Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 21, Number 16, Vincennes, Knox County, 29 May 1830 — Page 1

flr&y .ss aa Yl t-tY:X vLW.JUm . hi. VL m BY SLIHU STOUTJ vmoBixrJss, (.&.) Saturday, z&&y 29, isso. VOL. SZS. IT r

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IS published at g2 50 cents, for 52 numbers ; which may be discharged by the payment of g2 at the time of subscribing. Payment in advance, being the mutual interest of both parties, that mode is solicited. A failure to notify a wish to discontinue at the expiration of the time subscribed for, will be considered a new engagement; Si no subscriber at liberty to discontinue, until all arrearages arc paid. Subscribers must pay the postage on their papers when sent by mail. Letters by mail to the Editor on business must be paid3or they will not be attended to. Produce will be received at the Cash Market Price for subscriptions, if delivered within the year. A dvehtisemnNTs not exceeding thirteen line, will beihseried three times for one dollar, and tvjenty'fiv'e cents for each after insertion longer ones in the same proportion. JPersons seno'.'.ng Advertisements, must specify the num ber of times they wish them inserted, or they will be continued until ordered out, and must be for paid accordingly. BY AUTHORITY. it km LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES, FA S S ED AT THE FIRST SKSSIOJJ OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS. AN ACT for the re-appropriation of certain unexpended balances of former appropriations. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives cf the United States of America in Congress assembled. That the following sums, being unexpended balances of former appropriations for sundry objects of the service of the War Department, and in relation to Indian affairs, which remained in the Treasury on the last day of the ear cue thousand eight hundred and twentynine, an are now subject to the provisions of the law directing such balances to be carried to the account of the surplus fund, be, and the same are hereby re-appropriated to the several objects, respectively, of their origin il appropriation. For the materials ot a fort on the right hank of the Mississippi, one hundred and ninety-two dollars. For the Georgia militia claims for one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, one thousand seven lumureu and ninetythree, and one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, appropriated by act of March second, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, forty-one thousand and five dollars and forty-four cents. For the expenses of the militia cf Georgia and Florida, for the suppression of Indian aggressions on their frontiers, by act of March second, one tu-u-and eight hundred a.nd twenty-seven, five thousand dollars. For the remaining purchase money of a house ami lot at Eastport, in Maine, five dollars and thirty-two cents. For the removing obstructions to the Saugatuck river, twenty-eight dollars. For the building of piers at the entrance of La Plaisance bay, eighty-nine dollars and eleven cents. For the road from fort Towson to fort Smith, three hundred and ninety dollars and eighty-five cents. For the road from Pensacoli to St. Augustine, five thousand three hundred and sixtynine dollars and seventy-two cents. For the road, called the King's road in .Florida, two thousand dollars. For carrying into effect a treaty with the Choctaw Indians, dated eleventh of October one thousand eight hundred and t wenty, the balance of the sum appropriated by the act cf March third, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, re-appropriated by the act of Mav twenty-sixth, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-four, and again by an act of March the second, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, being twenty-one thousand seven hundred and thirtv-seven dollars. For carrying into effect the treaty with the Cherokee Indians, and extinguishing their claim to lands within the state of North Carolina, two thousand four hundred and titty -ninc dollars nineteen cents. For defraying the expenses oi treating Y'ith the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians, for extinguishing their title to lands within the limits of the state of Mississippi, one thousand two hundred and fifty-three dollars seventy-nine cents. For purchasing certain tracts of land within the state of (ieorgia, reserved by treaties, in fee to the Creeks, and to the Cherokee Indians, the balance of the appropriation cf titty thousand dollars made tor tnose objects bv an act of March the third, one thousand right hundred anil twenty-three, being nine tnousaiui one Hundred and eiginy-tnrt'e dollars. For gratuitous pay for disbanded officers and soldiers, including travelling allowances for the same, five hundred and forty dollars and ten cents, being the unexpended balance of anpronriations for those objects carried to the surplus fund 0:1 the last dav of the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty -six. i-or tnc purpose nercnatter stated, to writ: the sum of eight thousand dollars, anpropruted tor tne erection ot a Custom ana Warehouse at Mobil-?, by act of May twenty-! rurth, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight, bt. and the same is herein reappropriated, and an additional appivpru-

