Weekly Reveille, Volume 39, Number 15, Vevay, Switzerland County, 9 April 1856 — Page 1

IBS’ SIMM 151- V EIL L E.

DEYoWp TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, AGRICULTURE, TEMPERANCE, LITERATURE, MORALITY,-AND VIRTUE,

VEVAY, INDIANA, WEDNESDAY, APRIL,9, 1856.

VOL XXXIX-NO. 15.

SERIES FOR 1856.

'THE WEEKLY REVEILLE,

just to' the country.';; It was above parti; zansbip, and for this .very reason provoked a hitowHich' will die with the haters, and leave his'administration for the pass* ionless record-of. History.' - r / Mr. Fillmore ia strong; llteiii, in the confidence of tho[conntry, • atid not only can the AtncricaiJ party yjpld ■ him their sup* port,bntgood men of oil parties feel that In him wfr.can ‘ find security. " Hjs past public, life; is* the great' argoment to the conn tryaqd no panegyric.can odd to his reputation; no' malice noV bigotry can datract from* it*! He rises abbvo all plat* forms and'formulas of party machmciy, and'is himself- the embodiment of 'distinct and well understood principles, ideas and policiesl. ..-y v

The solectionof Mr. Donoison foi Vice President iVas the almost nnanimdns voice of the Convention. An original Democrat, the friend and ci.nfidcnliol adviser of General Jackson, the South presented him as a- man she delighted to honor, andyjbo possessed theiruimost confidence.. Such are the men presented by c the Convention for the suffrages of lhe country.

who rotpsw;io follow and obey him os a'political leader, who refuses to yield to him the -conlrol of Church temporalities, who laughs at the harmless bolls of .Councils , and Colleges, of Cardinals and Bishops, who stands 'full panoplied in the armor of an independent manhood, faithful to. the mere, religious 'dogmas ,.of the. Church,. bnt breaking through,the network of its cunning political policy, and.defying the anathemas, ie himself, in the larger .sense,in its political signification, a protest ant, whether be bc> Luther, standing bclore the Diet of-iW.owhs, to braye'as-many davilfliia there were tiles on the houses, or a Trustoe;of St. Peters in' Rochester, or of St. Louis in Buffalo, defying the anathemas of Papal usurpation* His life is a'practical protest against the* oppressive and absolute policy of the Hierarchy. Such arc the American Catholics of Louisiana, being a branch of tho Caliican (Preach) Catholic Church, who never- recognized tho tcmporidl power or infallibility of the Pope, and are the liberal leaven in the great body of the-American Catholicity which may yet Idavcn the whole lump. The controversy of the French Church with the Pope i$* one of centuries. In 1082 in Consequence of the disputes between Louis XIV and Pope Innocent XL' the National Synod of Franco passed, a declaration asserting the complete independence of the Imperial potter, arid denying the personal infnlihility of the Pope.— This was registered in the French Parliament, and has been the political basis of. tho-French Gnllicnn Church to the present. It has been acquiesced'in by succeeding Popes to,prevent a complete disruption of the Church from the Romish See. On no'subject 1ms the American parly been more abused than this,. It never contemplated the application of a religious test. It makes no backward step in the great conflict for the rights of conscience. It would give a higher freedom to the Catholic citizen, by giving him the. control of consecrated property. If, in his bigotry, lie. will bo the tool of bis priest; ifho.wi.lt place his suffrage in his hand to be used in elevating men who will depress the .interests of a Christian civilization;. if, enjoying the protection of our Free Institutions, be will acknowledge a higher allegiance‘to a foreign potentate; who is the embodiment ol hostility to oil that is enlightened and free, than he poffors to the country from whose bosom he derives his sustenance,. lie must expect that political confidence will be withheld from him. ‘ Ho is the connecting link to bind together Church and State'. He is the agent in political chemistry, by which ■ wc are to be transmuted from a nation of intelligent, well governed free men, into a nation of pnest:riddcn slaves.

honor to introduce into your State Legislature.

