Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 16, Number 7, Vincennes, Knox County, 2 April 1825 — Page 1

WESTERN SUN &' GENERAL ADVERTISER

BY ELIHU STOUT. VINCENNES, (IND.) SATURDAY, APIUL 2, 1825. Vol. 10. No. 7.

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FROM THK LOUISVILLE P. ADVERTISER.

The Press and the Administration.

No national event has occurred within

our recollection, so well calculated to test, not only the puiity but the utility of a free

press, as the late electi )ii of President,

by the House ol Representatives. As the successful candidate has con

ceded ihe fact that he was not first, in the

heaits of the people or in other terms,

that he had been left far behind in the primary elections, by Gen. Jackson, those

who jus ify the course put sued by the

members of Congress, must be prepared to contend, that the voice of the people

ought, in reality, to have no injiu -nce-no

weight, whenever the election of a Prcsi dent shall devolve upon the House o

Representatives-that, in making a choice iiom among the three highest candidates,

the members of Congress, are not only

irresponsible to their constituents, but

that they are bound to decide the question according to their own views and feelings, without icgarding the will or the wishes of the nation. Such were, substantially, the arguments adopted and published by the presses devoted to Mr. Adams; and the sune sentiments have been repeated since the election, and will continue to be Urged, by those who would prefer an alliance with power, to the preservation of republican principles. In matters of ordinary legislation, few would extend to the representative, under the constitution, more unlimited discretion than we would; but in an election ol a chief magistrate, in which the most ardent the noblest feelings of the human heart, necessarily become deeply enlisted, cither in theory or practice, that the wishes of eighty-seven rtembers of Congress should defeat the will of millions. From the commencement of the late canvass for the Presidency, we not only deprecated, but dreaded the idea, that the decision might fin illy devolve upon Conpress where, instead of consulting the feelings of the American people, and elevating the most deserving, the choice might fall on the man, who would probably prove the most serviceable in the end, to the members of Congress Whether our fears in this respect were veil founded, remains to be seen. A minority candidate has been elected by the House, and thereby the voice of a m jor ity of the nation has been disregarded defied. The people, particularly in the west, have not only been misrepresented, but the spirit of the constitution has been violated. To applaud the election of a chief magistrate, who lias heen elevated on such prniciples, would in our etiolation, amount to an abandonment of the primary and leiding maxims ol republicanism We have ever believed, and we still believe, that the voice of a majority of the people, when cons'itu'ionally expressed, ought to prevail; but in tlu instance, t'ie voice of the people has been disregarded by their servants and by a combination as unnatural as it was adverse to the principles previously avowed by the pmies to it, the election of M Adams has been effected. By some of our contcmpnaries, who set out in support of inter. ul improvements and d nnes?ic manufactures, an 1 who contended that no member of the cabinet of Mr Monroe ought to succeed him, all this his been approved, and even lauded! Whether the pliancy thus manifested, be the result of extreme good nature, or of thit unenviable ambition which some men inherit, and which prompts them to "run with the tide," cven though it should turn them "to the

right about," we trust that neither the

one nor the other will ever be justly as

cribed to us.

We confess that in politics, as in war,

victory is sweet; but whether a tempora- ;

ry triumph achieved at the expense of

both principle and consistency, can either

be deemed honorable, or prove advanta

geous to the victors, is a question which must and will be decided by the American people at the next election. 'I he abandonment of principle; the utr terance or promulgation of a calumny, or pocketing of an insult, are usually followed by public censure. We know this to be true, as it regards men in the ordinary walks of life. If there be any, who consti'ute an exception to this rule; any

who are too elevated to be designated by the finger of public scorn, we have yet to learn, not only who they are, but how to reverence their characters. We have believed, the want of principle, or the want of honesty, whether in rich or poor, high or lo.v, to be equally reprehensible; and to this opinion we must continue to adncre, though we should never be cheered by a political triumph, nor flattered for our adhesion "to the powers that be." Mr. Adams and his friends set out upon the principle, that the people ought not to suffer the election to be wrested from them, by the dictation of a congressional caucus. But, what have wc gained by defeating the candidate brought forward, by a minority of the members, in caucus, when the choice of the nation has been defeated by a minority of the members of the same body Had the people yielded obedience to the nomination of the caucus, the question would have been settled at once, and the warmth and excitement which has attended the canvass, would have been avoided. In such an cvent, they would only have done that, which they are now conshained to do to bow submissively, to the will of a minor

ity of their servants. It is this fact which compels us to deprecate the election of Mr. Adams, and this truth is of sufficient importance in itself, to determine a free and intelligent people, to take such steps previous to the next election, as will secure the elevation of the candidate who may stand highest io the estimation of the nation. We succeeded at the late election, in prostrating the caucus system Wc have now to break the chain of cabinet succession, and to put a period to the rule of a minority , or wc may as well a bandonthe right of choosing a magistrate, and permit each successive President to appoint his successor. But independent of this manifest" violation of republican principle, other facts and circumstances, developed by, and connected with the election of Mr. Adams, deserve the attentive consideration of the American people.