tion of eight thousand dollars to complete the same on an enlarged plan, be, and the same is hereby made, to be paid cut of any unopprcpriated monev in the Treasury. A. STEVENSON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. J. C. CALHOUN, Vice President cf the United States and President of the Senate, Approved, April 30, 1830. ANDREW JACKSON. A RESOLUTION authorizing the trans-

mission of papers, by mad, relating to the fifth Census. RESOLVED bu the Senate and Thus? cf Representatives rf the United States cf America in Congress assembled, That so much of the thirteenth section of the act of the third of March, one thousand eieht hun dred and twenty-five, as restricts the weight of packages by mail, shall not apply to the transmission of papers relating to the fifth Census, or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. approved, April 30, 1S30. Kxtract from the speech of Mr. Rowan of Kcntucty,vi reply to Mr. Webster, relative to the Public Lands. Now, Mr. President, it 1 have been corr-ct in my sentiments as to the pro cess of forming a State, and aj to the relation which the people of a State bear to each othef and their duties resulting from that relation to the State, and the obligation of the S.ate to them, and as to the origin, extent and character ot the sovereign power of a State, I think it will follow, that the sovereign power of a State, is an unfit subject to be disposed of by judicial decision; and that the Supreme Court is an unfit tribunal to dispose of the sovereignty of the States, or in the language of the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster.) "to impose certain salutary restraints upn State sovereignties." It will follow, too, that his views and mine, are toto ccelo apart. He thinks that this is a consolidated Government. His denial that it was formed by the States, and assertion that it was formed by the people at large, cannot, whatever he may say upon that subject, be ccnsirued into any thing else, than that this was a consolidated Gov ernment in its very formation, And the assertion of power which he has ma le for the Supreme court, if it be sustain ed, must lead to the consolidation of the government, if it were not before censol idated so that, according to his notions, if we have not now, we must have, con solidated Government If it was formed by the people, it is so; if they did not make it so, the Judges will; and, therefore, according to his propositions and arguments, there is no mode of escaping from a consolidation of the Govern ment. Mr. President, my hope is in the intelligence ; of the people ot the S'ates. I consider that they will never submit, that the sovereign power of the stateshall be narrowed down, controlled, or disposed of, by a quorum of Judges of the Supreme court. They will discern the intrinsic unfitness of the sovereignty cf their States, for either fot ensic dise us sion, or judicial decision, and oppose it with their suffrages, with the force ot public opinion, and in whatever other way they may wc would deride, with scorn and indignation, any sovereign o! Europe, who would agree to submit the sovereignty of his State, to the arbitra ment of even neighboring sovereigns. How infinitely" more exalted is the sovereignty of a State, composed of free citizens? And how degrading is the idea that sovereignty, the sovoreignty of free States, must be subjected to certain salutary restraints? Sir, the history of the world does not furnish an instance, in which the sovereignty of a State was ever subjected to judicial decision; or to any other power than the God of Battles, and the Lord of Hosts! Hut, allow me, sir, to inquire into the fitness of this tribunal, for the exercise of the power asserted for it, by the honorable Senator; and allow me to preface the inquiry, by a few observations upon the natnrc of our Governments. I have thus far spoken much more about the States, than about their governments. In the Republics of our country, the great, the leading principle is, that the responsibility of the rulers, or public agents, shall be commensurate with the character, and extent of the power cenfi ded to them. Our Governments are contrivances, or device;, by which the people govern themselves by which the governed govern: ours are governments of law. Indeed all free Governments are of that character; and the great difficulty has alwa)6 been to guard against, and check efficiently, the influence of the selfish principle (which is so deeply rooted in human nature,) over those, who are entrusted with making and administering the laws. Now, when we regard the zeal and vigilance with which the states, in the formation of their respective constitutions, and in the formation of the General Gov emmcnt too, endeavored to check this selfish princi pie in their political agents, and render them responsible, we shall be slow to believe that it was their intention, w hen thay formed the Constitution of the United States, to confer upon the Judicial Department, this transcendent and all j absorbing power.