of prejudice Among the different industrial interest*. It has no sympathy with red republicanism in any of its disguises. It know.y .that property, the acquisition of labor, in whatever form 'it is legitimately acquiifd, is an absolute right, and constitutes the ways and; means of carrying on tho government in times of both war and peace, and' it will protect that labor, and shield that property against every form of attack. i It has no sympathy with the filibustering spirit which, for the sake of meto territorial expansion; would embroil ns in perpetual collision.with ouf neighbors. It has confidence in the expansive charac-. ter of our institutions, and wilt give them n legitimate and healthy development, but it will not bouho. patron of excesses and wrongs. It is a national patty, and will never allow itself to boMctronalized, until it is prepared to rend in twain the bond of nm'nn, For this, it will bo prepared "when everlasting Fate shall yield to fickle chance.” It remembers that all hnman imitations partake of tho infirmities of our race, and to conflicting interests and opinions it brings charily and conciliation.. Fellow citizens, is this sound and American? Is thetC security to all (ho groat interests of socieW in this basis of I action? -

BY F. J* WAUDO.

. In bis letter of March 28, 3855, reviewing tho i bill, ho says; "We shall find twenty ways outside tho intricate web of its prohibitions for doing, and doing more largely still, the very things which it wishes us pot to do/' This is the resped of a Catholic bishop for the laws of a State to which ho lias sworn fealty.— This is the teaching he gives his vast communion, to trample upon the policy of the State, to circumvent its legislation, to become better Catholics by becoming more ditloyal citizens. He J needed- but the military power of Louis XIV, to have declared and enforced bis declaration, "I-'am the State.” Practically, he is snch, rather he is paramount to it, if he can usurp its prerogative, and override its policy. This doctrine/ Of tire Hierarchy,.tho American party will, for the preservation of oar own institutions, and for the' enfranchisement of the Catholic people from the thraldom*wWh seeks to enslave them, steadily, uncompromisingly resist. Beleiving that an open Bible is necessary to elevate humanity, it will resist all efforts, come from whence they may, to seal it up. . Believing that the high civilization, as illustrated in the intelligence, the enterprise, the charities of the age, and in all that adorns and ennobles associated men, is attributable to' the political principles' which are the necessary offspring of tho Protestant,religion —a religion which calis no man; master, its sympathies are Protestant, because it is enlisted in behalf of freedom. It makes no war upon-mere questions of. faith—all its hostility is concentrated on a policy which is hostile to the inalienable rights of man. Let Rome change her-policy. Let her open tho Bible; let her recognize tho rights of conscience; let her commit to'the flames the Inquisition, and all its cruel adjuncts; let her become the spiritual teacher of its masses; let her govern th°m by her appeals to those elements and motives which are worthy of men borij in Gpd's image; let her sunder her alliance with despotism; let "her banish the mercenary cohorts of a foreign tyranny, on which to-day rests her tcmporinl power in tho Imperial city; lot her lift her iron yoke which for‘centuries she has kept upon the necks of the toiling millions of Europe; and then will the American party find.no occasion for antagonism to the Church of Rome. It will bid her God-speed in her every effort to elevate and enfranchise her people..

TEEMS PER ANITBM. (CT iTBICTLT _C0

AMERICAN PRINCIPLES.

1 SPEECH DELIVERED BV BOX. JAMES 0. POTS1M, AT X BATIFICATION MEETIKQ , IK KEW VOBK. Mr, President and Fellow Citizens:- .

