Western Statesman, Volume 2, Number 17, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 8 July 1831 — Page 1

MIAMo "THE CONSTITUTION WISDOM, JUSTICE, MODERATION." 'OL. II. LAWKEXCEBURGII, IXDIAXA; FRIDAY, JULY 8, 1S31. IVO. 17.

fRINTrn ANO TVtl 1HFD BT J1ILTOA (atEGG, CIUU r BIOS 11D SHORT 1TBKBTI.

TKKMS : TWO nOLlARS AVD K1FTY CENTS per year, payible within the yrar; but may be dichrjpt r the payarm of TWO DOLLAHS m adrance. Thrre monlln tfirr the commencement will be l lowed far advance paymint. Taose who receive their papers by priTate pot niuit ay Uie poatagr, or it will be added to their lubscrip. ion. Ko paper will be duf ontinucrUuntil all arrrararfa are aid (unlrnt at the option of the fcditor) ; and a failure o notify a discontinuance at the end of the time (lib. cribrd, will be eomidrred mm engairrnirnt. Leitrn to thr Kdnor rant b- pnt paid. (XT ADVERTISEMENTS inserted at the nsual rates. rointv. FROM THE CHRISTIAN WATCHMAV. THE WAIL OF THE I EVANGELIZED WOULD. Thtr cometh a voice from the southern isles, From the burning ln!ia shore, From the untracked depth of western wilds, And where Afiic's lions roar; A roice that pleads in the Chri stain's ear, With a clear and plaintive tone, And bids him list to the tale of fear, To tlit searching traveller known. It speaks of the burning victim's cry, On the heathen' vengeful pile ; And bids him see, when orphans sigh, The exulting murderer's smile : It points to the rolling Ganges' wave, And the parent, standing near, Who sinks his child in the deathful grave, Without a relenting tear. It talis of the untaught African, For a skin of darker stain, By a brother prouder, fairer roan, Enthralled with slavery's chain. It turus his ear to the red man's wo, Who is leaving his father's soil, With the heavy heart of a conquered foe, Through a weary w ay to toil. Tis Pity's voice that is breathing low And, again, in bolder strain ; 'Tis Pity's voice, that is never slow To relieve.a mourner's pain ; And fearful gloom is shidowing there, Where Religion's tone is still ; And teitoi stalk in its mildness, where Is no law, but a tyrant's will. Oh, list that voice ! 'tis the mournful wtal Of nations in darkness bound ! How can the heart rcfue to feci, Untouched by Tie piercing sound? Creatures that reason hath never taught, With a suffering mate w ill stay, And seem with feelings of sympathy fraught 1 Shall we p'uy less than they? 'o, Christian! list to the earnest cry From the riving heathen's shore ! Let avarice far from thy bosom fly. And f, rgt that wail no more ; Till the Pagan shout is forever still, Or changed to Religion's 6ong; Till the earth hath bocd to the Sas iour's will, That in sorrow hath lingered long: Till Burmah's daughters shall join the praise Of tho Great Redeemer's worth, And Afrit's wilds respond the lays, That swell through the grateful earth; Till he who roams by the Ganges' side, And the red man, long unblest, And he who watches the southern tide, Rejoice in niilltMinl.il rest! M. FROM THE NATIONAL OAZETTI. TO POLAND, On reading the late Drrjmtrhes from that ill-fated Country. Heaven speed thee, brae Poland, to burst the vile chains That havegail'd thee in sorrow ann shame; Though thy freedom has fie. 1, its remembrance remains, And will rouse thy proud nobles to wipe off the stains That have tarnish'd the shield of thy fame. See the Cassacks sw eep over thy land, like a flood ; Alieady the battle's begun The ruins are smoking w here Praga late stood, Its ashes )et reek with thy patriots' blood : But grieve not the battle is won. Warsaw is still safe: Hear the gallant young band, In chorus, cry "Freedom oi death." What heart of true Pole their appeal can withstand, Independence to give to his lov'd native land; Or, defending it, yield kislast bieath? The dames of you castle have throng'd to its hall, To wait the dread issue below ; Prepared to meet death, though array'J for the ball,t If their valliant defenders in battle should fall, And Pulanay yield to the foe. As breathless they gaze on the hearl-thriling sight, What vision so gladdens their eyes? With a cross for his banner, a priest leads the fight; Heaven smiles on the champions of justice and right; The enemy's routed and flies. Oh! now is the time fir each true-hearted Pole To prove himself daring and brave ; Let noble and peasant unite, heart and soul, Their country once more with the free to enroll, Or make it a glorious grave. Who makes but the night of thy slavery's past, A nd liberty's mom is at hand t That no cloud may its brightness again overcast, Strike home, ye brave Poles! and let this prove the last, Of the hordes that shall ravage your land. Ilea veil prospe tliee,Poland,to burst the vile chains, They havegail'd thee in sorrow at i shame; Though thy freedom has fled,its remembrance remains, To rouse a biave nation to wipe off the stains That have tarnish'd its glory and fame. The scene of Snwarrow's butcheries in 1795. tl'his incident, mentioned in the official gazette of Warsaw, is f haiactenstic of the Polish ladies, whom traveller! repiesent as not more remarkable for their beauty end virtue, than theii fondness for expensive dress. One of the most celebrated of the castles with which FoiandJ abounds. It is situated oiitthe Vistula, its giounds are very highly embellished, and it is the property of Use Csartoritki family.

