Wabash Express, Volume 19, Number 18, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 4 April 1860 — Page 1

nvn 71 4 0 WHOLE NO. 917. TERRMAUTE. INDIANA. APRIL 4. i860, VOL. XIX. NO. 18

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WABAS

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A (rcat Spctcli. LINCOLN IN NEW YORK.

CPrro Ihe Xem York Trlhiiue, Feb. 2c lU ) Tbc Uou. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinoi, the great antagonist of Senator Douglai, gave last eveniog, in the Cooper Institut , a lecture on National l'oli'ic. Although there was an admission fee for the benefit of llii" Plymouth Churrli courts of lecture. the seit of the great hull were nearly all filled, and a large numWr of people preferred standing to sitting in Ihr rear seats. Lrjcm the platform were Kx Gov. John A. King, David Dudley Field. Win. C. Bryaut.Geu J tue W. Nye, Alms-House Governor Iaae J. Olirer and Washington Sinith. E. Delafield Smith, t)r. 3. Loan berry, A.J. Dittenhoefbsr, , Judge E. D. Culver, Theodore Tilt n, Thoicas B. Stilliaiu, Samuel Sinclair, J 3 Gibbons; in fine, it was crowded with distinguished Rrpnblicans. A considerable number of ladies graced the occasion by their pr-s nee.

Mr. L.oeoln w escoried into the ro.iu , to correct principle, and their oath to n.,. by David Dudley Field and Wm. C. Uryant, port tha Constitution, would have couamidloud aud p'rolonged applause. Mr. ' htraincd them to oppose the prohibition. P- i j i . Again, Georgo Wahingfon. another of the neiasaia. i "thirty-tiine," was then President of the FtLLow Uarfaucasa: I be,j leave to j United State, and, as such, approved and nominate as Chairman ol this meetin(r a i ,iged the bill, thus completinjf its validity Republican whom you all know well j a9 a iaw aoj tj,s 8hwiK that, io hi un William CuIIen Brrant. Cheers. Th se . derstandinir, no lit e dividing local fro n

of yo i who are in favor of Mr. Uryant vill , Those of you who are not in laror win say Ho. Silence There is no No ter and applause. Lauh Mr. Bryant, on taking the chair, said Sk m a ft sm .a l Alf fnn.i it. im m irrftfAitii nrhi thüf I ; perform in introdueinir to vou at this time I an eminent citizen of tb t West whom you j know, or whom yon have known hithorto only by fame, but who has consented to address a New York assemblage this erenlDg. The Great West, my irieads, is a potent auxiliary iu the battle we arefi;;ht in; for Freedom against Slavery; in behalf of civilization against barbarism; for the occupation of some of the fairest regions of AM 9 .nntin.nl r r mm V inti I h. ...r lap j ... cow building their cabins. I say a hi-her I and axtiser agency than that of manic the I i fiii-j . i i ' e filled with a hardy ....... - v ttuir iuu uiig uiiru wuu uui uuuii. i latioo the vat and fertile region which is the western part of the Valley of the j sissippi, a race of men who are not J .mad till ikol. ith ih.ir nBrn ! i or nil. - - - . i (forms Missiasi ashamed tn till their aere with their own ! hand and whn nnl.l K aahamad In anK- . ist by the labor of the lav. Cheen.-I

These children of the West, my frit nds, j congress were three or the "thirty-oine' form a living bulwark againat theadTance I ho rramed .le Ceostitution.of slavery, and from them is recruited the Jhey fere, John Langdon, George Reed, vanguard of the armies of Liberty. A.p-lBd Abraham Daldw.n. They all, probplauac.l One of them will appear before b,v- oted for it. Ceru.nly they would yoo thia evening. I present to you a gal-j h"e P1?"1 t,he.,r oppo.itioii to it upon lam soldier of the political campaign cf "cord, ,f ,n their unrstandiog, any line 1856. who then rendered good service to j dividing local (rora Federal anthority.or tb. Republican cause, and who has since "Jthing in the Constitution, properly forbeen the champion of that cause ir the J badf the Federal Government to control as truggle Which look place two years later ; AJerJ n lvderl territory In 1603 ik. :.!.. v-..:.t,......f n the federal Government purchased the