, ['SECBECV - AND. OATHS. Before proceeding on ; other topics, I wish to allude to one 'or two important acts of the C onvention and the C onncil. One was the abolition of: all pledges and oaths of’fidelity ,'cx«pt (he |«:rfioaal bonor of the applicant for aimjssion into the Older, arid the substitution of public for private discussion of our principles. It is not to be disguised lhaMho original forms of admission; and character .of the Order were distasteful to many of .its members, [and calculated to prejudice,tho.public; .blind,, It was a manly.sentiment,of Bnutiis, when it was proposed to hind the conspirators against an oath, that they should "unto bod causes swear- such’ creatures as men dbubt,” but . not slain ‘the Virtue of their enterprise to think that “their cause or performance", did need an oath.” Through the original machinery, ihe organization became powerful it wasneccssary in order to break - the iron yoke of old organizations,—but now that the party ho 4 the strength ‘nudvigorof maturity, it was time that itcon(oriuits:machinery more to the public sentiment and usage. It is now aji open ns the; .day, its basis, the manly honor of its meoibers, its principles, the enfranchisement of. American citizens from spiritual tyranny; the govern nco of the country by'those who were born on its soil, all whose hopes, whose interests; whose sympathies and ties are identified with nativo land. Louisiana Delegation and Catholic Poutccs.— Another important act of the Convention was: the admission of the Louisiana'delegation; tho Order hi that State haying repudiated the 8th Section of the Philadelphia platform of June lost, which seemed to sprite to exclude all'Cath-olics-from civil trusts; as Catholics. The American parly of could not adopt.this ecction/fpr itis.madeiip in a great degree of adherents Id that Church. The antagonism' 'of the • Americanparty was never to tlie tucro dogmas of. the’ Romish Church; but Iqltlic polilical power oh the Hierarchy which sought to control its communion in their .political.action, through their allegiance.to their spiritual teachers. It found, especially among, the Irish Catholics of the country, a blind devoteeism to the prieslhopd,: which made them .a formidable clement of political, power. Whdther their votes in this State were twenty thousand or fifty/thousand, almost that entire suffrage was concentrated in the Bishop of the Diocese/who old it in the market to'the demagogue who would pay the highest price. V, ! If the consideration was (he distribution of school moneys into their religious schools somebody.was readyJtp, offer it; if it wps \o drive die Bible from among the books for the youth whom the State was t cduca: ting 1 , an aspirant.was not wanting, ready to ostracise, the Word of G od.: The Irish Catholic vote of the Stales formed the rounds in the ladder of. demagogues, on which they would ascend to tho highest dignities. Prptcstontism'hadno political organization; parlies.; were tim id, loaders uppl icd the scourge to every dissentient partiznn,.nnd wo -were ruled by, an arrogant priesthood.,; The American party sprung up under-this pressure, in every Stnteiri the Union, to put down this union of the spiritual and political power. It fpund the .Catholic priesthood seeking to control the consecrated property, clutching within llioir grasp every inch ol sacred ground, .Vviinging ont df the hard toil of* their people that which 1 should have been for bread ami-shelter to. their families, the means of .covering the,earth .with gorgeous,cathedrals and with places of ] worship and .; burial;.of - every grade of splendor and utility. It saw this Hierarchy stealing into .the legislation of the/ country, and seeking'to die up in. themselves the vast estates.and properties wrung, out of the toil and sacrifices of their people. It saw them*.in this way. riveting upon their communion thochains of a spiritual bondage which' wyuldmake.them forever the mere puppets x arid tools of an ambitious Hierarchy, and thus prepare them to become most dangerous elements, of power. It wes-against this, policy .of the.Hierarchy that the American party nrrayed itself.— With Iran subs tan tation, with the worship of Saints, with any./ or, all of-tho mere religious dogmas of the Church, itbsd* nothing to do. And whereevor it should find American citizens, embf-acing tho.religious dogmas of the Romish Church, but rejecting tbe claims of the Papal See as a temporal power, wherever it found them throwing off the yoke of priestly rule in all. things not strictly spiritual, there were men who sympathized with tbe American party. They might bo Catholic religionists, but they were also American Protest-ants against the improper usurplioDsof the priesthood. Protestantism has two significations. In common acceptation it refers to tho religions doctrines of the Reformation of the sixteenth century. This is its narrow sense. In its higher signification it is the Genius of revolt against spiritual tyranny. The man who, while bo embraces the religious dogmas of the Catholic Church, rejects the claim of tho Pope to temporial power, who. denies to the priest any conttol: over his judgment or

The American party baa discharged.the difficult and delicate responsibility of so* lecting candidates, for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of these ’ United States. Embracing, as it does, within its tonics some of the noblest and ablest characters ’which adorn the; several Stales of the tlnion, it would bo surprising if there were not some diversity of opinion as to who should be chosen the standard-bearer of our cherished organization. As that organization was for the first time to pass the ordeal of a National canvass, and that too, at a crisis in our domestic and foreign relations full of dangers and difficulties, itwas important to select a man‘adequate to man whose .past was a guarantee for.hisjutnre. No inconsiderable name was4mKCnted to: that Con; vention. Kenlut«y, Tennessee, Texas and Ohio, each presented a son worthy of our honor. New York presented to the Convention two names; the one first in