As long as the caucus candidate was before the people, Mr. Adams and his supporters deprecated, in the most decided

terms, any and every effort calculated lo

defeat the will of the majority of the na

tion. They claimed to be democratic republicans, and as such, they were loud,

and apparently zealous, in their detiunci ations against the Radicals, who, thev a

vcrred, were endeavoring to foist a man into the Presidential chair, against the

will of the majority. They dreaded ar. e Icciion by Congress, and were only anx ious that the people might succeed in ma

king a choice. They were not tenacious,

as to the man their only object was to

prevent the election from devolving up

on the House of Representatives, w here

the "giant of intrigue" might succeed, a

gainst the wdl ot a majoritj of the nation'. B'.it as son as it was ascertained that Mr. Adams hail entered the House with

r.cariy double the number of votes received by Mr. Crawford, and that Mr. Clay had been constitutionally forced out of the list, his friends became suddenly reconciled. Their fears in relation to the corrupt barons and intrigues w hicht,f had so seriously apprehended, in the event of the election devolving on Congress vanished. In short, no set of men upon earth, could have felt more unbounded confidence in the intelligence, thi virtue, and the independence of that bodv, than did the friends of Mr. Adams. Mr Crawford was opposed by Mr. Adams and his friends, as an enemy to the principles and the policy which influenced the administration of Mr. Monroe. Lest the denunciations of his friends against the Radical Chief, and against the opponents of the then administration should be insufficient, Mr. Adams, in his controversy with the editors of the Intelligencer, not only attacked Mr. Crawford) but

the whole Radical phalanx. Sc represented them as unworthy of public confidence. From these facts, to say nothing of the couise pursued by him, in relation to the memorable Washington Dinner Party, who could have immagined that the place of Secretary of the Treasury would have been tendered to this same Radical Chief by Mr. Adams, and that too, before the charges made against him, even in Congress, had been Jinaly decided Previous to the election, Mr. Crawford not only "hovered o'er the grave," but he was any thing but an upright or an able statesman He was too unsound both in body and mind loo sick to be chosen President; but as so m as Mr. Adams was elected he was quite well enough to discharge the ar

duous duties of Secreiary of the Trea

sury. H;rcrrn TVTr. Arlnmc nnrl AT Clnv.

there also existed a dispute, whioy the nation had a l ight to consider, as onool

more than ordinary importance. In re

lation to the tiansactions at Ghent, thcie was at least one, or more mUre fire mentations between them. Mr. Ad mis had been menaced with exposure, on the part of ilr. Clay, in the public piints. The note of the latter had been met by the

former, in the language of bold defiance.

The challenge thus given and accepted

a contest of a most interesting character was expected to ensue. But all is now

hushed. and the lulurc historian will be

deprived of the promised the long look

cd for exposition of the open day and se-

cret night transactions at Ghe nt! Though

the people have yet lo learn, who was at fault in this affair, they can be at no loss to tell how our political chieftains became reconciled. Mv Clay's conssience told

him he ought to make Mi. Adams Prcs

ident, and the conscience of Mv Adans

responded, that Mr. Clay ought to he

made Secretary of State. 1 he opposi tion of Mr. Clay to the principle ol cabi

net succession, has also been ovcicomc

by the aid of thai faithful guide, his con science w hich, as he has himself, reach

ed t lie stefi fiing s'one to the Presidency,

admonishes him that it would be impoli

tic to persevere in his hostility to the

odious principle ot cabinet succession.

Mr. Clay too, who had previously been

very friendly to the election of Mr. Ciaw

lord, was deprived of the pleasute of

supporting his second love, on account, ol his health, and other circumstances. But as Mr. Adams tendered the officer ol

Secretary of the Treasury to Mr. Cravvfotd, it is presumed that Mr. Clay must have been deceived as to tho health of that

gentleman If by the other circun stan

ces referred to, Mr. Clay meant to say, Mr. Crawford entered the House with so small a number of electoral votes, as to fotbid the idea of his election, upon re

publican principles, wc may safely appeal

to the people of this state, to decide, whether Mr. Clay and his fi icnd-s-lid not

contend, should that gentleman save his

distance, and reach the House even with

as small, or a smaller number of votes

than Mr.;Crawlord received, that the c

lection would have been certain. Had

Mr. Clay entered the House with forty

one votes, he would certainly have been elected - But to have attempted to elect

Mr. Crawford under such circumstances,

would have been hazardous and anti re

publican in the extreme. In no way could the elevation of a minority candidate have

been safely effected, but in the very man

uer in which it has occuried and in no

way could this momcntuousSc memorable occuri ence ha been justified, but by the

selection ol ?.r. Clay, as Secictaiy of

State.

