Western Sun & General Advertiser, Volume 14, Number 8, Vincennes, Knox County, 22 March 1823 — Page 1
WESTERN SUN & (GENERAL ADYEBTT iflfcxwwu ... . by stout. vincknn.es, (ind.) Saturday, march 22, isss. Vol. 14. No. 8.
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SEE.
THE WESTfillX SUX. world, that did not consist of the three:. IS published at Two Uullaus 'and ' sis,ll sl)ccis f monarchy aristocracy,
uhirh m v lo iifli:irf'-.l lit- the njv- ; b JU
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Payne was different, lie said that "the i end of all political associations is the preservation of the righiu of man, which rights are liberty, progeny and security;
of SuV-iruioii ' " j in a popular govcrenmcnt, not ovcr-bal- eighty derived from it." That 44 when a
Pavri".'' in -jcivancc bcinp- the mutual ulM-",b 1L 1S l,lL very c UTlu SJUI JJ UdUU11 euanges us uaoi-s oi immmg, u is .
He
f
interest of both parties, that'modc is so-1 " T,iey lhe cssa's of lhe Satest no longer to be governed as before." 1I( t writers, are very much to our purpose, spoke the language ol our declaration o
, . i . r .1 : rr . : i i . i r .
1 u:ure to notify a wish to disconlin- ! j5liUW ue uuuiy anu necessity oi euner- louepeuuence, unci oi our mils oi rights
tin oiuers oi men, anu oi an eguucorium my uams look up me pen on uic sue of powers and privileges." of Burke, the advocate for established a-
44 The only remedy is, to throw the buses, and argued that, for the British
ue at. Use cxptration ot the time subscribed for, will be considered a new
engagement
o si
uutll all arrcaiagcs are paid. Subscribers must pay thepostagc of their papert bent by mail. Letters by mail lo the Editor on business mutt be paid, or they will not be attended to. Ad vi;m isr.MEN'TS insci ted on the customary tc: i)b.5,'l?i,ersoiis sending Advertiscm jib, muit specify the number of times lliey wish them inserted, or they "will be continued until ordered out, and must he paid for accosdingly.
NATIONAL POLITICS AND HISTORY. Letter from (general Smuth.
IROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
J. 3 tiic t rcciicrs or me cmin
irpsfiingion, ll'ijthe, Russell
iibsciihcr at l'bertv to discontinue ' ric a,ul t!ie firnuc mto one SrouP U1 a government to call a convention would be
zciaraie aasemoiy, anu men tie tneir a iugrant oreacn ot trust, and the nbdihands." cation of the authority lawfully commit-
44 My placing them alone by themselves, ted to them. They might, he said, dis- j
the soc iety avails itself of all their abili- solve themselves; but calling a conventics and virtues; they become a solid ion by act of parliament appeared to
cheek to the representatives themselves, him to involve an absurdity. 4,It is as well as to the executive power, and not," says Mr. Adams, 4 a mechanical you disarm them entirely ol the power to horror against the name of a King, or do mischief." j of aristocracy, nor a physical antipathy to 44 Democracy becomes tyranny. How the sound of an cxtiaw -gant title, or to shall this be prevented ? By giving it ; the sight of an innocent i bband, that can an able and uidcfundcnt ally in an aris- : authorise a people to lay violent hands tccratical assembly with whom it may j upon the constitution which protects
unite against the unjust and illegal de-j their rights and guards their liberties.
signs of any one man."