linois, who took the field then afainsl W .UV BUWICUI.vl ... IIJO UCJCt.lbUIB 1.1 11 I Uouelas, and who would have then the victory hu for the unjust apportion- . - . . . i man! law nf tha Stat law of the State, which allowed a ! v. wu jp.. i c.ct ui.jor.iy r .i i . . i. : :. , ,.s.,..... . m.j,j j to anneunce the name of Ab-aham Ltncolu , oi lue legislature. 1 nave oaiy , inj irieuus, of Illinois loud cheering I have only to pronounce his name, to secure your profoundest attentioo. Continued applause, and "Three cheers for Abraham Lincoln." Mr. Lixcolm then, after prolonged applause, said: .Mr. Pretidtnt mud fellow eitizemt of N. Yrk: The facti with which I ahall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the inferences and observations following that presentation. THE (JUESTIOX DEVISED. In his speech last Autumn, at Celum bus, Ohio, as reported io the N . Y. Times, Senator Douglaa aaid: "Our fathers, when they framed the Gov ernment ander which we live, understood i this question just as well, and even better, than we do now." ' I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a j text for this discourse. 1 as adopt it because it furnishes a precise and ao agreed starting point for a discussion betw eea Republicans and that wing of the Democracy , headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: "What was the underStanding those falhera had of the question mentioned?" What is the frame of Governrueut nnder which we live? The answer must be: "The Constitution of the United States." That Constitution consists of t he original, framed in 1787 (and nnder which the present Government first went into operatioo), and twelve subsequently franjd amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789. Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the thirty-nine' who aigned the original instrument may be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present Govrnment. It is almost exactly true to aay they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the opinion and eutiraent of the whole nation at that lime. Their names being familiar to r early all, nd accessible to quite all, need not now be repeated. I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as bcinjp "our fathers who framed the Government under which wt live." TBS IaSCK. What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers understood just as wall, and even better than we do no w ? It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal anthority.or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Govern went to control as to Slavery in our Federal Territories? Upon this Do-jglae holds the affirmative, and Republicans the negative. TL is affirmative and denial form an issue; aad this issue this question is precisely what the text declare our fath ers understood better than we. Let us now inauire whether the "thirty-nina" or anv of them, ever acted upon this qoes tion; and if they did, how they acted upon . J ..LLiiii.. ..L. t bow taey expressed in ai utiici uaucitaading. TUE FACTS Or HtSTOnV. In 1784 three years before the Constitution the United States then owning the Northwestern Territory, and n3 other the Congress of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that Territory ; and four of the thirty nine" who afterward framed the Constitution were iu that Congress, and voted on that question. Of thrse, Rogei Sherman, Thomas Mifflin and Hugh Williamson voted for the prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding-, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anytnitig eise, pio Tierly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal Territory. The other of the four JameH McHenry voted against the prohibition, showing that tot some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. . , In 1787, still before the Constitution, hut while the Convention was in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory stUl was the only territory owned by the United States, the same question of prohibiting slavery in the Territ-ry again came before Ihe Congress of the Confederation ; and three more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed the Constitution, were in Jhat Congress, and voted on the question Tbey were Wiiliam Blount, William Jew, and Abraham uaiawm; ana lot tbc prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding, no linn dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else. , ... V i i nATPM.ment properly forbade IL J 0,"njS 1 trt control as to Slavery in Federal territory. This time the prohibition became a law, be- - . a mfm a Iks ing a part of what is now wi II known as the Ordinance or&7- The question of Federal -eentrol of slavery in the Territories seems üot to have been directly before the Convsn-

