Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 16, Number 12, Vincennes, Knox County, 7 May 1825 — Page 2

aivc upon the judgment of the Home, it still remains to determine what is the true degree of weight belonging to it? It has been contended that it should operate, if not as an instruction, at least in the nature of one, and that in this form it should control the judgment of the house. Hut this is the same argument of con clusiveness, which the constitution docs not enjoin, thrown into a different, but more imposing shape. Let me analyze it. There arc certain states, the aggregate of whose electoral votes conferred upon the highest returned candidate, indicates their wish that he should be the Picsidcnt. Their votes amount in number to 99, out of the 2G1 electoral votes of the whole Union. These 99 do not, and cannot of themselves, make the President If the fact of particular states giving 99 votes can according to my received notions of the doctrines of instruction, be regarded in that light, to whom arc those instructions to be considered addressed? According to that doctrine, the people, who appoint, have the right to direct, by their instruction, in cettain cases, the course of representatives whom they appoint. The states, therefore, who gave those 99 votes, may in some sense, be understood thereby to have instructed their representatives in the house to vote for the person on whom they were bestowed, ,in the choice of a president. Hut most clearly the representatives coming from other states, which gave no part of those 99 votes, cannot be considered as having been under any obligation to sut render their judgments to those of the slates which gave the 99 votes. To contend that : t y arc under such an obligation, Would be to maintain that the people of one stae have the riht to instruct the representatives from another state. It would be to maintain a still more absurd proposition, that, in a case where the representatives from a state did not hold themselves instructed and bound by the will of'hc state, as indicated in its electoral college, the representatives from anothcr stafe were, nevertheless, instructed and l "mnd bv that alien will. Thus, the entire vote of North Carolina, and a large majority ot that of Maryland, in their respective electoral colleges, were given to one of the three returned candidates, for whom the delegation from neither of those s'ates voted. And yet the argument combattcd requires that the delegation from Kentucky who do not represent the peopic of North Carolina nor Maryland, should be instructed by and give an effect to, the indicated will of the peopic of those two states, when their own delegation paid no attention to it. Douhtk-ss, those delegations felt themselves aut homed to look in'o the actual composition of, and all other circumstances connected with it, the ma

jorities which ave the electoral vote's, in their respective states; and felt themselves justified, from a view of the whole

ground to act upon their rcspons'bi.iiy and according to their best judgment, dis

regarding the electoral votes in their stairs. And arc the t cprescntatives from a different state? not only Ivuind by the will

of the people of a different common

wealth, but forbidden to examine into the nvmner by which the expression of that

will was brought about an examination

which the immediate repi esentaiives

themselves felt it tluir duty to make?

Is the fa t, then, of a plurality to have

no weicht? Far from it. Here are

co nniunities. united under a common gove i iKnl. The expression of the will of am one of them is entitled to the most respectful attention. It ought to be patiently heard and kindly regarded by the others: but it cannot be admitted to be conclusive upon them The expression of the will o1 99 out of 261 electors is entitled to very great ailcnion, but that will cannot be considered as enti'led to control the will of the l6'2H-.-p, s. w 5 o have manifes ed a different will I e it such controlin influence, w on: : he a subversion of the fundamental maxim of the republic that the major.1 v shoald g n ern The will of the 99 can neither be allowed rightfully to cotvrol the remaining '62, nor anv one of the 162 decimal viics. It maybe an argument, a persuasion, addressed 'o all, and to each of them, but it is binding and obligatory upon none It follows, then, th it the fact of a plurality was only one ameng the various considerations w hich the home was called upon to weigh, in making up its judgment. And the weight of the consideration ought to have been regulated Vv the extent of the p!urality. As be tween G :. J.ick'-on and Mr Adam, the vivps n line; in the proportions of 65 to 84, it w is entitled to lcs weight: as between the General and Mr. Crawford, it wa entitle. i to more, the vote being as 99 fo il. The concession mav even be m V thvt. ipon the supposition of an c quality ot pretentions between compe

ting candidates, the preponderance ought

to be given to the fact of a plurality.