44 From this example, as from all others, it appears, that there can be no government of laws, without a balance and that there can be no balance without three
It is a singular circumstance, that the
enemy of reform whose arguments were most relied on in England, in 1792, in opposition to 4The rights of man," was a
native American citizen Mr. Adams,
Lee
..j orders; and,th:it even three orders can j When the ptosecution against Mr. Paine ' never balance each other, unless each, in j for writing the rights of Man came on to ' ' I its denartment, is independent and aba-; Ue tried, the cttorncv trencral relied on
Flliow CiriENs: It is now about twenty-four years ince one of the representatives of the State of Vermont was confined some months in a loathsome dungeon, for having before the passage of the sedition act, written a vindication of iiia opinions respecting the official conduct of tlij Executive of the United
i -, f ' ' 41 The English constitution
suit of the most mature deliberation on
universal history and philosophy." 44 The Lacedemonian republic may with propriety, be called monarchical, and had the three essential parts of the best possible government ; it was a mix-
.... . I lure nt monarrhu anstoeraerj. and arm-
Mates Lt Ui liiank Heaven that those J J1 evil limes are gone by ; that the sedition j QCracy laws i.no more; and that the repress- 44 Unless three powers have an ab'.onative may express lo his constituents his ! ,ute vofe or negative to every law, the opinions of the qualifications and public ' constitution can never be preserved." conduct of public men- If we wouia pre-1 Orders ot men, watching andbalan-
serve ti: c ricrnts. on t ie exercise oi '"s " ...
which all others depend, let us be cau-
44 Nothing has ever cliectcc! ! Droiec'
the arguments of Mr. A duns to prove is the re- that, to write against hci c litary govern-
mem, the crown ana parliament, was a libel. The principles of "liberty must indeed be scorned and abhorred by that American citizen, who. in a contest for human rights on the other side of the Atlantic, should take the side of the enemies of reform, against an oppressed people, tell them that hey have delegated all their collective power; and insult them by saying that their tyrannical government 14 protects their tights, and guards their liberties." It is worthy of particular remark, at what time the ;. esivs were written in
.i i ii . . i . , T , . o i to i i . . . i i 4... ...wi . . .i" t
tious whom we select to rule over us. me laws, iiocrues, anu properties oi , -
The e!?ct!oTi of Chif.fMa.ri .tratc of this ! he people, but three d'Jfrreut orders ol ! iyui "Jg i nopes oi tue nappy tcrmm-
.i . . 'men. bound bv their interest to w tHi i ation ot the French revolution. Some threat nation, whose patronage amounts IMCI, """"u uy wicn iiuciusi io w..i-u ... . iii.. i ii, . over each other, and s'and !ie iniarc'I ms excess, it is true, had been committed ; to manv hundred thousaiul dollars amiu- utcl eil,lcl) &.uua .iil u.oi.ivi.j m . ' n 'a ...k.. :. r of the laws." I but it was not until Januan, : 1)3, toar
n i n i i i I a Tvrannv will be the eR'ect whor-vr-' l!ie kiog was iut to death. At such a nee all who will not simr political hal-: l)U11" 11 U4 vu , , r m
i ..?- ..I -I ITTflW T t V PITA O r 'l 1 C T r hon-.-nc r.t-i-.
leluiahs, fa power sternly used during a,e U1C governor, .seuic. cue one. tnc - B-...-v r v, . . - the administration of President Adams,) few, or the many, if uncontrolled by equal nt favorable to the rights uf t,,c pcois the most important that the people laws, made by common consent, and sup- P proposed to be effected by convenhave to make. It is the duty of their ' Ported, protected and enforced, by three tions was an oiTence a:,;atnst libery, that i.oUmp.J xv,rhmon ,h..i,.n.-Ll,.nM different orders of men. in e-puUbrio" the Incnds of tree government ought net
K. I
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to warn them, if chmgei to their liberties! 111 America uic oaliance is mne is likely to proceed from such an election, j tenlhs 0,1 the s'de of thc people; indeed ,C J performed that duty toward you, in a ! there is but one order.' trr.nk, candid, temperate manner, in a; Such are the principles which Mr. Ad- ' Jetter which I did not cause to be inser- , ams was t.vight by his highly respected tl in the newspapers, but which was ' father. They inculcate that the British ceartainly not confidential. I find myself, government is the most perfect ol all in consequence thereof, engaged in a con- governments. The executive branch troversy, before the whole nation, with of this admired goTcrnment is a heredonc of the candidates for the office of j i'vy monarchy, in which the most dePresident ; and called on to acknowledge ' bauched man in the kingdom may sucerror,or defend the cause oi truth. I ' ceed a madman, and he himself be sue-
to pardon
As Mr Adams complains that one of
his expressions has been distorted and
misrepresented m ..c newspapers,
I will
conv it.