I tion which framed the original Constitu ' tion; and hence it is not recorded that the , "thirty nine," or any of them, while cngagcd ou that instrumeut, expressed any op-n

loiionmai precise question in hcj, vj the first Congress which sat under the Con stitution, an act was panned to enforce the Ordinance- oFo7 including the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill forthin act was reported by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsmimons, then a Member of the Houttc of Representativos from 1'innsvlvaui.i. It went through all its stages without a word of opposition, and finally passed both brauche without yea- and oars, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this Congress there were sixteen of the "thirty nine" fathers who framed the original Constitution. They were: Joha Langdon, Nicholas Oilman, Wm. S. Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, George Clymer. Geo reo It cad. Thos. Fitzimnums, William Few Abraham Haid win, Rufus King, Willian Patterson, Richard Basset, Fierce Cutler, Daniel Carroll, James Madison, This shows that, in their understanding, no jne dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, roiiei ly forbade Congress to prohibit .slavery iu Federal authority, nor anythinj; in the Con stitution, forbade the Federal Oflvrmment ! lu til in ui Ol i'j mal ri r u i ruuai iciiuui t , : Xoirroat while after the adaption of the original Constitution. North Carolina. -fl.-il I I to the Federal Government the country now I tAriaf ll III in IT T llA MflraAf Tennessee; and ai ..." i,vmsl vB ,ew years later ueorgia ceueu inai wuicn now c0n9tttutes the states of Mis,.?s.ppi and Ill UU1U UITU1 VI laiU II 111 made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal Government shoul.fnot prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Uesidc this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, Congress on taking chargo of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. Rut they did interfere with it take 0"tr( it-even there, to a rert In Congress orffanired the certain extent. Territory . . T m . . u ., ........ . - . . oi itiississirtni. in tnn act or orpanicarion iinpv nrn iiMri tha iirinopmir nf el ii i nin I JlTie Te,riitory' roal anJ P'ac ln.td States, by fine, aud gr to slaves so brought. - r t -" .m.v without the I giving freedom i to slaves so brought Thia ad DaSSe J bo1 h branches of C on- : reM w"hout Yeas and v-. r - iiniii tu iiii -a b t Louisiana eounlrv. Our former territorial I acouisitions came from certain of our States: I mi. ml. i.Ani.i.n. ........ -nr mm a.n n i rat. l ,"WnV nZ2::"Z 1 Ir . u." V"'1" gave a t erritorial organizaiion io mai pari nfitwhi:h now constitutes the State of - . si,.,I pave a 1 erritorial organization to mat nan i Loniaiana NewOrleans lvini? within that J" ,'"na f eI urlea 1 ' .w;. , "

part, wii io ma iua comparaiireiy large "'"l",j city. There were other considerable towns I amendments and this act prohibiting Sliand settlements, and alayery was exten- i very iu all the Territory the nation then ively and thoroughly intermingled with j owned. The Constitutional amendments , ! the people. Congress did not. in the Ter- were introduced before and passed after

' rm - - - - l ritorial act, prohibit slavery ; but they did interfere with it take control of it in a more marked and extensive way than they did in the of Mississippi. The substance of the provision therein made, iu relation to slaves, was; Fir$t That no stave should be imported iatothe Territory from foreign parts. Scctnd That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into the United States since the first day of May Third That so slave spould be carried i

into It, except by the owner, and for bis this day to amrm that the two things which Sown USB as a settler the penalty iu all ! that Congress deliberately framed, and careases being a fine upon the violator of the J ned to maturity at the same time, are ab law, and freedom to the slave. " , solutely incousisteut with each other? TKia ant aim tv? nKspd without Y i And does not auch sfllrmatiou become im-

Nay- In the Congress which passed it, I there were two of the "thirty nine-" They 1 were Abraham Raldwin and Jonathan i Dayton. As stated iu the case of Mississippi, it is probable they both voted for it. j ihey would not nave anowea iuo pass i without recording their opposition lo it, if, in their understanding, it violated either : the line properly dividing local from Federal authority or any provision of the Constitution. . t a . n ctn ...... i .t. II.. id leu .entile. ai..i passeu, ine sotiri question. Many votes were taken by ! eas and Nays, in both branches of Con-, Kre.s. upon the var.ous phases of thege.i . eralquestioo. Two of the "thirty nine liuius King and unar.e, rincauey-w.re srv t tr-t a tn . members of that Congress steadily voted for slavery prohibition, and against all compromises By thia Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dfvidiotr local from Federal author Ity, nor anything in the Constitut.on, wa. violated by congress proaiouinz oiavery in Federal Terrimrv: while Mr. Ftncknev. lerruory; wurnuir. huckiicj, k tiia vtta itinaprl that in hia tinrler ' mf W mf w WJ , staBding here was some sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. SCSI at AaT OF MS f ACTS CCN'Ctf Slo.V jaaaaSISTIBLE. The eases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. To enumerate the persons who thos acted, as beim; four in 1784 three in 1737, seventeen in 17 89, three in 1793. two in 1804. and two in 1819-20 there would be thirty one of tbem. But this would be counting John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King and George Resd, each twice, and Abraham Baldwin four times. The true number of those of the "thirty-nine," whom I have ahown to have acted upon the question, which, by the text, they understood better