With these views of the relative state

of the vote, with which the three returned

candidates entered the house, I proceeded to examine the other considerations which belonged to the question. For Mr. Crawford, who barely entered the house, with four votes more than one candidate not returned, and upon whose case, therefore, the argument derived from the fact of plurality, operated with strong, though not decisive force, I have ever felt much personal regard. Hut I was called upon to pel form a solemn public duty, in which my private feelings, whether of affection or aversion, were not to be indulged, but the good of my country only consulted. It appeared to me that the precarious state of that gentleman's health, although, I participated with his best friends, in all their regrets and sympathies, on account of it, was conclusive against him, to say nothing of other considerations of a public nature which would have deserved examination, if, happily, in that respect, he had been differently circumstanced. He had been ill near eighteen months; and although I am aware that his actual condition tvas a fact depending upon evidence, and that the evidence in regard to it, which had been presented to the public, was not perfectly harmonious, I judged for myself upon what I saw and heard. He may, and I ardently hope, will, recover; but I did not think it became me to assist in committing the executive administration of this great republic on the doubtful contingency of the restoration to health of a gentleman who had been so long and so seriously afflicted. Moreovcr,if, under all the circumstances of his situation, his election had been desirable, I did not think it practicable. I believed, and yet believe, that if the votes of the western states given to Mr. Adams, had been conferred on Mr Crawfod, the effect would .have been to protract in

the house the decision of the contest, to the great agitation and distraction of the

ccivcd in my judgment if they pr&vcu lum cruoiis ta -:mre hi-; election. Nov, amor.?:

to be endowed with that prudence, tcm- those returned, we have a decided prefer

per and discretion, which arc necessary tnccaiid vc think you ought to make some for civil administration. It wah in vain "entice to gratify us." Was not much due . i r.. i- to cur neighbors and fnends.

id reminu uic oi inc musmous examine i f.rw,c:",,wrwi ., , . ,x. , , .... . , ' 1 considered, with the greatest respect, ot Washington. I here was, in that ex- t!ie resolution of the Central Assembly of

traorclinary person, united a serenity oi Kentucky, requesting the delegation to vot: mind, a cool and collected wisdom a cau for Gen. Jackson. That resolution, it is true, tious and deliberate judgment, a perfect placed us in a peculiar situation. Whilst

command of the passions, and throughout everv other delegation, from every other

his whole hie, a familiarity and acquaint'

ancc with business and civil transactions, which rarely characterise any human being No man was evermore deeply

penetrated than he was, with profound icspect for the safe and necessary principle of the entire subordination of the military to the civil authoiity. I hope I do no injustice to Gen. Jackson when I

say, that I could not recognize, in his public conduct, those attainments for both civil government and military command,

which cotemporaries and posterity have alikcunanimously concurred in award

ing as yet oidy to the father of his coun

try. 1 was sensible of the gratitude

which the people of this country justly

feel towards Gen. Jackson tor his brilliant

military services. But the impulses of

public gratitude should be coutro'cd, it

appeared to me, by. reason and discretion,

and I was not prepared blindiy to sur render myself to the hazardous indul

gence of a feeling, however amiable and

excellent that Feeling may be when prop

erly directed. It did not seem to me to

be wise or prudent, if, as I solemnly be

lieved. Gen. Jackson's competency for

state in the union, was left by its legislature entirely free to examine the pretensions cf

rdl the candidates, and to form its unbiassed

judgment, the General Assembly of Kentucky theught proper to interpose and to re

quest the delegation to give its vote to one cf

the candidates, whom they w ere pleased to designate. I felt a sincere desire to couml v

- with a request emanating from a source so respectable, if I could have done so cor.s.rtcn.tly with tlir.se paramount duties which I owed to you and to the country. Hut, after full and anxious consideration. I found it in

compatible w itli nrrbest iudsrment of those

duties to conform to'the request of the general assembly. The resolution asserts, that it w;4-

U.e w iii oi the peepk of Kentucky that their delegation should vote fertile general. It did not inform ine by what means that body hau arrived at a knowledge of the wish o'f tb.i

people. I knew that its members had repair -

ed to Frankfort before I departed from home to come to Washington. I knew their atten -

tion was h::ccl on important local concerns.

well entitled, by their magnitude, exclusively

to engross it. No election, no general expres

sion oi tiie popular sentiuunt had occurred since that in November, when electors were, chosen, ami at that the people, by an over

whelming majority, had decided acainst iren.