ohcose the latter
In my former address,! passed slightly
cecded by a female child, as chief magistrate of a mighty empire, and in no whe
over the connection of Mr. Adams with j responsible to its laws. The senate con
a former president; but Mr Adams seems sists-of upward, of three hundred heredto be unwilling that it should be thus ! jiary nobles, whose number the king may slightly passed over. I admit that the ! increase at pleasure ; together with 26 people of the United Slate, when they ; clergymen, of the dominant sect. The consider the recorded political sentim; house of representatives consists of three ents of President Adams, and that fruit hundred and thirty four representatives
of his administrati-m, the sedition act, ! f boroughs, the most of which contain Ought not thus slig'ntlv to nas it jver. less tfian one hundred voters ; many less
than ten votes ; and some no more than one voter. The parliament may continue as long as they, with the king, please ; at present the period is seven years ; it has been sometimes one, and sometimes
Mr. Adams speaks of his filial pietv,and
doubtless the political principles I have alluded to are indelibly impressed on his mind. I have extracted from a celebrated misnamed political work some of
those principles, and copied others from
three years ; but parliaments hate con
the selections made by another hand, and ! tinued twelve and eighteen years. The
present them to your considerations
" I only contend," savs president Adams, 44 that the English constitution is,' in theory the most stupendous fabric of human invention, both for the adjustment f the ballance and the prevention of its vibrations." 44 Go into every village in New England and you will find that the office of justice of the peace, and even the place of representative, which has ever deprnsJcd on the freest election of the people, have generally descended, from generation to generation, in three or four families at most." 44 There are, and always have been, in every state, numbers possessed of vmr degree of fa nily firide, who have b 'en, invariably encouraged, if not flattered in it, by the people " o nd if I was to undertake to nv, there ?ver was a good goTcrnment in the
king has a negative on the laws, appoints
the bishops and archbishops, and convenes and dissolves the convocations of the clergy. Such is the most stupendous fabric of human invention, and the most perfect of all forms of government, according to preside nt Adams. Mr Adams, in his papers signed 44Pub licola," and written in 1791, apparently for the mirposc of preventing any reform in the BiitHi government, animadvert on the wo:k entitled 44 The Rights of Man," written by Mr. Paine in answer to an essay written by Mr. Burk, who denied the right of a people to change their government. Mr. Burke in speaking of the French revolution, affirmed that 44 if he majority of any other people, the people of England for instance, wish to make the same change, they have the same right; just the same undoubtedly; that is none a! a!!' The doctrine of Mr.
Mr. Je!ie:3;n having written,
with reference to The Rights of Man,
thus : " I have no d-.jubt our citize ns will rally a second tin.e round the standard of contain r?;.vr." Mr. Adams, speaking of this and other expressions, says,4kThcy seem like the Arabian piophet, to cali upon all true believers in the Islam of democracy, to draw their swoids and in the fervor of their devotion, to compel all their count ivmen to crv out 4 There is but one Goddcs of Liberty,
and Common Sense is her mrinet." This was a skirmish of the wit of Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams says his opionion of Paine and his writings was not then (in 1791) exalted. His opinion then was veiy different not only from that of Mr Jefferson, but from other distinguished men of that day, as well as from the opinions of the congress of the United States, expressed after the close of the revolution And Mr. Adams himself, in 1791, has coupled the name of Mr. Paine, with that of Mr. Jefferson, and said, 44 both those gentlemen are entitled to the grrditude ',' '' ir countrymen.., Mr. Burke sp- !.e .f Mr. Paine as the author of the celebrated pamphlet which prepared the minus cf the people for independence". Loid Erskine said, in 1792, I can only sy that Mr. Paine may be right throughout, but that Mr. Burk cannot. Mr. Paine has been uniform in his opinions; but Mr, Burke has not. " Yet it seems Mr. Adams' opinion of Mr. Paine was not very exalted ; although he unites him with Mr. Jefferson, and Lord Erskine prefers him to Mr. Burke. Let us hear the opinion of congress. 44 August 26, 1785. 44 On the report of a committee, consisting cf Mr. Gerry, Mr. Petit, and Mr. King to whom was refrrred a letter on the 1 3th from Thomas Paine.