It is to secure against the influence of this selfish principle of our nature, that in almost all the governments of the states, thm members of the Legislative Department are elected for short periods those cf the Representative branch generally for one year, and those of the Senate for fiomtvolo four cars, and the Governors for a like period. The election of the Representatives is annual, that they may be under the control of the people. The longer period allowed to the members of the Senate is, that they may not be deterred from checking any popular ebullitions, which might bedisplayedonthe part of the House ot Representatives; while in turn, the members of the latter; might check any aristocratic tendency on the part of the Senate. The Govcrnot is inves'ed with a qualified checking veto upon both blanches, and is himself checked, by allowing a defined concurrent power in both, to overrule his veto; and he is further checked, and the better qualified to exercise his checking power, by being rendered ineligible, alter a given period, to the gubernatorial chair. I sn?ak, Mr. President, of the checks provided by a majority of the states in their constitutions. I do not pretend to accuracy or precision, as to the detailed provisions of any. So, too, in the General Government, biennial elections were intended o sccure the responsibility of the members of the House of Representatives, and thereby to check the i.dl'oce of ?.he sel nh principle in the im mbers. The members of the Senate ate elected lor six years, and by the l.- guslatures of the states to check tendency to consolidation, whir!) the gentleman advocates. IT 1 c two Houses were so constituted, as to check t'jc'" other; a the President was to check, and be checked, by both. T he states we: c reebiced to the condition oi perfect ccjni policncc in the Senate, thus the mail we-r enabled to check the luge sta es, in anv attempts they might make o oppress the small. Sir, on this part of the subject, I do not pretend to minute exactness, h would be tedious, and 1 not requited f o my object, which is 01b) 10 exhibit an out line of the vigihmro and solicitor displayed by the siates, in their respec tive Govet nmt nts, and in the, Genera. Government too, to guaid against li-e influence of this sehfisn principle, in those to whom political agncy might be assigned. Rut, I nerd but have relerred y ju to the State and Genet al Govern merits, without referring, specially, to any ot their provisions on tins subject. They exhibit abundant, almost leuun(Lnt solicitude, to guard the iibeity of people against misrule, on the part of the Government. And think you. sir, 'hat, after all this elaborate provision against misrule, the states could have intended to subject their Governments, and their self governing- power, together with the liberties of the people, to the discretion of an irresponsible and unchecked Judiciary? Who does not scej that the only security the people have for their liberty, their lives, and their property, is in the protecting power of the soverignty of their respcctives states? And, then when that sovereignty is subjected to the will of the Supicme court,

the people are subjected to the same tribunal; and that, after all their vigilance and caution, in guarding, by every conceivable check, against oppression from their rulers, they are, by this, doctrine, to be subjected to the rule of a judicial aristocracy? To the rule of four men a majoiity of that tribunal who are unknown to them, except by the fame, or the feeling, of their encroachments upon state rights whose tenure of power is for life, and irresponsible? And yet, the Senator modestly tells us, 'that if the truth must be told" such was the intention of the people who framed the Constitution. Sir, if it be a truth, it had betttcr not have been told It is a truth worse than falsehood; or, if told, it should have been told many years ago. The gentleman, by the manner of telling it, seems to adrnit that it had been concealed. He treats it as one of those precious truths, which nothing but necessity could drag from its concealment. "If the truth must be told;" must, is a word which imports necessity. The necessity which produced this long concealtd truth will, no doubt, in due course of time, come out, as a truth that must be told. The sentiment, whether it be a truth or not, lurked in every p.art of the first message of Mr. Adams. He did not feel that lie must tell it in the message, and yet he could not conceal it. Perhaps the design was, only to make such an implied presentation of it, ac might operate as an experiment upon the public feeling. It such was the design, they have mistaken the indications of public sentimtnt,nnlcss I am greatly deceived; and yet it is announced with great cot tiderice. .The gentleman tell us, tl at the sta cs must submit to the judicial restraints upon their sovereignty, or incur by resistance the guilt of rebellion. That the deci sion ot the Supreme court, affirming a palpably unconstitutional law, which invades the sovereignty of a stale, must be

submitted to by the state, or it must in- par tnu ns o the Go cn.n t i.t, r,or n cur the guilt of rebellion iil ar supiem;.cy in ic'eru.c t l c Mr. President, could the doctrine of !a'fv, and vittte ti.Ur nan w;. l.,c passive obedience, and tionreMs'ancc, it that this hupreu e r urt. v h.eh chavc been more ex p'.icitlf urrcd? Has it rives its title ot sunt m. t , fi rn- 1 s a fi