Jackson. I could not see how such an expression against him, could be interpreted

the office was highly questionable, that into that of a desire for his election.

hr chmiPl Kr nlnrrrltn n vilttTtiijn ulirro I If. as is true, the candid.ltn wlinm t!;rv

neither his fame, nor his public interest fcm,(1- were not returned to the house, it is

ivonM KonrTvanm,! fit n. Tnrt;on h m- u iic, mat me suite ot the contest as

c,.ir ,.,l,l Un i,t nn tr, rpm.nmpnrl 11 1" .i c,tl itself here to me, had never been

r... r rn .k:k ronsidered, discussed er decided by the peo-

v o , ay u-o ,u. - .u, ple ot Kentucky, in their collective capacity.

iiiiii villus. ' vv uat would nave ucen their decision on this taincd bv his own reasoning, in his letter ncv. state of the question. I nuVht hive und-

to Mr. Monroe, in which, speaking of the ertaken to conjecture, but the certainty of a-

ouauncations or our vencraoie rncoy lor i oi iaut, as to tneir opinion, at

the department of war, he remarked, " I which 1 could arriv e, w as by no means equal

am compelled to say to you, that the ac-

country, and. possibly, to defeat an clcc- ! quircmcnts of this worthy man are not

tion altogether the vcrv worst result, I

thought, that could happen. It appeared to me then, that sooner or later, we must arrive at the only practical issue of the contest before us, and that was between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson, and I thought that the earlier we got there, the better for the country and for the house. In considering this only alternative, I was not unaware of your strong desire to have a western president; but I thought that 1 knew enough of your patriotism, and magnanimity displayed on so many occasions, to believe that you could rise above the mere gratification of a sectional pride, if the common good of the whole required vou to make the sacrifice of local partiality. I solemnly believed it did, and this b'ings me to the most important consideration which belonged to the subject that avising out of the respective fitness of the only two i eal competitors, as it appeared on my best judgment In speaking of Gen. Jackson, I am aware of the delicacy and respect which are justly due to that distinguished citizen. It is far from my purpose to attempt to dis

parage him. I could not do it if I were capable to make the attempt; but I shall nevertheless speak of him as becomes me with truth I did not believe him o competent to discharge the various, intricate, and complex duties of the office of chief magistrate, as his competitor. He has displayed great skill and bravery as a military commander : and his renown will endure as long as the means exist of preserving a rcccollection of human transactions. Hut to be qualified to discharge the duties of president of the U. States, the incumbent must have more

than mere military attainment s he must be a statssm w. An individual may be a gallant and sucessl'ul vrereral, an eminent lawyer, on eloquent divine, a learned nhvsician, or an accomplished a list: and d nib-less the union of all these characters in a chiet magistrate wouUI be desirable; but no one of them, nor all combined, vvill qualify him to be president, unless he superadds that indispensable requisite of of being a statesman. Far from meaning to say, that it is an objection to the elevation, to the chief magistracy of any person, that he is a military commander, if he unites the other qualifications. I only intend to s iv that, whatever mav be the success of liis military achievments, if his qualification-; be nniij military, that is an obje ction, and I think a decisive ob-

j jectio i to his election. If Gc:;. Jackson

lias exiuoiteu, either m the councils ot the union,' or in those of his own state, or in those of anv other state or territory, the qualities of a statesman, the evidence of the lact has escaped my observation. It would be as painful as it is unnecessary to recapitulate some of the incidents, which must be fresh in vour recollection, of his public life. But I was greatly dc-

compctent to the discharge of the multi

plied duties of this department. I there-

fore hope he may not accept the appoint

ment. I am fearful, if ho does, he will

not add much spkndor to his present well who had voted for the resolution, advising a

earned standing as a public character llllluult course, i received from a highly

to that certainty of conviction of mv duty to which 1 was carried by the exertion of 'my best and most deliberate reflections. The

letters from home, which some of the dele

gation received, expressed the most onnosite

opinions, and there are not wanting instances

mi lc-uci s, irom some ot the

verv members

Such was my opinion of gen. Jackson, in VculUiC portion ot my constituents a par .i -i ti per, instructing me as follows W'o tin mmre.lcrencc to the ptcsidency. His convic- t,, s'"L'i. c,i.kimr ii r i .i (lersigned voters in the congress onal d itr ct. tions ofgovr Shelby s unhtness, by the have vicwpf. ti1.wirt.J ''V

habits of his life, for the appointment of legislature of Ky. on the subject of choking secretary of war, were not more honest a President and Vice President of the U. b.