than we, Is twenty three, leaving sixteen j idy in whatever our fathers did To do so not shown to have acted upon it in any j would be to discard all the lights of curway. Here then, we have twenty -three of i rent experience to reject all progress all

our"thirty nioe" fathers who Ira med the i . i. :-U -i,t uovernmeni, uuuer mm wc h. ii i I aa nnnn inair ninriai ihiiiiiibi 1 1 1 1 1 1 v upon meir oiucibi reiwuiuin.i and their cornoral oaths, acted upon the

Very question Which the text amrms tney i g0 clear, that even their great authority, "understood just as well, and even better, j fairly considered and weighed, cannot than we do now;" and twenty-one of them j stati-J; and moat surely not iu a case where a clear majority of the whole "tLirty - j of we ourselves declare they understood nine so acting upon it as to make them . ihe question better than we. If any man, guilty of gross political impropriety, and j at this day, sincerely belives that a proper wilful perjury, if, in their underatanding, division of local from Federal authority, any proper division between between local or any part of the Constitution, forbids the and federal authority, or anything in the J Federal Governmedt to control as to Slarnnstitutiou thev had made themselves, j Verv in the Federal Gorernment, he is riifht

and sworn to support, forbade the federal irovfrnroetil no control as lo slavery lo me federal territories. Thus the twenty one acted; and a actions speak louder man mit., .ii anions under such responmbili ty apeak still louder. Two of the twenty j three voted against Cougressioaal prohibi tion of slavery in the lederai territories, m the insanee in which they acted upon the question. But for what reasous tbey so voted ia not known. They may have done ao because they thought proper division of local from federal anthority.or some provision or principle of the Consti. tution stood in the way ; or they may, without any auch question have voted against the prohibition, on what appeared to them to be aufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can conscientioualy vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient he may lilnlr if hut nn mit an d ouzht to vote azainst a measure which he deems consti tu lonai, H, at me same uiue, inexpedient. It.therefore.would.be unsafe " 7 . ,i. , Jk TOted tutional, if. at the same time, he deema it to set down even the two who votea against the prohibition, ae having done so because ia their understanding, aoy prop er diviaion of local from Federal authority, or inythiof la the Constitution, forbade

the Federal Gorernment to control as to slavery in the Federal Territory. The remaining sixteen of the "thirty nine, so far as I have discovered, have left tio record of their understanding t:pon the direct question of Federal control of slavery in the Federal territories. Hut there is much reason to believe that their under standing upon lLat question would iml have appeared different from that of their twDty-lhrce compeers, had it been manifested at all. For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omit ted whatever understanding may have been

manifested, by any person, however di . -ii .1 .1 " ,i .i . . t . iiniruine.i, omer man win ininy nine id the?, who framed the .ritrinal Constitution ... i r. .t , t i, 1,. ...j -.1 A i:.... . .... I..... im . .ill iiivt namr ir asiin. a i ii i n i i w i u i l ' been manifested bv.nvof the"tl,irlv nine" even, on any other phase of the cenetsl question of slavery. If we should look into their act and declarations on those o'.her pha-ee. as the foreign slave trade, and the morality and policy of aUrery generally, it would appear to us that ou the direct question of Federal control f slavery in . . .1 redrral rrrntories. the sixteen, it they j hid acted at all, would probst Ay have acted jut as the twenty three did . Amon that sixteen were several of the most ii td ' anti slavery men of those times a Dr Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, md Gov ; ernor Morris while there was not one not be,.l,a fr,,. ...I.a,,;a It LiVi IIVV John RutlMlf of South Carolina. The a ii v ii av, v I i t i v : . u T- 190 mtt . sum of the whole is, that of our "thirtyn.ue (tbers who framed the original Co..B'itution, twcntune a clear majority of the wholt certaitdy uudersto'id that no proper division of local from Federal authority, nor anv part of the Constitution, forbade tha Federal Government to con trI Uverv in the Federal Territories. -uiir i. mo in-i . ...... . .m understanding. Jvicli, unquesliooably Ii th uniirrklanilinir r.f nur falhera rhu framed the original Constitution ; anl the! text affirms that, they understood the i ... .. ... f :