It was often rcmoVkcd; in'the PhUailel* phia.C6hventiqn r that a man-was wanted "\yhoyvas- himself a, platform.” " Of all the .follies’; ever yet . perpetrated in my Judgment,,is the attempt in a National Convention lb fetin' . a declaration of*ah*' elract principles on thoRuhject of slavery o r of special fegisliilibh on slavery/ v>hich shall be satisfactory to both' sections of the dopnlry. | '‘ r: /. It ifi ir thing im possible, * ami the Philo* ndel phia convention- li ml been, wise i n resolving, repudiate all platforms, and go to the country^.upon the distinctive. principles of the party and their candidates. ; A platform-is the creation of a committee of ’adverse views.— Every concession for harmony's sake is but a seeming concession, real opinions do not change with phraseology, and to expect that o', million voters, reared omid different associations and different prejndices, and different interests, are all to lose their individuality on the report of a committc; to suppose that onr southern bretheni are at the dixit of a convention to choftgo sentiments instilled into them from chlldtioodand mi rid red by education and interest; to suppose (hat men of the North jaro at the same dixit to lay aside the principles which are the necessary result of northern associations,"as they would an old garment, is to deny, to man a moral nature;' TholaUempt at such a result is a farce, and every sensible man knows it. Tho great question is this: In view of the fact that this' is a federal government of sovereign 'Sta'fes, each supremo and independent, except as modified by the.constitution''in iis federal relations, dnc'half the States haying their chief wealth, political consideration jam! power in slave institutions, and IbbS-c institutions permitted and projected by 1 1 tho comjnon consUtntion, what policy, at the same fiiito wise and just to the whole'country, should ah administration ■ adopt? Tf the President come from the North, shall ho forget that the slave ' States are equal in right and privileges- with the free States? Believing slavery tb be an evil, shall he mould his administration after bis sectional prejudice. and education? 'It be be from a slave State, shall be make an administration thatsKouhl bo a national slave propagandizing instrument? In other woids, shall Mho chief magistrate of a government of ineradicable antagonisms on the subject of slavery; bo the President of (ho whole ,peopW; or of a section of the country? 1 care not what may bo the abstract truth in relation .to slavery. . Let if bo divine or infernal; let it be conservative or destructive; let it be humane or barbarous, that chief magistrate -wha shall stand upon cither the extreme northern or extreme southern position, .and'shall, with.'mad sectional puisiqn, hiakebteadmiuist ration unjustly; hq-tile, or favorable to slave institutions,; who shall seek by unfair means to disturb the balance of power. between the slave andUho free interest, is the betrayer of h is/conntiy; It is utterly im-. possible to prevent this slave element catering.more or less into the Presidential canvas's, . Ho alomr is adequate to (jiq crisis who can rise above the prejudices and passions of either section of the country, aqd standing calm and self-possessed in the pore atmosphere of eternal justice, will permit the storm s of passion from north and south to hie administration, which the angry , waves shall retire in harmless impotence, as retire the surges of the sea trom tliorock-hoand shore.- . •

I What o'thcr organization promises, in its past policy or present principles, ft wiser 'or better! - All opposition to it Is concentrated in tho now political Amalgam known as the paHy and the fragmentized Denffifflic,party, * nKItUUCAH PABTT. ■ , . The organism of the former is as curious and antagonistic as the cabinet- of Lord Chatham, so truthfnlly described by Burke—of which bo says; *.*Ho had an administration so checkered and speckled, he pat together such a piece of diversified Mosaic, such a tcssclatcd pavement williont cement, rhero a bit of black "stone, and there a bit of white, patriots and courtiers, king’s friends and republicans, Whigs and lories, treacherous friends and open enemies, that it was indeed a carious show, bututlcrlymnsafe to touch, and nnsure to stand on.” It has but one principle, hostility to slavery. Its pretext is the Missouri Compromise. With them you agree that its repeal was an outrage. But because the administration by concert of Northern demagogues perpetrated a wrong m a constitutional way, yon do not propose to wage a war npon the half of this glorious confederacy. Yon will not he blind to the Tact that with slavery bnr country has advanced in prosperity, in civilization, in all the elements which give it dignity, character and power , to empire, os has no. other country in any age of the world. Yon willnot be blind to the fact that Now York, liotwithstanding she calls and loves fifteen.slave Stated as eistert, has become the foremost of the confederacy, and has not, and never will have, a peer in wealth and commercial prosperity,. ,

