Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 18, Number 32, Vincennes, Knox County, 15 September 1827 — Page 1

WESTERN SUN fe GENERAL A3 YEKTISEE,

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DV ELIHU STOUT.

THE WESTERN SUN l.he distinguished member of congress a ' I little more distinguished, by instantly orlb pubished at Two Dollars and j dering him from his presence, and by jfitTY cents for Fifty, i'v umber forlhwilh denouncing him and the infawhich may be discharged by the pay- molls proposition which he bore, to the

mcni oi i v J uullviw ai wu ume oi suosenpuon. Payment in advance being the mutual interest of both parties, that mode is solicited. A failure to notify a wish to discontinue at the expiration of the time subscribed for, will be considered a new engagement. No subscriber at liberty to discontinue unti (all arrearages arc paid. Subscribers must pay the postage of their papers sent by mail. Letters by mail to the Editoh on business must be paid, or they will not be attended to. Advertisements inserted on the customary terms. fsCP Persons sending Advertisements, must specify the number of times they wish them inserted, or they will be continued until ordered out, and must be paid for accordingly. Mr. CLAY'S SPEECH, at the Dinner at Mr. AoMt' Inn. (continued ) The distinguished member of Congress, who bore the alleged overture, according to General Jackson, presented himself with diplomatic circumspection lest he should wound the very great sensibility of the General. He avers that the communication was intended with the most friendly motives, " that ho came as a friend," and that he hoped, however ii might be received, there would be no alteration in the friendly feelings between them. The General graciously condescends to receive the communication, and in consideration of the high standing of V. the distinguished member, and of his hav v " ing always been a professed friend, he is premised impunity, and assured there shall be no change of amicable ties. Atter all these necessary preliminaries are arranged between the high negotiating powers, the envoy proceeds ; u He had been informed by the friends of Mr. Clay, that the friends of Mr. A danvi had made overtures to them, saying if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay should be Secretary of State ; that the friends of Adams were urging as a reason to induce the friends of Mr. Clay to accede to their proposition, that if I was elected Presi dent, Mr. Adams would be continued Sc crctary of State (inuendo there would be no room for Kentucky.") Is this Gen. Jackson inuendo, or that of the disim finished member of congrcs u That the friends of Mr Clay Mated ihc west does rot want to separate from the west, and if I would say or permim any of my confidential friends to say that, in case I was electcd President, Mr. Adams should not be continued Secretary of State, by a complete union of Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put and end to the Presidential contest in one hour ; an 1 he was of opinionit was right to fight such intriguers "with their own weapons." To which the general states himself to have replied in substance, "that in politics as in every thing else my guide is principle, & contrary to the exprcscd ami unbiassed will of the people or theh- constituted agentr, I never would step into the presidential chair; and requested him io say to Mr. Clay and his friend, (for 1 did eufsfiisc he had come from Mr. Clay, atth-jtigh h aBed the terms of Mr. Clay' r;.v.. J that before I would reach the presidential chair by such means of batgain and corruption, I would sec the earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay, and Ids friends and myself ivith them."' Now all these professions are very fine and display admiral purity. Hut its sublimity would be somewhat rnore impressive, if some person other linn General Jackson had proclaimed it. He would go into the presidential eh.air, but never, no, never! contrary to "the expressed and ubiasscd w ill of the people, or their constituted agents:" two modes

of arriving at it the more reasonable, as tact hem his Iriend or horn me curing the Ihcrc happens to be no other constitution- intervening two and a half years? The al way. He would sec 44 the earth open compunctions of his own conscience, for and swallow both Mr. Clay and his fr iends a moment, appear to have visited him to and mvsclf," before he would icach tire wards the conclusion of his letter, for he "t presidential chair by " such means of bar- there does say, "that in the supposition gain and corruption." I hope General stv.ted, may have done injustice to Mr. Jackson did not intend the whole human Chy ; if so the gentleman informing can race should be also swallowed up, on the best explain." No good or honorable man contingency he has stated, nor that they vvil! do another voluntarily any injustice, were to guarantee that he has an absolute It was not necessary that General Jackson repugnance to the employment of any ex- should have done me any. And he can ceptionablc means to secure his elevation not acquit himself of the rashness and into the Piesidency. If he had rendered iquity of his conduct towards ms by refer

VINCENNES, (IND.) SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER '19, 18S7. Vol. 18. No. 32

