utterly destructive of the objects for which the federal governments was constituted ; and l.e exclaims against the "uttter insufficiency of a supermacy in the law without a supremacy in the exposition and execution of the law." Now, it so happens that the very arguments now advanced by Mr. Madison were urped aeaint the

Virginia resolutions of '98, and were then answered by Mr. Madison himself in his report, in the following terms: "It does not follow, however, that the states being sovereign parties to the constitutional compact, must ultimately decide whether it has been violated, that such a decision ought to be interposed cither in a hasty manner, or on doubtful or infer ior occasions. Even in case of ordinary conventions between different nations, where, by the strict rule of interpretation, a breach of the part? may be deemed a breach cf the whole, it is always laid down that the breach must be both wilful and material to justify an application of the rule. But in caseoi an intimate constitutional union, like that of the United States, it is evident that the interposition of the parties in their sovereign capacities, can be called only by occasions deeply and essentially affecting the principles of their political system. The resolution has accordingIy guarded against any misapprehension of its objects, by expressly requiring for such an interposition the case cf a deli berate, palpable, and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise of powers not eranted by it." But the re solution has done more than to guard against misconstruction, by expressly referring to cases of adelibcrate, palpable, and daneerous nature. It specifies the object which it contemplates to be solely "that ot arresting tne progress ol usurpation,and of maintaining the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to the states as parties to the constitution. If the deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the constitution, could not justify the parties to it in interposing so far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby preservo the constitution itself, as well as to provide for the safety of the parties to itthere would be an end to all relief from usurped power," tc. Wc think it impossible for any one to perue these extracts from Mr. Madison's report, without percrivirg that its "true character" is very different from hat of the letter recently published, and we will venture to assert that no me can peruse the two documents, and recognize them as proceeding from the same hand. The rumor of an intended congress of . vcrciiiiii in Italy i rcpe:ui; v i h -"t a:: new evidence iu fuvcrof its uuibo-ticity.