THE MEXICANS IN 1830.

BY A MEXICAN CITIZEN. No. H. MEXICAN POLITICS. Political parties have often changed in Mexico during the course of the revolution. They were at first Patriots and Guaehupins, next Republicans aDd Imperialists, latterly Federalists and Centralists, under the nicknames of Scots and Yorkinos; but now, in 1630, two great parties are springing np, much more likely to divide the whole population, while formerly Creoles and Spaniards were the main partizans. These two new (or rather very old) parties are the Country party and the Creole party, each subdivided into some factions. To understand properly their views and aim, it is needful to remember that the Mexican States are yet at war with Spain, their independence not yet acknowledged, and their system of self-government as precarious and fluctuating as it was in the United States between 1783 aud 17S9,even after the peace with England. The Country party, calling themselves patriots and old Mexicans, are the most numerous, including rearly the whole Indian and mist population. They are nicknamed Gentes iracoinales, or unrational folks, by the Creoles, whom they call in return, Sons of the Gauehupins. This party, although comprising the bulk of actual ignorance, reckons many enlightened men. They hate aud detest the Spaniards, calling them invaders, despoilers, tyrants. They deny having been conquered by Cortez; they say their ancestors the Mexicans were overthrown by their foes the Tlascallans and their allies, among which were a handful of Spaniards, who spread terror by fire-arms, and after the destruction of the city of Mexico, disarmed all the Indians, slew their nobles, their priests and their warriors; destroyed their temples, saints, books of all kinds ; took to themselves all the wealth, land, and noble women: reducing the people to ab ject ignorance, cruel vassalage, and imposing upon them new saints or idols. But now these tyrant Guaehupins are expelled, the Creoles being Mexicans like themselves, sons of the noble ladies stolea by the invaders from only one nation ; and the Indians being restored to freedom, the use of arms and equal rights, they ought to be allowed freedom of worship, a reater participation to offices and emoluments a general education, and they demand the correction of many abases, above all the reform of the church, army and finances. Such reasonable requests may be delayed by the Creoles in power, but the Country party will sooner or later prevail and rule the country. 'I he factions among this party are merely differenr.es of opinion on some points of policy, which the Creoles endeavor to split into new parties, so its to weaken the whole. Thus some think that peace ought never to be made with the Guaehupins or Spain, no money paid for the acknowledgement of independence, or no Guaehupins allowed to settle again in the country after the peace. This feeling is pretty general , their opponents call them dntiguachupins. Another section wishes to confiscate tbe whole church property to pay the debts of the state, and abolish all the exactions of the priests, paying them a moderate stipend. This sentiment has many partizans in the army, and even among the Creoles. The priests call them all infidels. A third section of patriots wish to establish a general land tax, so as to form a permanent revenuo; but the great land owners, some of which hold immense estates, and have great influence as yet in the government, strenuously oppose this salutary measure, which might compel them to parcel and sell many estates; but would provide a fund to pay nil the expen ses of government, interest on loans, arrears of the army, &c. Thus as yet, while monopolies stamps and lotteries are resorted to, and the income always falls short, the whole landed estates are untaxed. The second party or the Creoles often calling themselves) the rational or wise folks, rule the country, by means of the generals and bishops, nobles and land owners, priests and monks, judges and lawyers, monopolists and ntr.. V,l.la.j -,1,- 1. T.. in tne army, legislatures ana proiessions, the patriots are already the majority; nay, also among land holders; but the Indians have on ly small farms and gardens, while the Crooles often own princely estates of 10,000 or 100,000 acres. They affect so despise and hold iu contempt the Indians, accusing them of ignor ance, stupidity and many vices; but the know that these very vices are such as enable them to mislead and govern the Indians, acquire their aid and support whenever specious pat riotic pretexts are offered. Many liberal Cre oles are uniting themselves to the Country par ty, and others will follow when they find that they must yield. Thus this party is divided into several factions: 1 The Aristocratic, wishing to support the church and land holders in alljtheii immunities. The) , ire also called Yorkinos and !nglicans, because under English influence and leaning towards European connections ; nay, some have yet a secret longing for the paternal Spanish, sway! This party rules the country at present, since the overthrow of Guerrero by Bustamante. Guerrero was the idol of the Country party because he was a Mestizo, but he had no abilities; he may be compared to Paez of Venezuela. He was easily removed, but not even exiled, so little was he feared. His party however is strong, and preparing to resist the usur pation of Bustamante, who although a man of talents, is too Aristocratic, and will be overthrown. The fear of a new civil war nlone restrains the patriotic party. This civil war has since begun, and Guerrero has fallen into the hands of his enemies and been shot. Bravo is a good and honest patriot of some abilities, although belonging to this faction, he may yet become the head of the State: he could emulate a Washington if not prevented by those who surround him. Vittoria, the first President, is become a good farmer. Pedraza was disliked by all except the ultras of this faction, because he was sold to Spain. Santana is detested by the Indians, because cruel and avericious, and the Republicans remember he was once an Imperialist. The second faction of this party, called the Centralists, wish to abolish the federal contitution, aud form a central government. Many members of tho army and church belong to it; but they found it needful to support Bustamante against the patriots. The liberal