quesuon nttu r man we. , ,, - . r lion, wp shou'd thfteby casetobe secAbDiTioxaL raour. ' tion.il. You cannot escape this conclusion, Uut, so far, 1 hav been considering the ; a"d yet are you willing to abide by it? understanding of the qu.-.ion msnifrited ! ' 30'1 Ore. J OU will proVally Soon find by the framers of the original Constitution j thai we have cead to b- sectional, for Iu, and by the original instrument, a mode w "hall get votes tn your action this was provided for amending it; and, u I ! very year. You will then begin to disbave already stared, the present frame of j f over, as the truth plainly is, thai, your Government under which w live consist i proof does not touch the isue Th fact of that original, and twelve amendatory ar I that we get no voes in your -rrlion, is a lieles formed and adopted since. T"ho-.e j f""1 of your mskinir, and not of ours. And who now insist that Federal control of sla- ' then? be a fault in that fuel that fault is

"C,J in Federal Territories violates the ! .i,. .:;.... which they suppose it thus violntes; and. vuimuiuiivu . uvun us i mi- humiivki . . . ... 84 ' unuerstanu, tney an nx upon provisions in these amendatory articles-, and not ' ,D lne or'g'nal instrument. I he Supreme ; uourt. in tno urea saoti case, r ani mem - , " " - ... selves uDon tho fifth amendment, which provides that "no person ahall be !epri j ved of property without due process pf I law:" while Senator Douirlas and his pe ! cnliar adherents plant themselves upon the , tenth amendment, providing that "the ', powers not granted by the Constitution, t - are reserved to the btates respectively, and to tho people." Now, it so happen that these amendments were framed by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution the identical Congress which passed the act Wready mentioned. tUIOTCing the pro hibition of Slavery in the North-Weitem . ri i iiui v. u i. kii i t n . i h . 11 n.uiD wu.i rress. but they were the identical, same in- i I? "m'i .1 - : uoiuuni iutu wuo, iuu aui "mwu. . and at th um. time withit. the aea.ion ' had under consideration, and in progress ai,i ,,J rwti,,rnnl ! . - Ä .. - the act enforcing the Ordinance of 'b7; so that during the whole pendency of the act to eniorce iseurainance.tne uonsiuuiion- t al amendments were also pendinj. That Congress, consisting in all of seventy six j membeis, including sixteen of the framers ! of the original Constitution, as before Sta- ! ted, were pre eminently our fathers who I fr.mu.l llinf. narl rtf ttio dfvorrnuit tm.lur I . I ..... V V. ...HW g u . . v. mv J w VI ..(-. ....v.... j i which we live, which is now claimed as 1 t forbidding the Federal Government to con- t 1 trol Slavery in the Federal Territories. la it ot little presumpttuus in any one at pudeutly absurd when coupled with the other affirmation, from the same mouth, lhatthose who did the two things alleged to oe inconsistent, uuuhuuu w uinr mey , really were inconsistent, better than we j ucmctiujh c n uiuui luiumi m iu consisieut, i Mose raoor STILL It is surtly safe to assume that the " thirly nine framers of the original Constitutiou, and the seventy six members of the nAnnr.a. vliirK framad th Ainpnitinwnt m n m-k taken togethtr .lo certainly ind h b(J fairl caHed our fa vh f d (bt uoder . c. And go as-UHjin , de. 0Qe of tbem UH.U,C "" S.u,", "I'.rr ''" cat from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Gov- ! , ernmentto control as lo Slavery io tha Fed al Tmilorrie,. l a le ' furlh. l , i:: "e,Jf "UJ l" V" an livinr man , . A. ' y nr;r lMli.K.,7;nin t VI " ' " . . . B of the present century, cand 1 might al- , P tegining of the last F f in bis understanding, any proper division ; of local from Federal authority, or aoy part i of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to controal as to Slavery in the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare, I give, not only "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live." but with them all other living men within the century in w hich it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with tbem. 11 JW rA&THK WUPOM or THE rATUERS saOLLD cosTaoL ws. Now, and heie, let me guard a little