le, cr been more zealously advocated, in tiol ovt r :he ju ici t o. g3 el nf iioi jui any country? It is prematui e. T he peo- ! dicial ti i torn;; Is, jd.ab coi.uol wr.o 1 tstr Jin

pie of the states are rot prepared h.r it yet. They arc too well infoi mcd oi their rights, and the principles upon w hir h they depend, to be the dupes of that eh ctrine. There is scarcely a man in the communi'y, v. ho l as participated at all in political discussion, that does r.ot i know, that rebellion consists in the resistance of lawlul authority; that the regis . (f , , . tancc ot lawless authority, 2s not a crime, . . ., , . but a virtue. 1 hat the on, y mode ot cscaping from oppression, is by rcsistirg the exercise ot unlawful power. TI at patriotism requires such resistance I he citizens must, at their peril, distinguish between lawful and lawless power; and while they deleiminc to retain their freedom, conform to the one and oppose the other. It is a high duty, and full cf peril, but, I repeat, it is the only condition on which liberty, ti e most precious gift of heaven to man, can be enjoyed and maintained. The alternative is a hard one. It presents slavery, to which passive obedience and non-resistance leads and liberty, which requires from its votories, a prompt obedience to all lawful requirements, ai d a bold and unfaltering re sistancc, to lawless encroachments. Sir.it is, I must repeat, too soon for those who rule, or hope to tule, toad dress their arguments to our credulity and our feares to deny us the intelligence to discern our rights, and the right to maintain them. Will the gentleman say. that the states of Virginia ar.e! Kentucky, in the steps which they took to nullify the alien and sedition laws, wcte ruiltv of rebellion? Were their ac's treasonable? If they were, then all the states were gnihy ef treason at least, as accessaries alter the fact: for they all sanctioned, by the moral loicc ot thrit opinion, the proceedings of the resiMing states. Put, against whom did these s'atcs, or can any state tebe ? Rebel lion me ans, the lesistance b) an interior, tr the lawful authority ed a Mipciioi. It io.plif-s the violation ef allegiance To wl at power does a stuic owe alletr'aocc! I o wha' povn is it stibotdi ra t? No onp. state owes allegiance ie another, for if it did, that other w uh! owe protc ction to it. Will the gentleman s tj, that auy sue h re!; tion eJs's between the states? Or, will he s that a sovereign suite, enn owe Slh gi ance to . nv earth)) powct? 1 have at ttmptetltc prove, that the States of this Union arc equrd, and have always been so, as well before, as since the lorn. a tion of the Constitution. That tbe t!u ties which they owe to each other under the Constitution, are p?ctional; ai d it 1 have succeeded, then it is impossible that they can commit rebellion, or incur 1 1 the guilt ot treason, by any violation ot their covenant i elations with each other. But, sir, the idea that a sovereign state can commit treason, rebellion, or any crime whatever, is utterly inadmissible in the science of politics. The ideaot crime cannot exist, wr.crc mere is no conceivable, or possible tribunal, before which the culprit could be arraigned 2nd convicted. Still less, Mr. President, can any state be supposed to incur the guilt of rebellion or treason, by resisting an unconsti tutional law of the General Government, or an unconstitutional decision of the Supreme court upon a vilid law of Congress. The Geneial Government is the creature ol the States; the offspring of their sovereign power; and will the gentleman say that the creator shall be governed by the lawicss anthorily of the creature? Will he invert the ru'c cf reason and of law upon that subject, and say that it is the superior that incurs guilt, by resisting the inferior, and not the inferior by resisting the superior? But the threats w hich arc blandished against states, or even individuals, who shall oppose the encroachment of the General Government upon the states, are uncalled for, and can only have the efiect to provoke illegal resistance, or to awe into a degrading submission. If the states are true to themselves, and faith ful in the discharge of their high duties, they will move on in the majesty of their sovereign power, and maintain with a steady and equal hand both their govern mcnts, by restraining each, in the cxer cise of its legitimate powers, within its appropriate sphere. They wiil not in cumber the Supreme ccuit with the exercise of this restraining power. In their hands it would not be a restraining, it would be an absorbing power. Mr. President, this epithet of snpre macy, which is so unceasingly applied to that court, is cclculateel to swell the r . vo.untc ot their power in the minds oi the unthinking. Its supremacy is en tirely relative and impe rts only that ap pcllate atid corrective jurisdiction, which it may exetc'nc over the suardinatr courts of the General Government.. The appellate court of cvety state, is just as supreme as it is, and in the same wa , and for the same reasons. It is net sup; erne in reference to tie other