Creoles, tho old Imperialists, the Spanish par

ty (fcr there are yet some loyal Creoles) are as many other sections of this party ; the two last are of little importance, neither feared or to be feared, but the liberal Creoles, who are daily increasing in number, may soon throw a great weight in tbe patriotic party. The policy of the faction now in power is to favour the English, induce the British Government to compel Spain to acknowledge the independence, or else allow them to invade Cuba, whose conquest might offer an equivalent or priee for peace. This conquest might not be very difficult if the Mexicans were united and without internal commotions; but in the actual state of the country at the eve of another struggle for liberty it is become a hopeless wish. Towards tho North Americans the actual administration bear no goed will, but rather distrust and dislike. They complain, 1st That Poinsett meddled with the politics of the country, and that the conspirators against Pedraza actually met in his house. 2d That he insulted the Mexican nation by offering to buy Texas, a federal territory, unalienable by ths Constitution, of 1G0 millions of acres, for ten millions of dollars, or six cents per acre, while the wild lands ef Texas are now sold at forty cents per acre by the Mexican Government. 3d That, when ho found his offer objectionable, ha further insulted the nation by offering a lean of ten millions, as a pawnbroker would, upon the pawning of Texas until repaid, which insidious proposal was meant to fill the country of Texas with Americans and slaves, and to hold it afterwards at any event, the United States never meaning to restore it. This was deemed even by the patriotic party, who were great friends of the Americans and Poinsett, &n insult similar to an offer of the Mexicans to buy or pawn Louisiana or Arkansas, if made to the Congress of the United States. 4th That the Americans are secretly encroaching towards Texas aud the frontiers, in the usual manner they employ to dispossessjlndians, by allowing outlaws, squatters and hunters, to intrude and settle unlawfully. 5th That citizens of the United States encourage the excursions of the Cumanches and otter predatory tribes against New Mexico and Texas, furnishingthem with arm, buying their spoil, stolen mules, and even Mexican freemen, who are bought as slaves, and some mulattoes and Indians held as such even now in Louisiana. Cth That American emissaries havo suggested several times, in Texas, to rebel arid declare Texas independent of Mexico, or even ask an union with tbe United States, who will allow the bane of slavery. 7th That the United States, by invading gradually all the Indian lands, and removing the Indians on the borders of Mexico, commit great injustice, and lay a foundation for future troubles and quarrels with Mexico. 8th And that by their perfidy against Indians in the south and west, and breaking solemn treaties with them, the United Slates evince they will not deem sacred any treaty with the Mexican nation, the majority of which is an Indian population quite similar to the persecuted Cherokees, Creeks and Choctaws. 9th Lastly, that the Spanish invaders under General Barradas, in 1333, were chiefly carried over from Cuba to Tarnpico in North American vessels; and some disabled ones allowed to refit in New Orleans, the Spanish troops well received, recruited, and actually sailed from New Orleans to in vade Mexico. These subjects of complaint have been artfully fomented by the English agents and party : a cry was raised for war against the United States, a loan ftwo millions was offered to carry it on, invade Louisiana, declare all the negroes free, expel all the American settlers from Texas, &c. Even the patriotic party and friends of North America were staggered. Nothing is more calculated to alienate them than the bad treatment of the Indiads in the United States. These two nations, which ought to be natural allies, were thus on the verge of be coming foes. However, the prudence of the administration and the unsettled state of inter nal affairs prevented actual hostilities. The American Government has hushed up the bare faced affair ol Texas, recalled Poinsett, and evinced symptoms of conciliation. But the influence of these feelings upon the public mind has been so great, that the Americans, who were the most favored nation, have ceased to be such; their merchants, captains, travellers, settlers, &.c. have been often insulted or no longer favored. The English merchants have availed themselves greatly of this to in crease their customers. Formerly the North Americans were welcome any where ; now their situation is precarious in Texas, and even in the city of Mexico. An American, Mr. Ma dure, of Philadelphia, who was highly respect ed, wealthy and learned, gave a free gift of 7000 dollars, at the Spanish invasion of Uarradas, to clothe a whole regiment of cavalry; this generous act has since been ascribed to mere ostentation. He had offered to educate two huadred select Indian youths, at a small expense, in a college on the Wabash. The cautious Mexican Government sent an agent to examine the place and prospect, who has made and printed a Spanish and English report, stating that it was another deception, the college being a mere school under the direction of a vicious and ignorant female, and the United States totally unfit to educate the Indians, whom they despise and oppress. Political squabbles are carried on by the free press, both in gazettes and pamphlets, and chiefly in the city of Mexico, which is the head of the confederation. The three principal gazettes are the Correo (Courier,) which is republican and patriotic; the Sol, (Sun,) the organ of the aristocratic Creole party; and the Censor, which aims at neutrality. But political pamphletsare oftenlprinted and generally read. They are hawked about as in Paris, by hawkers and pedlars. Some of them have very odd titles, such as two Oxen and one Jlss, which was meant for Guerrero and his too Ministers. They are written in no very measured terms. During the contest between Mr. Ward,the English envoy, and Mr. Poinsett, a paper war was long carried on in this way. In any future contest with North America, the Mexicans think they will be quite a match for their northern neighbors. It happens that the ncarert states to Mexico have a large slave population, which it will be very easy te rouse by an oflwr of complete freedom. Also the borders of the two countries are filled with In