To Gen. Jackson Mr. Clay has also in-

supetablc objections. He was "a milita

ry chieftain" and had trampled under

foot the laws of nations and the conslitu

tion of his country. Mr. Clay could not

think of voting for a man of such princi

ples but his conscience told him that he could very safely vote for the man who justified the conduct of Gen. Jackson

throughout the late war! The acts of

Jackson, in the heat oT war. were of such a character, that the republic would have

been in danger by his election yet we ae more than comfortably situated, wilh

Mr. Adams at the head of afTairs, by whom all those acts were justified and defended, in ceol blood, and upon mature

deliberation! Mr Clay coulcl not, con

sistently, vote for Jackson, because he had denounced the General in debate but he

could, very consistently, vote for Mr. Ad

ams, becansc they had mutually denoun

ced each othcii If the American people

are prepared to recognize the objection

urged by Mr. Clay, again-1 the election of Gen. Jackson, as a sound one, then are

wc prepared to permit those who sustain

our liberties and our country in the day of

inui, io go, iikc iieiusauus, Diind and begging through the world.

After this outline of the conduct of Mr,

dams, and his Secretary, it mut bo

well understood, that we do not desire,

any thing in the nature of an alliance or

an understanding wither cither.

We shall leave them, with tha utmost

composure, to the full and free exercise of the power they have acquired by the

means described.

Though wc detest the means by w hich

their elevation has bc n effected, their

acts will either be supported or opposed i i i ,- .

oy mis paper, upon icpunncnn and national principles and we wouid i,ow have

it distinctly understood, once for all, that

we shall be as ready at the next clcciion,

(should we be spaicd to do so,) to aid in

terminating the career of a minotity Picsident, as wc have heretofore been, in

prostrating the caucus system.

Letter from General Jackson.

TO THE EDITOUS OF THK N Y. 2VATI0N-

AL ADVOCATE. Sir The following letter was re-

ccived by me, a few days since, and, al

though a private communication, and not intende d lor the public eye, yet it contains so just an exposition of the enlightened mm m - " - .

views and noble conduct of its distinguished author, that I cannot foi bear so

liciting i;s publication in your valuable

paper.

' his letter will be read with the deen-

est interest by the American people. It

breathes the language of ihe purest patriotism, of the most perfect devotion to the rights, the interests, and republican

institutions of our country. Itisa manly, temperate, but convincing vindication of

the character and public services ol one of he greatest men and purest natriots

that this, or any other country, has ever

produced.

I he PEOPLE are the sovereigns of this

9 country. They have established, by their blood and treasure, a government founded in knowledge and virtue, which has

lor its basis the representative system. How far general Jackson, in his public career, has acknowledged and respected the maxims and principles, let the eclion of his past life, and his pure and unsullied conduct, during the recent election, testi

ly-

If the people arc interested in what

ever relates to the conduct ol their civil

ruleis, they aie equally concerned for the

reputation of one of their brightest ornaments in war one of their strongest advocates in peace. One, who has never drawn his sword but to add laurels to his country, nor his pen but to illustrate

the value ol her nappy institutions.

vA.U L SWAKTWOUT. fcOI'Y Washington City, 23d February, 1825. My dear sir Festerday I leceivcd

your communication, advening to the

reasons and delcncc, presented by Mr. Clay to Judge Brook, why diity and reflection imposed upon him the necessity

of standing in opposition io me, bt cause of my being, as he is plc.iscd to style me,

a "military chieftain I had seen the

letter before, and when it first appealed, I did entertain ihe opinion that some notice of it might, pet haps, be necessary -

lor the reason that the expression Lccmcd

to convey with it, the appearance of personality, more than any thing eke; ai'd could the opinion be at all entertained,

that it could meet the object which was.

doubtless, inti nded, to prejudice nc in

the estimation ot my countrymen, I might yet consider some notice of it necessary such a belief, however, I cannot en

tertain without insulting the geneious testimonial with which 1 have been hon

ored by ninety nine electors of the people. I am well aware that this term "military chieftain" has, for some lime past, been a cant phrase with Mr. Clay, and certain of his friends; but the vote with which I have been honored by the people, is enough to satisfy me that the prejudice

wnicn was thereby sougnt to be produced, has availed but little. This is suffi

cient for me I entertain a deep and heart

Telt gratitude to my country lor the confidence which she has manifested towards me, leaving to prejudiced minds w hat

ever they can make of the epithet "mil-

litary chieftain. It is for an ingenuity greater than mine to conceive what idea was intended to bo conveyed by the term. It is very true, that, early in life, even in the days of my boyhood, I contributed my mite to shake off the yoke of tyranny, and to build up