American public, vC should be a little better prepared to admit the claims to un tarnished integrity, which the general so modestly puts forwatd. But, according to his own account, a corrupt and scandalous proposal is made to him, the person who conveyed it, advises him to accept it, and yet that person still retains the friendship of General Jackson, who is so tender of his character that his name is carefully concealed and reserved to be hereafter brought forward as a witness ! A man who, if he be a member ol the house ol representatives, is doubly infamous infamous for the advice which he gae, and infamous for his willingness to ccnnivc at the corruption of the body of which he was a sworn member is the credible witness by whom General Jackson stands ready to establish the con option of men whose characters were never questioned. Of all the properties which bclcng to honorable men, not one io so highly prized as that of chaiacter. General Jackson cannot be insensible to i to value, lur he appears to b most anxious to set forth the loftiness and purity of his own. How has he treated mine ? During the dis pensation of the hospitalities of the Hermitage, in the midst of a mixed company, composed of individuals from various stales, he permits himself to make certain statements respecting my friends and me, which, if true, would forever dishonor and degrade us. The words are hardly passed from his mouth, before they arc committed to paper, by one of his guests, and transmitted in the form of a letter to another state, where ihey arc published in anev s. paper, & thence circulated thioughout the Uni n. And now he pretends that these statements were made, without any calculation that they were to he thrown into the public journals." Docs ho reprove ths indiscretion of the guest who had violated the sanctity of a conversation at the hospitable board ? F ir from it. The public is incredulous. It cannot believe that Genera! Jackson wouid bo so wanting indelicacy anddecoium. The truest appeals to him lor the confirmation of tire published statements ; and the general pr omptiy addresses a loiter to him, in which 4- he most unequivocally ccr.iirms (says Mr. C. Beverly) all I have said regarding the overture made to him pending the last presidential election bcioio congress; and he oss'-rj a threat deal more than he ever told wr." I should be glad to know if all the versions of the talc (avc now made their appearance, and whether General Jackson will allege that he did not calculate," upon the publi- ! cation of his letter of the 6'.h of June. j The general states that the. unknown envoy used the terms "Mr. Clays friends," to the exclusion therefore of myself, but he nevertheless inferred that he had come from me. Now why did he draw this infer ence contrary to the import of the statement which he received i Does not this disposition to deduce conclusions unfavorable to me manifest the spirit which actuates him ? And docs not General Jackson exhibit throughout his letter a desire to give a coloring to the statements of his friend, the distinguished member m congress, higher than they wculd justify? No one should cer resort to implication but from necessity. Why did he not ascertain from the envoy i n he had come irc-m me? Was any ! thing more natural than that Gen. Jackson ; should ascertain the persons who deputed : the envoy ? If his shocked sensibility and indignant virtue and patriotism would not ' allow him to inquire into particulars, ' ought lie to have hazarded the assertion, that I was privy to the proposal, without assuring himself of the fact I Ccu'd he i not after rejecting the proposal, crmtintting as he did on friendlv terms with the j organ of it, have satisfied himself if I , were conusant of it ? If he had not time j tb.cn, might lie not have ascertained the J

ring, at this late day, to a person, whoss name is withheld from the public. This compendious mode ot administering justice, by first hanging and then tr)ing a man, however justifiable it may be, according to the precepts of the Jackson code, is sanctioned by no respectable system of jutisprudet.ee. It is stated in the letter of the 6th of June, that the overture was made early in January ; and that the second day after the communication it was announced in the newspapers that Mr. Clay had come out openly and avowedly in favor of Mr. Adams." '1 he object ot the statement is obvious. It is to insinuate that the proposal which was rejected with disdain by Gen. Jackson was accepted with promptitude by Mr Adams. This renders the fact as to the tunc y the aileged annunciation very important. It is to be regretted that General Jackson had not been a little more precise. It was early m Jan uary that the ovciture was made, and the second day after, ihc annunciation of my intention took place. Now I will not assert that there may not have been some speculations in the newspapers about thai time (although I do not belitve that there were even any nfieculations so early) as to the probable vote which I should give ; but I should be glad to see any newspaper which, the second day after tar 1) in January, asserted in its columns, that I had come out, " openly and avowedly in favor of Mr Adams." 1 challenge ihe production of such a paper. 1 do not believe that my intention so to vote for Mr. Adams was announced in the newspapers openly and avowedly dining the whole month of January, or at any tate until late in the month. The only avovjatvA my intention to vote for him which was publicly made dn the newspapers, prior to the election, is contained in my letter to Judge Brooks, w hich is dated the 28lh January. U was first published in Hie Enquirer at Richmond sometime in the en suing month. I go further ; I do not be