dian tribes, driven by the United States, and very unwisely concentrated in a vulnerable

point, which would join the Mexican soldiers, wno are nearly all Indians. Th Mexican pulation will soon equal that of the free men of North America. They are becoming warlike, and the table land population has no dread of a colder climate. This dees not imply that the Mexicans ever mean to make conquests; but they will retaliate if attacked or deeply injured, and have the means to assail with advantage. Against this tlip A mprirani have only their number, greedythirst for lands, slavery ana oppression of Indians. England will never allow Texas to be conquered, and will beoome the ally of Mexico in a war for such an unworthy motive. It may also be doubtful whether the northern states will en ... & into a war to extend the evil of slavery, and to mane three or tour new slave states in Texas. Therefore, North America has nothing to cain in a war with Mexico, but much to losp. and wisdom will suggest prudence in the mutu al intercourse of the two nations. Meantime the Mexican government are taking measures to secure Texas. Five regiments have been setit to form military colonies and at the neace with Snain all thi iliihnnoil soldiers are to receive grants o I land there, on condition of actual settlement. The Mexicans begin also to know the value of unsettled lands. No great crant has been made there sinie the old ono of Austin. All late applications and officers have bepnroier.tpd. pven llini of Baring and Owen, both Englishmen, who ofr Ji-lw - - ..V a iereu to unug cngnsn settlers as a Duiwark against the Americans. But small grants, or rather sales, to actual settlers of inr nation. are made at tne rate ol $40 lor 100 acres, with six years credit, and no man is allowed to purchase above 50,000 acres. All negroes and Indians flying the slavery and oppression of the i I lT-.-JC.. euuiueru umr.uu states, are received ana pro tected. All slaves become frer hr entering Texas, (as they do in Canada) when they can reach it. The Indians receive land to settle upon. They are considered as the best bulwark against the American neighbors, and a check upon the settlers of North American ori Erin. The Choctaws. Crrlr ami f"hml.-oi. now driven to despair by the policy of the south ern stares retuseu me privilege ot freedom and compelled to sell their lands, would find there an asylum and be received with open arms They might be made citizens at once bv a sne cial law, or become such in five vears. receive grants of land either gratis or at a low price, anu ne aeemea tne nest settlers to form a bar rier oi persecuted toes against northern incroachments. FROM THE TORCH LIGHT. PUBLIC EXPENDITURES. "The Torch Light of last week in comparing the Expenditures in 1827 and 1828, under JohnQ. Adams, and in 1829, 1830, under Andrew Jackson uses the following Inncnac-p: a r O " " Thus it appears that almost three millions of uouars more oi the I'ublic money have been expended in two y ears by Gen. Jackson, than were expended by Mr. Adams in the same time." We positively deny the correctness of this statement; and call for a reference to any omciai documents, which go to establish it. We however bar receiving in evidence Mr Foote's speech in the U. S. Senate, for it is not correct, irom official documents in our pos session, and they are from the Treasury De partment, we find that the Torch Editor has made a small little difference of two millions three hundred and seven thousand dollars un dercharged Mr. Adams, of money expended in 1827, 182S. And we also find that he has overcharged Gen. Jackson the small sumofoi.e million one hundred thousand dollars expended in ioju. i-itner our olncial documents or those of the Torch are wrong if wrong we wish t have our errors pointed out trnth anu trutn only is our obiect; and as this is a matter in which the people of all parties are deenlv interested we will nnblish nnv stntp ment the Torch may make with his evidence, proviueu our statements and our evidence, wnicn snail ne otiiciai, are also published in the Torch and then let the People judg who are treating them like fools, and like children, who are attempting to deceive and mislead them, and who are telling them the truth whoare their real friends and who are their foes." The above article is copied from the Mail of we t riday last, in glancing over it we were somewhat at a loss whether most to admire the beld and positive denial of the correctness of our statement, with which it sets out, or the modest and kindly admission that " either the Mail official documents or those of the Torch are wrong," or tne still more meek and com mendable position, that " if wrong we wish to nave our errors pointed out." Without pretending to half tho meekness or modesty, frankness or fairness, which generally dance in 4i metaphorical confusion" through the productions of the editor of the man, we snau go directly to the question, and endeavor to show that our stntemnnt has fnllrn. short of the facts of the case, whilst his has far transcended those facts. And we shall draw our statements from the highest authority we shall go to the fountain head first to the statements of Presidents Adams and Jackson, and next to those of their Secretaries or rather to Gen. Jackson's own Secretary of the Treasury, whose authority the Editor of the Mail will certainly not question, for with him neither tho President nor his Secretary can do wrong. To begin then with Mr. Adams. In his Message to Congress, of Dec. 4. 1 837. he esti mates the expenditures of that year at $22,300,000 00 In his Message of Dec. 2, 1S28, he estimates those of that year at 25,637,511 G3 Making in the two years the sum of 47,937,511 63 So much for Mr. Adams. Now for Gen. Jackson : lie estimates the expenditures tt 182'J, in his message of Dec. 7, ot that year, at $ 2i;,164,5'J5 00 In his mcssacf of Dec.7. 1830. he estimates those of that year, at 25,096,441 I 0 Making 51,261,036 00 Deduct Mr . Adams'a 47,937,51 1 63 And the balance against Gen. Jack son amounts to 4 3,323.52 1 37 Thus it will he seen that according tct the estimates riven by President Adams and Presi dent Jackson themselves, in their Messages to