comraercc,ia man who by the force.of hi? genius, ha$ done much to dcvclope the resources of the country, and who if> justly honored and admired for his enterprise and success. The other, one, who by his con‘ductof National aflairs, at a fearful crisis, led the country out of thick darkness, and the storm of sectional fury, mid strife, into the calm ami repose of universal con--fidonce and security. A man upon p’hom ■had been opened every battery of prejudice, of'hate, of bigotry and of passion, 'who had confronted every storm (bat could be evoked’ from the bosom of an honest,

but blind and passionate fanaticism, and 'npou wbom’ull their fury was spent in Vain, who, like tho Old Mountain Oak, ‘had grown the stronger from tho. conflict with the unchained elements, whoso cliar-

meter as a statesman and os a man had 'every hour taken deeper root in the confidence of tho Nation. In vview of the ■cii.'is. llie Convention, .with great unanimity, turned to the.son of New York, of whom the sago of Ashland said, during the last days of his honored life: riicTonndation of my preference is,• .that ME Fillmore has ndnitnisIdviUlhe Executive Government with signal sucres nnd ability,1 He has been tried and /blind true, faithful, honest- ami conscientious." The Convention ratified this declaration. .Your assembling here is to catch that strain os it broke from tha dying lips of) Clay, and to deraonfilrate your conviction that however much somc'of you. may have doubted tho policy ho adopted, yet . you believe him to be able, to be honest, to bo just and patriotic.' You accept him and Ids honored associate as - standardbearers in the.approaching contest -. Fellow citizens, as individuals, we may have our preiererices; as • a party, we must go to the country with a man whom the country knows;

naturalization, laws-

There is another charge of proscription against the American party, that it claims for American citizens the guardianship of tho American Citadel. He is . a fool, who'denies that there are adopted citizens among ns, men of high character, of liberal and enlightened-views, who are thoroughly Americanized in their interests and feelings, who w6uld , bo safe depositories of power. Bnt -these men are more ready to acknowledge that fo long ns all the rights* of property and person arc secured, lb at it isbut just that Americans should have the responsibility ofl ruling their own country. "Ireland for the Irish,” is still the battle cry in Ireland, as well as it is loudly raised, but to rule America,” is oq the .same principle, an outrage.. Should the American party come to control every department of the government, if w'buld disturb ho man’s existing franchises,— It proposes no more than ; the . plainest justice, that the responsible control of our affqirs shpllbc in the hands of those .wliohavc the‘deepest interests at stake, which interests are the best guarantee that their trusts will not be abused; The American born children of foreigners are native citizens, and arc, elligible on the severest test to which Americans can put them, to tho highest positions of trust and honor.* . ‘ ‘