lieve that any newspaper at Washington j can be prouueed announcing, helore ihc latter part of January, the fact, whether upon my avowal or no?, of my intention to vote for Mr. Adams. General J ickson's memory must deceive him. He must have confounded events a d circumstances. Hisli 'icnd Mr. Gcoi go Mi emtr, in Ids letter to tho Columbian Observer, bc.uing date the 5'.' January, has according to My r v.coil Mion of the public mi'.ts, a claim to the merit of beiog the fust to announce to the public my intended vor.c. That letter w ,s first published at rhiladelphia, and returned in the Columbian Observer to Washington City on toe 5 t st January. How long before its date that letter was wii'tcn for Mr. Kremer, docs not appear. Whether there be 1 any connexion between the communication made by the distinguished member of congress and tbc letter perhaps General j Jackson can explain. j At the end of more than two vears after i a corrupt overture is made to Gen. Jack- i son, ho now, for the first time, openly proclaims it. It is true, as I have ascertain nl since the publication of Mr. Beverly's rayettcvdlc letter, the general has been , for a long time secretly circulating the charge. Immediately on the appearance I at Washington of that letter in the pub i lie pr ints, the Editor of the Telegraph as- j sertcd, in his paper, that General Jackson ; had communicated the overture to him about the period of the election, not as he now states but according to Mr. Beverly's version of the tale. Since I left Washington on the I Oth of last month. I have understood that Gen Jackson has made a similar communication to several other persons at different and distant points Why lias the overture been thus clandestinely circulated ? Was it that through the medium of the Telegraph, the leading papers supporting the interesof General Jackson, and through his other depositories, the belief of the charge should be (bilv and gradually infused into the public mind, and thus contribute to the support ef his cause? The zeal and industry with which it has been propagated, the daily columns of certain newspapers can testify, finding the puhlic still unconvinced, has the general found it to be necessary to come out in proper person, through the thin veil of Mr. Carter Beverly's agency ? When the alleged overture was made the election remained undecided. Why did not General Jackson then hoM up to universal scorn and indignation the infamous bearer of the proposal, and those who dared to insult his honor and tamper with his integrity ? If he had at that time, denounced all the rnfnmous parties concerned, demanded an inquiry in the hoec

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of representatives, and established by satisfactory proof the truth of his accusation, there might and probably would have been a different result to the election Why, when at my instance, a committee was on the 5th February, 1825. (only four days before the election,) appointed to investigate the charges of Mr. Krcmer, did not General Jackson present himself and establish the truth i Why on the 7th of that month, two days before the election, when the committee reported that Mr. Jvremcr declined to come forward, and thst kt if he knevj of any reason for such investigation they would have asked to bo clothed with the proper power, but not having themselves any such knowledge, they have felt it to be their duty only to lay before the house the communication which they have received." why did not General Jackson authorize a motion to c ommit the report and manfully come forward with all his information I '1 he congress ol the nation is in session, an important election has devolved on it. All eyes arc turned towards Washington: J he result is awaited with intense anxiety and breathles;- expectation. A corrupt proposition, flctmg the electh n, is m,ade to one of tlu -candidates He receives it, is advised to a. ccpt it, deliberates, decides upon it A committee is in session to invt sligatc th .y charge The candidate notwiths i-ndmg ten . ,ns profoundly srlent, and after the lapt of n ote than two years, when the ptiiod of another election is rapimy at. proaching, in which he is the only compti; or f t the office, lor the first time annr ut.ccs it to the American public ? 'I hey n ur have more than an ordinary si ac of cn duliu who do not belie c that General Jacks, n bore under some cxiraordin3i y tltlusion. ( To be continued J Mr. M'DLT TIE'S SPEECH. ( Continued J How, I ask, can Mr. ( iay justify himself lor voting against General Jackson, in opposition to those principles to which he had solemnly sworn allegiance before the whole American people ? Through whrtt avenue, by what subterfuge can he escape from the condemnation that awaits hint ? His advocates have attempted to evade the true question, b denying the right of the members of the leigislature ot Kentucky to instruct the members of congless from that state. This is their usual artifice of misstating the question No man ot any svnsc ever conundt-d h3t the n solution of tlu.- Kentucky !c rslature was binding, a, an li sir oc ion upon tho members of c ngrcss ' f-e friends of Genera! Jackson only contend that this resolution, considering the unanimity at d other circumstances ol its passage iuin. ishvs positive clear, and i. controvertible evidence- of . hat was the will of the people ol Kentucky on the subject of that resoimii n. It is impossible for any n an but a sceptic, to doubt tra' tn over v helming majority ot the people ol Kentucky preferred General Jarkson to Mr. Adams, and it was their will that their icprescntatives in conrts should vote for General Jackson W'H Mr. Clay attempt to excuse himself by s ying that the people had rint given him fore, al i'sticctions? He lias bu-red hin.stit f, m ;hat plea by saying, explicitly that hr cr.rea not how he as(en?ins ibt (Jf h s constituents, or what tl e v ide ne e s of it- he heid hiu.self bound to obey it, ivhethcr ixfile sard or iw fitted " Now, I boidiy ask. if there was ever such a flagrant abandonu enr of pi ir.ciplc, and such a tissue of inconsistencies, invo'ved in at y one political act a- tl re is in the -,o e of Henry (.by for John Quincy Adams ? He vote for the m;m whom he had denounced upon four several grounds of political principle He votes againtt the n.an whom he knew to be the choice of his constituents, and for whom, he was, upon his own avowed principles, under the most solemn constituticnal obligations to vote. If there can be a more shameless and profligate abandonment of principle a moreflagrrmt act of political treachery and usurpation, I am at a loss to conceive it. To bring out the full extent of the outrage committed upon the rights of the people, by this coalition between Mr, Adams and Mr Clay, I will barely advert to the fact, that the people of Missouri were as decidedly opposed to Mr. Adams, and in favor of General Jackson as those of Kentucky No candid and honest man has ever, to my knowledge, pretended to deny this fact. There we see the votes of three States, Maryland, Louisiana, and Illinois, given to Mr. Adams in direct