Congress, Gen. Jackson's expenditures, in two

years, amount to upwards of THREE MILLIONS OF DOLLARS more than those of Mr. Adams, in the same time. It must, however' be recollected that these are but estimates, founded, nevertheless, upon the ascertained expenditures of the three first quarters of each year, and upon the conjectural expenditures of the last quarter of each year. But the actual ascertained result, as we shall next show, will vary but very little from the above amountit will exceed THREE MILLIONS OF DOLLARS. In proof of the correctness of this position, we shall now quote from the reports of Mr. Ingham, Gen. Jackson's own Secretary of the Treasury, as corroborated by Mr. Rush, Mr. Adams' Secretary, deducting payments on accountof award under the Treaty of Ghent, for slaves captured by the British, during the 'late war the money for which purpose was paid over to our government by the British government, and by our government paid out to the owners of captured slaves, not being properly an expenditure of the Government, but a mere matter of agency, or passage of money through the treasury, having no bearing upon tho economy or extravagance of any administration. Mr. Ingham, then, says that the whole expenditures of 1627, under Mr. Adams, amounted to 22,656,761 04 From which deduct payment on account of awaid under the treaty of Ghent 398,646 73 Expenditures of 1823 25,485 213 00 ' Deduct award as above 790,060 50 24,695,14 4 50 46,953,261 81 Mr. Ingham also says, that the whole expenditures of 1829, under Gen. Jackson, amount to 25,044,358 40 Deduct award as above 9,033 38 25,035.325 02 Expenditures fo1830 (no payment on award.) 25,086,941 82 50,132,266 84 fcFrom which deduct Mr.JAdauis's two years' expenditures i 46,953,2C1 61 Leaving 3,179,005 03 And we have a balance of more than THREE MILLIONS OF DOLLARS against General Jackson. So that if we take either the statements of President Adams and President J ackson, in their Messages to Congress, or the Reports of their Secretaries, still we make out an excessive expenditure against Gen. Jackson of more than THREE MILLIONS OF DOLLARS. It may be proper to stato the expenditures are given in the report as estimates, not only for the last, but for the three first quarters of 1830, although tho three first quarters had terminated sometime before the report was made, and the amount might, consequently, have been ascertained to a certainty so that if thene be any mistake in the estimated expenditures of that year, General Jackson's Secretary must be accountable for it, and not we. Now if the editor of the Mail has better authority for invalidating the correctness of our statement, that, we have produced to sustain it, let him offer it. We do not, be it understood, quote Gen. Jackson and his Secretary, because we think them the best authority ; but because we know he dare not object to their evidence. There is one trait in our neighbor's editorial to which we positively object that is, his profuse use of profession of fairness and frankness of regard for truth and the welfare and good of the people. We have remarked that the