; the Suprtn c c.utt u th stat s, aid ! the states therr.seives T ht the i ere ; medtcum rt jedicsal pew ei vhoh il cy j at t- per ti ittt 0 by li e states to t ci cise, i j- ha 1 1 he cxerttd to cootiol U u in tt:o

; cxet ?-e oi the ir mh e t igo p,vv er . trar. 1 (!ei v that it v.a ;hc t t:t , 11 r 1 ' r. vtate-N. 1.1 tot format. m t 1 .',e Cw..-i!-i.t .n, to ii.ve-t that ti ;h;.;?.J w;th t i , e pi.u ' , 11 !, uii , lull .11 .H I ,1 U'H . i , . , l I , 1 , anoicotom.it mi ; .s .! ; ui a : jiK.iei i', ar,tiwas ir.ier.oed tu be o. It it I,.: b-en ire u;.' t, iauai at t u ;i it) v t r. 1 !: wtr ; u.tcr,(Vc t.ia: tU-v sh. old t ical 1 out r, vhh h i r.ov. a-seitt: : t. cut, t U-w t. It C .liIts ( Xt 1 Cib" U ( Ti.U iM' ot e onn cneeks. to some- respoi s ! ii not be reav -i.uoiy upp-. to du r s t. ic. tiiivr toe t xet t );'.. c a 1 ji.tucv all the titer tunc tioiiatks oi the :;au!.:i cs.t, to judicious . lid wi 11 !e i-td ciu rk it v. . intendeel to subjt et all to thv ueci.o k - d in e-pons.b;c j ouer 1 f this ccurt ; b.::. on th;s point, i have giver. uy i-ynn u i. 1 pievioi.s pait of xuy at guiucnt. 1 !,.',t, however, be permittitl to .that the Jo -br-e s in the states, as well as in thr geiit-r.ii iovt i i.u cut, even 111 reference to the exi rt iso of their 11. ere judicial powers, arc- it ft b the constitutions da?.' r ulu trrt .. c-r.-.wr. The independence ot the Judieu.-y has m my c ;pu;ion, been greatly u iscoia eived. Sir, the t. oe iinifpetHiii.ee of tbe judge, consists in their Ctprndance upon, at. u itsponSibility to the people. The v.ircst exemption li oui elcpeitc'.aoce ttj 011 ai. is is ocpend.aiice upon AIL. In frte t;otrt u.Ci.tS ue have nothing more stul !e than the will of the people. T o be iin epei.dei t of that, is to rebel against the principles 1 1 hee i;oven.incnt. Jt is a dependent e upon, ai.ci a conscious resporihibiliiy to the will of the pet.pl'-, that will btst secure the judge from heal, paitial, and peisoual "mfiuence b. Hut on vv hat principle should those who adrmuit.tt r the law-, be less respi n-iblr to the coplc, tr.at; those who make them ? The laws operate as thty are expounutd, not as they aicmade. It is in the exposition ( X them, that they operate ej pressneiy, and au icsponsibihry is to secuie agai. st opp: t -vj n ; but theie can be no oj plosion, ci m i.r. eiy a , w ithout the :oncnt of t. e i u gos. The juciics aie itrcsj on.-ibk, imt: the j toj lc are eve iv vv he; e oppu s-eil : out 1 in Ul it to t.e it 'ntrsal.;. ti.;e,that all j owt r v I ic'n may be i'i ' 7.'.w'',. ex(icisi, . ;Ji oe txe.eisfd '.. r, .'.sive.y . It h s ah' ..s been so; it aiw .) s s ill be so ; b r pub.x tunctionai n s are but ti en. But to : eourn to i ot Jurh.es A,; sc. pre nie Ct ei t Tuey at e rake jui is(.iceie ti (a .bl ;.nhe rized t , I 1 w and eputy, aiisini; uu. er t!...- i.st;tut,( hl s t for g es and tteaites.' ct .',' ;!,..,. o os'nuuon, together v itn the ti e r.:e s, .n S inc aws et ci ngu', u.ace puis-u 1 - u. 10 bo the ' : ureiwe l.iw oi tt o i.a "1 un is ib. 1: j ov.er, ruul this t!;e eh oacter -nti buct t the ce.iiMiiut o:.. lav (it con-i .i'ui treaties. Nov. . s.oppe-i; thei e si. ail ei?tbetwten t w o oi "the st ito t.bpnu- as to l et 1 itc: .ai bo ib.t v . a-.f .be ongi e -s shall pass a law, gi n jr t!ll. t::ij,tl,u; 1 i 1 itoi e to "i e el the e nteno.ni: stutt s ; and sti' iiVe the judges sh.til afin 111 toe v ii..;u el 1,1 a. i.u .