mOTESTANTlSlT.*

But you ost me if the American party is not peculiarly a Protestant party? I answer: it does find itself arrayed against the spirit of the Catholic Curch, as existing among her priesthood, with but few exceptions in this country, as inculcated and enforced,;wboro il has powef, by au the energy of'Statc authority. Rome denies Hie right of private judgment. * Pro*, testantism demands that the conscience of the citizen shall have no judge or keeper but its own great Creator. .Rome declares heresy to be. crime, and crushes it out, where it may; by confiscation, imprisonment and death!. Protestantism cherishes its own dogmas with a faith that is-abso-lute, but it yields to others what it claims for itself, the right of private judgment. It resects man os the representative of God, wherever it finds him. It denies the right of the State'under any circumstances (6 sit in judgment upon the mere dogmas of Pagan, Christian or Infidel, Rome, in a sense, arrogates* a vicegerent power to outlaw nil who do not admit'her infallibility/ and bow to her will. In many of tbe European Stoles'"she closes tbe Bible to her own people/ and- denies to Protestantboritics. every Christian rite, every decent humanity/ Living, they are under the ban of the State, jdying, they are forbid , even tho plainest 1 decencies ol sepulture. Protestantism is liberalizing and progressive; Catholicism, os embodied in her Head arid in her standard, is the same to-day in her intolerance, and in her exactions, as she was when a Hildebrand was the dispenser of croziers and crownt Protestantism from its very nature favors the rights of private judgment, and enthrones coriscieqco ori nn‘ deration far above all hnman authority. Catholicism claims to be superior to law, and would treat all legislation 'against its own policy,, as cobwebs/to bo despised and broken. Wo have an instance; here in/probf, . At the Baltimore Convention of 1852. of Catholic Bishops, with a view of preventing* the formation of Church Corporations under the State laws, in which Church property should become vested, it was ordained by the 16th Cannon of that Council, that whoever shall take that class of property from the Bishop, even by means of the taw, { Ugis prasxdio,) should fall under the anathemas of the Council of Trent/ To exercise the right of American citzenship, to conform to a republican policy, to refuse to lay not only conscience, but all Church property, all control, all power, at the feet of men like themselves, was to fall under the awful curse of a Council of the XGlh century! The same contempt of law, the same tone of superiority to civil power, is to be found ia tbe letter of Bishop Hughes, on-the subject of .the Church Property Bill, which I had the

AGITATION AM) NATIONALITY. Yon bco time htd evil* in ibe ‘ confed-eracy,-of which slavery’is one, bntyon will not for this forget the paramount good, you will not strike down ( the sun while experiencing, its vital warmth, because there.are spots on its disk. ; Yon worship in this Temple of Gonstitotiopal liberty and are happy in yodr adorations, but you will hot fire the magnificent edifice because some single pillarlachs grace or aymetry. ■Yon.-will' unite with good men of all sections in seenring substantial, justice’ to, the : Tyholo . country. V, ’Why 1 should we form a sectional ;party, having for its object the exclusion of fi ft cenS tales from all share in the administration of the Government, bccanse a Northern President and a Northern aspirant to the Presidency perpetrated a wrong. - I 1 / ■ . < Are wb to lapse onr,senses because a few "border ruffians”; of Missopri’ have perpetrated an outrage/ not uncommon in- all’ onr border life? If a few fanatics *. in Massachusetts declare the. Constitution j to be "a compact with hell,” are : we to follow their insane lead, and refuse to fraternize with men whose fathers with ours secured these free institutions and who love them as’carnestly as we do? God forbid! Wo are' told’that the country must *'agitate, agitate/ * this question of Slavery—wo- must ho mad because others are insane. I am afraid of the "agitation” of passion, for passion is blind, and is as likely to destroy as to save. It will ent off the limb when discretion would remove the tumor. Passion is the empiricism of politics. There is an "agitntion”.which is wholesome. But it is not the agitation of storms and tempests, whose pathway is marked by desolation. Bather is it the.boallhy agitation which, like the ocean tide, is' nevej; at rest, but always limited to the point of safety, governed by fixed laws which purify; bnt not destroy; an agitation/which, while it prevents the pestilence of stagna? tion, afford? safety, to, the, commerce-bear-ing fleetsof the world. > Snob is the agitation of conservatism; - . . a

MB. FILLMORE AKD THE CRISIS.

There is one clement of strength in Mr. Fillmore, which, from the peculiar position be occupied- after our territorial ac>, -quisitions from Mexico, makes him, in fact whit the Convention believed him. to" be, >tfae strongest man for tho National canvass within the American ranks. .. The present is noi:) a time for 'experiments. We are not sailing on calm seas; Every intelligent, citizen knows and feels, ■that wa are in the midst of a crisis. For

the first time in the history of thocoim•try, has arisen a formidable .sectional parly, having for its pretext ah undoubted wrong, a wrong which lies at the door.of Northern Administration, and it how "bellows for revenge,” alike upon the innocent and the guilty, and with frantic passion seeks to rmn,~not to heal.- Be-, ing a government of laws, and laws being hie creation of majorities, a'sectional ; party how proposes-not only to override -existing legislation; but to lead on a cmsade against the institutions of one half