a?anst beiog misunaersiooa. l ao cot : of destructiveness ajjamst us, are oased on s li .(. a . a a.

! mean to say we are bound lo follow implic j improvement. What I dosay is, that if we i.. .u . mt; wouiu suppiaui, i. ...u.m r..T i mi-ss lainora in ii v i-ma- vav vs 1 1 1 1 1 : in mi Hit . ol OUT lamer IU any case, we siiuv" uo so ; nn idenea so conclusive, and argument to say so, and enforce his position by all j , truthful evidence and fair argument which j jie Can. But he has no right to mislead i others, who have less access to nistory anu less leisure to study it, into the false be lief that "our fathers, who framed the Goverumect under which we live," were of the y 'L' --....I... .: r.i.-i 1 same opinion mus auosiiiuiiug taisruoou and deception f r truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this dy sincerely belives "our lathers, "vho framed the Government under which we live," need and applied principles, in other esses which ought to have led them to understsnd that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control as lo Slavery in the Federal Tertitories, he is right lo say so. But he should, at the same time, brave the responsibility ef declaring that, in his opinion, he understands their principles tetter than they did themselves: and especially should be not shirk that responsibility by asserting that tbey "understood the question just as well, and even better, than we do now." But enough. Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live, udderstood this question just as well, and even better than we do now," speak; as they spoke, and

a th'-y acted upon it. This in 11 Repnbli cans ask all Republicans desire in rcla-