'St'e Publicola, No. 5. No. 4.
44 RcU cdy That the caily, unsolicited, and continued labois of Mr. Paine, in explaining and enforcing the principles of the late revolution, by ingenious and timely publications upon the nature of liberty and civil government, have been well received by the citizens of these states, and merit the approbation tf congress ; and that, in ccnsidtiatk.n of" those scr ices, and the benefits produced thereby, Mr. Paine is entitled to a liberal gratification from the Unitul States , 44 October 3, 785. 44 On the report of the committer consisting of Mr. Gerry, Mr Howei, and Mr. Long, to whom were reftned sundry letters from Thomas Paine, and the report on his letter on the Uih September 44 Resolved, That the board of treasury take order for paying to Mr. Thomas Paine the sum of three thousand dollars, for the consideiations mentioned in the resolution of the 26th August last " Mr Adams very adroitly attempts to draw your attention to the exceptionable writings of Mr. Paine, published subsequent to the dale of his own essay, entitled Publicola; but they can have' no effect on the character of Mr. Paine, and his writings, as it stood in 1791; i or do they afford any apology for Mr. Adams, whose object seems to have been to discomagethc progress of liberty, and to lower the standing of Mr Jeffeison, whose name he had no occasion to make use of, if his sole object was to combat the arguments of Mr. Paine I now proceed to consider the explanations given by Mr. Adams, of those votes from which I drew the conclusion that he opposed the administration of Mr JeflVrson and is no statesman. Mr Adams would not vote for the act to take possession of Louisiana as he savs be-
because the second section was ui constitutional. That section provided a tem porary government, organized on the principles of the former foreign government, to continue until the end ol the thtn present session of congress. He admits now that congress have a constructive power to pass such a law ; but says the advocates for the bill could not shew tha power I should have expected the advocates of the bill to contend, and the statesman rcadilv to assent that beyond the limits of the United States this nation has the same power and rights that any other nation has beyond its limits; that theso rights can only be exercised by the government, cither with or without law, as the case shall require ; that the treaty making power of this government is hs lull and perfect as the treaty-making power cf other governments ; that congress have power to make all laws necessary and proper to cany into execution any power vested in the government; and, consequently, have power to pass the necessary laws to cany into execution hc treaty-making power I sl ou d have expected them also tu haeal d in aid that clause of the constitut on which provide that congress shall hae power to make all netdlul ruies and regulations respecting the territory bclorigii g tot'-c United States; and as Mr. Adams says. tlat, of the power lo make the treaty." he "had no doubt, as iia'.ing been granted by the constitution ; " I can-
I not perceive haw it happened thai the advocates of the measure found it impracticable to convince him tha congress poscssed power to pass the lavs i ef esj sary and proper to cany the treaty into j effect. j Mr. Adams docs not appear to have expressed any objection tome provisions of the act for taking possession of Louisiana, as conferring arbitrary power. He was opposed he says, to any legislation respecting Louisiana. If the treaty of cession had not changed the tights of the inhabitants, they would have nocause to complain of bcim; for a few weeks, governed, as they had, bcfoie that time been governed ; and this law which Mr. Adams opposed, guarantied to those How partial is fortune! The man who, by his powerful pen, 4 prepared THK MINDi OF TIIK PFOPLE FOR INDEpkndfncr," without which the sv ord could net rave achieved it received three thousand daUars ; and Mr Adams has received. ?s has hern statu! neaily ose IirXDRF.D THOUSAND DOLLARS. For wlut scf ices ? Of the diplomatic correspondence of Mr. Adams, during his several missions under the federal administration, so much has been deemed woi thy to appear in lhe state papris as miiht niafcc thres cemmoo pa$ts.