nor stronger than mine were of his own with regret, and the said requestor instru

want ot expciicnce, and tnc necessary ci- "'V lV . -epresentative m congress irom

vrl qualifications to discharge the duties 11113 nemg vvnnout our knowledge or

of a president of the U. States. In his weior many reasons known to our-

elevation to this ofiice, too, I thought, I : , -" momentous an oc nerceived the establishment of a earful casion liercby instruct our representative m pciccivcd the establishment ot a tearlul congress.to vote on this occasion agreeable to precedent; and I am mistaken in all the his own judgment, and by the best lights he

warnings or msuueuve msu)i y,n i erreu may nave cn the subject, with, or without the

in my judirment. Undoubtedly there are

other and many dangers to public liberty, besides that which proceeds from military idolatoi y, but I have yet to acquire the

knowledge of it, if there be more perilous

or more frcoucnt.

Whether Mr. Adams would or would

not have been my choice of a President,

if I bad hern left freely to select from

the whole mass of American citizens,

was not the question submitted to my

decision.

consent of the legislature of Kentucky

This instruction came both unexpected' and unsolicited by me, and accompanied by letters assuring me, that it expressed the opinion cf a majority of my constituents. I could not, therefore, regard the resolution conclusive evidence of your wish.es. To be Concluded in our next.

To all Persons Concerned. TAKE NOTICE,

I had no such liberty ; but I HPHAT Thomas Murfihv. Jes.se Mur.

. - . I ti . ... - '

was circumscribe ci, m the selection load Ve 'V, Htbecca Murphy and Ada to make, to one of three gentlemen whom Murfihy heirs and legal representatives

the people themselves thought proper to of Samuel Murfihyy deed, will apply to

present to the house ol representatives, the Posey Circuit court, la cn the first

Whatever objections might be supposed day of the next August term thereof, to

to exist against him, still greater appear- have Commissioners appointed to divide

ed to me to apply to his competitor. Of the S. W. quaittr of sec. 22, of Town-

Mr. Adams, it is but truth and justice to ship 4, south of the base line, in Range

sav, that he is highly gilted, profoundly 13, west ol the second principal meridi-

vii n' t t m -w t

icarneu, aim long and greatly experienc- an, oi lands onei eu lor sa;c at vinccnncs.

cd in public affairs, at home and abroad, among the heirs and legal representative.

Intimately conversant with the rise and of said Samuel Murphy, deed.

progress of every negotiation with foreign 10 H-itD April 18, 1S25.

poweis, pending or concluded ; personally ncniiaintrd with ihr. rnnnritv nnd nr.

...... , j , inrirTrtr-i

tammcnls of most of the publtc men ot .1 lS(co .

this country, whom it might be proper to FTTMIE subscriber, urged by unpiccc-

employ in tin public service ; extensive- dented circumstances most earn-

lv possessed of much of that valuable cstlv rcnucsts of all

I - I" r.wvil UI UII

kind of information, which is to be acqui

led neither from books nor tradition, but

which is the fruit of laigcly participating in public affairs ; discreet and sagacious ; he would enter on the duties of the office with gicat advantages. I saw in his election the establishment of no dangerous example. I saw in it, on the contrary, only conformity to the safe precedents which had been established in the instances of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe, who bad respectively filled the same office from which he was to be translated. A collateral consideration of nnu h w tight was derived from the wishes of the Ohio ddcgitnn. A majority of it during the progress cf the session, made up tlu ir opinions to support Mr. Adams, and they w ere communicated to me. They said, "Ohio supportd the candidate who was the choice cf Iv-Tduckv. We failed va our cenmon e-

themselves to be indebted to him, by note.

or nook account, or otherwise, to call and

make payment during the present month: As many of his most valuable papers,

anu notes ot hand, were cither stolen before bis house was fired, or consumed bv that dastardly and villanous act, he cheerfully throws himself upon the uprightness of the parties indebted : he has a room for the present at col. Lassclle's, where he trusts this notice will induce all to come forward, and supercede the necessity cf any other proceeding to enable him to obtain his debts, now the wreck of his property. JOHN EWING. Vinccnnes, March 1825. 3-tf C7A few barrels of S.iL7 some TROX. a womans SADDLE, a LOOM,

for sale very cheap. J. TXiXoW wanted at tins office.

f. r