greatest coward is generally the greatest braggart that the greatest rogue prates most about honesty and that the greatest demagogue talks most and cares least about the rights and interests and good of the people. We do not, however, pretend to say that th analagy holds good in the present instance. But we do say that on tho score of professions, the editor of the Mail is extremely vulnerable, as we shall show byjreference to a case, bearing on a subject to which much space is devoted in his last paper. In the course of last summer, in discussing the comparative payments made on account of the public debt, by Mr. Adams and Gen. Jaekson, he used this language : " Who then are the people to believe ; some editors say forty-five millions have been 'paid off' others that the debt has been ' diminished thiity millions The Jacksonians say the debt has onlv been reduced about TWENTY-FIVE MILLIONS and for the truth of their statements, they appeal to the report of Mr. Adams' own Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Rush they do not rely upon newspaper evidence they go to the fountain head and their statements will be found true." From tho positive tone of this appeal to "the report of Mr. Adams's own Secretary of the Treasury" " to the fountain head" one. would suppose that the editor of the Mail must have been very confident of the tenablenessofthe ground to which he appealed just as confident and not more so, than he now seems to be in .contradicting our statement. And does Mr. Rush's report sustain him? Not at all. Exactly the reverse. It proves him to be out in his calculation mora than FIVE MILLIONS, in the prinoipaljto say nething of nearly FIFTEEN MILLIONS of interest, paid on accouut of the public debt; which, together, amount to a mistake of only about TWENTY MILLIONS. A very trifling mistake truly for the editor of the Mail. But let us hear Mr. Rush, the party to whom the appeal is so confidently made. He says: "There was naid in 1825. nn arrmint nf h Al,t the sum of twelve millions ninety-nine thousand and inriy-iour dollars and seventy-eight cents. In 1826, there were paid eleven millions thirty-nine thousand four hundred and forty-four dollars and sixtv rent. .11 from surplus revenue : in 1827 ten millions ene thou. oand five hundred and eighty-five dollars and ninrti. eieht cents from surnliiR revnnue ; anri in lft-)4 tUAM 1 - - ! - . ... . uwl'i inrig will have been paid by the close of the year, also from surplus revrnur, twelve minions one hundred and sixty-three thousand five hundred and sixty-six dollars and ninetv rents, makinv fnr th fmn :.-.. ..- million three hundred and Uiree. thousand six hwiarea and Jorty-kro dollms, twenty-six cents. Of this sum. thirtu millions three kumi 'mi nn it .....,. tk - , - i.iiy-t(rrc thousand on hundred and eighty-eight dollars and one cent, were applied to the principal and fourteen millions one hundred and thirtv tKn.,.inrl r... k.. rired and fifty-four dollars and twentv-five cents to the interest of the debt, the whole of the former having gone towards the reduction of that part of it which bears an interest nf six per cent."