tion to Slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an eril not to be extended, hut to be tolerated and pro tected only because of and no far at its ac tual rreM-iire among u makes that tolera tion and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties th-ee fathers gave it, bo not crudirincly, but fully and fairly, main tained. For thin Republicans contend, and with this, so far ns I know or believe. they will be content. a rr.xe m eans to tbk sovtu. t Ai'u now ii viiev wouiu usieo as i iuu And now if they would listen as I i .. ... -, i i . u. . r POM thej Will hot-I Would address I few i words to the uthem people. 1 would 1 ... . 1 : i . . 1 I attV- til I linin I aii - t-. a . f ut ! B"J o "'em. "u riusiier yourniiTes - .-. ! ""enable and jft people; and I coi.a.der It'll III I ho fyiifrt 1 Analkl ua ä rAtsli.rt a rt r j juMtice you are not inferior to any other peo pie. Mill, when yotinp.ak of us Kepub licans.you do sooiily to denounce us as a reptiles, or at the best, as no better than outlaws. You will rant a heariu; to pirates or murderers, but uothiuff like it to lUack Republicans In all your conten lions with one another, each of you deems sn ottconditioitHi Coinlemnstion of" Black Republicanism " as the first thingtobe at tended to Indeed, such condemnation of us ( ems t be an indisponsablo prerequisite icens.', fo t. peak amon-j you to . a a . . . 1 t" Of p f Til 1 1! 4f J LO Pt)it altU. . . I i a ow, cn you or i.oi. nc pwauea opoa lu I'"". ' w. .....r i,... !au!" I''1 ,0 r eTeU 10 JOUraelfM?- .'.... -1 . u jwua iii.i k mm p iure i lie a - t lions, and then and then be patiint lon enough to her us deny or ja-litv. i ou say we are :ictionI 'e deny it. That makes an I isue; and the burden of proof Is upon ijou You produce your proof ; and what i'T vihv.thst our party has no existI'f hi your ffd loo t;ets no roie in your ' 1 ...... ..... Tl.. t..i 1j ...w m . i sit i ion i nr i ni i i nu'i'iiiii4biy true; I l.ut .loea it provo ihe is-iiie? If it does, !.l i-.... - . I. ..I. . . m "'T" V v"7 wr " c""nKe ' Dtiiictitle. heiiu to fet vo es in nur iiy. primarily yours, au I remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you " Ul "" fult is ours, but this brings you to where ougnv 10 nave .mrieu 10 a uiscussion - """ ";"' f w "-K o principle, n our principle, put in practice, would wrong . a . . . - t yur sectin for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then ou.- principle, and j we wun u, are sectional, ana are jusiiy 1 t a Sa. opposed ana ocuouiiCr;! as auch. Meet us, then, on the question ol whether our prin ciple, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meot it as tf it were posst ble that fomething may be said on our side. Do you accept lhj callnge? No? Then you n ally believe that the principle which our father who framed the Government under which we live, thought so charly right as to adopt it, aud indorse it nguin ind apain, upon their omcial oaths, is, In ft. so clearly wrong as to demand your eon.leninalioii without n moment's ronM.l eration wAt-uiNoros a vabewill address. Some of you delight t flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in bis Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved and signed an act of Congress, enforcing the prohibition Ä, .i...,. 7n , vArtu -.e,.-n" t;.,. !.... uj- j .u i.-' o.' I ernment upon that subject, up to and at the very moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he . V. . J i j wrote to La rayette that he considered that prohibition a wise tneasuie, expressing io the same connection his hope that we should some time have a confederacy of free States. Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon mis same suujeci, is mat warning a 1 weapon in your hands airaiust us, or in our 'hands against you? Could Washington j himself speak, would he cast the blame of ! that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his i policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We i respect that warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with bis exatuple pointing to the rieht application of jt ' . WHO ARK TUE CONSERVATIVES,? But you 81J you are conservative eminently conservative while we are revolu tionary. destructive, or something of the sort. What is conservatism? Is it not adhereuce to the old and tried against the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the Government "under . . " which we live; whileyou with one accord thing new. True, you dissgre amonyourselves as to what that substitute shall be. You have considerable variety of new j propositions ' d Plsns bat y0U are unanI J 0 . - policy of the fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave coie for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Ter ritories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the Judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-in-ciple" that "if ono man would enslave another, no third man should object." fantastically called "Popular Sovereignly ;" but never a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery iu Federal Territories, accordiog to the practice of our falhera who framed the Government under which we live- Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our Government originated. Consider, then, whether vour claim of conj servaiism for yourselves, and your charge the most clear and stable foundations. WHO MAKES THE SLA VEST Ql'KSTIOX PEOMSLA VEST IXKM ? Again, you say we have made the sla ! very que-t:on more prominent than it lor- . -. - We deny it. We admit that , . - . . ,l..il.i : 11 more piuiuiue.u, uu " 4ruJ c made it so It was not we, but you, who discarded the eld policy ef the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your inoovavation ; and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former proportiou! lio back to that old policy What hasten will be again, under the sameCOUditions. If you Would have the peace of the old tiroes, re adopt the pre cepls and policy of the old times ABOt'T IXSt aatCTIO.V AND .JOHN IsROWS. You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. Wc deny it; and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! Jehu Brown ! ! John Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his Haiper's Ferry enterprise. f any member of our pnrty is guilty in that matter, yovffcfiow it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable to not designate. the man and prove the fact. If you do not ltiiow it. you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially to persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told that persisting in a tharge which one does not know to be true, is simply malicious slan der. Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the llaper's Ferry .Bffair; but still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such result s. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make no declaration, which were not held to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live. You never ; dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. i When it occurred, some important State 1 elicuons were ueni uunu, anu you wciv act Ha evidsnt gUe with tb belisl tha, by