The proposition to modify the naturalization laws, and to extend the period of residence, before a foreigner can be vested with all the rights of citizenship, is a question of policy. ' In view of the immense annua) influx into the country of the foreign clement, is there not a propriety in withholding, fora longer period, the right of suffrage? An American born, abides his twenty-one years—our mothers and sisters arc born and die without franchise. This is the policy of the country; adopted for its security and peace. Yet there is no complaint that injustice is done to minors or to the gentler sex. Is it right to compel future emigration to undergo a longer pupilage, before it is armed with (he full sovereignty 1 of citizenship?* It is pot a. question of right, bnt of policy. “Will onr. legislation bo nriore-ptfrcr, and official character more blevated and enlightened, by such a diangk? The American party believe it will ba_. I will not discuss the proposition. TlMKsnggcstion furnishes, the 'argument.

-of the States of the Union, whosa result 'most be, if successful, disunion and civil war, The National American party has mo sympathies with extremists, North or -Sooth; it demands jostico to oil sections;

The folly of platform making, on abstract questions, which have no legitimate relations with party dogmas, was evinced in the late . Convention at Philadelphia. Had it at an early stage of its proceedings dona what was proposed at the close, abolished all platforms but that embodied in theii candidates and distinclprinciplos, Connecticut, I believe, wpuld never have left the Convention. Never did I listen tomorc conservative, patnoticand nationlioual sentiments than fell from the lips of one of her delegates—Mr. Baldwin.— Connecticut could not accept some of the abstract propositions of the platform on the subject of slavery, and she left the Convention; but that she will rally around its nominee, and bo found shoulder to shoulder with her bretbern of New York, 1 believe to bo as certain as that she has glorious memories, and a heart loyal to the Union and the Constitution. A platform on this vexed question is the bed of Procrustes, upon which you cannot stretch Northern and Soalhern men. Wisdom lies in the selection of men for the Executive office, in whoso sense of justice the country has confidence, and the very fact that extremes oppose him is an evidence of his fidelity. Snch a man the country knows Mr. J’illmore ,to bo. Wo have demonstration, for promise, and; History for bis advocate.

nta basis, its vital breath, its end and aim, so far os it must recognize ■ the slavery •question, is good faith. ' If mad ambition •or a more mad fanaticism, shall perpetrate -a wrong, it will not invoke the Furies to meet that wrong, it will not sectionalizc

its patriotism, it-will not dethrone the •spirit of concord and fraternity. Snch being the sentiment of the National American party, and the sentiment, too, of the west majority of men in the old organisations, and the grcat'object to he secured being the elevation of a man to the Presidency whom the Nation can trust, in whose Judgment, and justice, and patriotism it can fully confide, Mr. Fillpore, of all m&t living, is the proper exponent of these views. The American people have confidence in him. "He Has been. tfied

AHEB10A1? COKBBBVAT18M.

But, fellow: ;cilizeiuV the.-National American party has another office to perform, besides the advocacy of its distinct live principles-. It is to-day the great conservative party of , the ,country.. It stands by the landmarks of the . fathers. It meets radicalism face to face.

Fellow citizens, ’ yirhat ip the great west of the 'American people? It Is of little comparative consequence who Hold the shbordinato positions ,of the government, whether this or that set of men enjoy its patronage. - .The great invests of society, of properly and labor, wani security and confidence. They want a Pali-' nnnui at the helm,- who will guide the ship of State safely between' the raging Scylla and the yawning Charybidis.— Commerce wants . peace, labor wants peace, capital wants,peace, Whois.the

and found irae?* Unprejudiced men of alt parties say of him that be is honest and safe. Those who differed most widely from his views of policy, concede to him integrity of purpose, Mr. Wise, of Virginia, the bitterest foe of yonr order, said of his Administration, it was "Washing-ton-like.” His administration was one of character, if it was not intense in par* tksnihip, and it certainly was not; it was

In the fierce conflict which is raging all oronnd ns it seeks to occupy Urn middle ground of justice. It is on a mission of peace to a distracted country. It will never seek to govern this empire on any metaphysical basis about the rights of capital and labor. It will indignantly frown’upon every effort to provoke a war