-L-..IV., " liu-i; ItllliOrV .IrtS ijccn tlit;s inv .uh d and t;-.h n it e n. it by t niress, submit to the decision, or m ii the; guilt cf iebe-Ili n ? Is th..t to he the prae 'k A ope ra'ien e i the gentle n.-.n'.s doi t:ine i Or suppose the temtcnal boundn i any c t.e ot the stales shall be alteied b'ueat" anel a portion e f its territory ti ansb t n o to a foreign pow er, and the Supu :nc emi t v.cre to decide that the treat) was c (nstutu n,d, must the it ale, tiius dismembered, r-ui-esce , or, by resisting, be denounced as .. 1 ebel ? And T-ouki the gentleman assett, tb:;t this ftperatif-n was merely impoir.u a salut'iry restraint up( n st..te soveie Lm'tv i Now, sir, I deny that the power to (a chue a l.vj f f congress. ( re ianv e.f the states unconsti. tutional, was ever o uferiet!, (r intendt d to be conferred, upon the Judiciary of ant of the states, or of the general governuu ut. as a direct substantive ov. tr. T he exe rcise of this power is incident d to the exeicie (,f the mere judicial power, whit j. v.-.i ei nb. rred. The validity of a law invtlved Lv a case, may be incidentally c'.ccidcd, in dec: !- ing the law and justice i t the cae. the decision must be made wuh an e ve to the law and justice of the cac. and n t in reft ren.cc to the just, or unjust, exercise ft the legislative power which w at cm ited in mikiog the law. Ne t in the view toehetk ce.ntro!. cr restrain in the legislative -(.tr! It must be given in the ee: cie ei ir.tiely jiiuicial anti not ct .'Jt:icul power. 1 litis exercising its juri'thcne-M, the co-;rt would command the t ect and o nthh-n e of the pte pie. as a judicial tribunal. iWt when it merge s its apprt priatr judicial, ja an assumed political chaia t- r u it exchanges its t rsninc tui tbe- w .J.c ;., ( the m.ice, and asstrts its iig!it to onpc sr restraints u:;tn the soverei.':,t ft!- u fc ' 1 . '.. 1 its, it slu-uhi be treated as a u-ur;jt r. , , - ick by the states wi iiin its r r)r- ir- .r judicial sphere 11 is one Ire :n the st,.n s t? bts tbt :r ow n self rcspet t. and t he juvt 1 their eitun rs, to assert n e the ..K'o rnpea nt to t.et n- upon t ei y -pat s'.f n i:.v -ing their own s!.ve:ta;;.tv ; ..no ti; t tot eglect to man. tain k. v.oidib - te r- ..r.- c tbe characte r in w h.rh tiun forrr.t d (he c ntitutioh.tl et.inpact d Unci- That tie nt tu.tena: ce et its own s, -re"cntv urompauee;, by en eh of the sta'e. is t-, it;..l to the hljeftv ( t the ttei-nit. ael to tin j.-e-. i - v ati n of tbe Un.ou, and iht to -..b'i.it tin .r sovtreignty to the ee i.tn 1 i t the J..d.ci.t: , wc uld bj to su'istita'e a j nb . A T.;au y for the free institutions e .nplcAcd tr .i gov ernn.eut by the p phu A:l the p i i sfs f r wh:fh t 1 s ;t.vwt re instiun ..l woedT be titv-..ttit in the control e t' the state bv t1' J o-e . th ng less t!t.-!i soverrbpi power ir;::.;ei tt nt t ) t oe itoinagenn u; T ..e e . 1. , 4

Dc-Uute, and n.-.:.:u- k5 w.s pledge y. the