charging the blame upon us, you could get

an au vantage ol us iu those election, i he elections came, and vour expectations were not quite fulfilled, hvery Republican man anew inai, as to mm sell at least, your cnargu w sa Mander, and he was not much inclined it to cast his vote in your favor. Republic n doctrines and declarations are accompai .ed with a contiuual, protest agaituvt a y interference whatever with your fiaves, 01 with you about your slaves' SurcJy, this does not encourago them to revolt. True, wo do, in common with our fathers who framed the Government under which wo live, declare our belief that Slave Zis wrong; but the slaves do not hear us clare even this. For anything we say or ao, me slaves would scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us, in their heai lag. In your political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with sympathy with black Republicanism; and then to give point to the charge, defines Rlack Reniuiicanism to simpiy do insurrection, blood and thunder among the slaves. Slavs insurrections are nomorc common now than they were before the Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which nt least three times as many lives were lost as nt Harpcr'a Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your vtry elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was got up by Black Republicanism. In Ho present state of things in the United States, I do not think a general, or even a very ex tensive slave insurrection, is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no meaus of rapid communication; uorcan incendiary free men, black or white, supply it. The txnlosivc mnterials are everywhere in parcefs: but there neither are nor can be supplied, the indispensable counecting trains Much is Raid by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot lor an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty indi- . a . w viauais oeiore some one ol them, to 8aveth life of a favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the revolu tion in Ilaytl was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected with slaves was more iu point. In that case, only about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, i and, by consequence, averted the calamity. ' Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, j and open or steilthy assassinations in the field, and local revolts extending to a score or 80, will continue to occur as the natural results of Slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for along time. V howeverrauch fears, or much hopes, for such an event.will be alike disappointed. In the language of air. jenerson, uttered many years a-jo,"it is !. . - tstillin our power to direct the process of emancipation aud deportation, peaceably, and in such islow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly and their places be, pasii passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature ovist shudder at the prospect held up." Mr. Jefferson did not mean io say. nor do i. mat t ie nower of emancipation is in ihe Federal Govern- j raent. He spoke of Viririuia: and. as to ; Ihe power of emancipation, I speak of the slavcholding States only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist has the power, of restraining the extension of the j institution the rower to insure that a i slave insurrection shall never occur on any American aoil which is now free from Slavery. John Brown's efforts was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt amomr slaves, in which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd. .. - -. that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. 1 hat stlair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attemps. related in history, at me assassination oi Kings and . a rr nor. ore. An enthusiast broods over the oppress:on of a people, till ha fancies himpeople, till self commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little less than in his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon, and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry, were, io their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and on New EngnwA in 1 1 A .tlnl Anna nnl 4!crirVA ia sameness of the two things. Aud how much would it avail you. if you could, by th UK a nf.Ir.hn Brown. Heiner' hoot and j the like, break up the Republican orgaui ration 7 Human act on can be mod Med to some exteut, but human nature cannot be changed, ihere is a judgment aud a feel ing against Slavery in this nation, which

cast at least a million and a half votes. aware tney nave not, as yet, to terms, deYotl cannot destroy llut judgment and manded.the overthrow of our Free State feeling that sentiment by breaking up Constitutions. et those Constitutions dethe political organisation which rallies i clar the wrong of Javery, with more solaround it. You can scarcely scatter and ! emu, emphasis, than d. all other aayinge

disperse au army which has beeu formed j aga'Dt it; ana when ail these other sayinto order in the face of your heaviest fire; 'ngs shall have been silenced, the over- ... a a ' .. I V....-a t äk.a.A 1 m. a I a. a I I I B - J

but if you could, now much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which ere a ted il out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some othiy channel?--What would that other channel probably be? Would the number of John Brown a be lessened of enlarged by the per tion ? 0ISS0LVI THE fXlON? Butyo'. will break up the Uuion, rather than s--.orr.it to a denial of your Constitutional rights. That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, il not fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to deprive you of some right, plainly written down in the Constitution. But we are proposing no such thing. When you make these de clarations, you have a specific and wellunderstood allusion to ao assumed Consti....s t -I., ... .1 :.. imiouai iiuiii. ui juurn, iu b&? aiavra 1111, the Federal Territories and to hold them there as property. But no such right is specifically written in the Coslitution. That instrument is literally silent about aoy auch right. We, on the contrary, deuy that such a right has any e is teure in the Constitution, even by implication. Vour purpose, then, plainly stated, is, that you will destroy the Government, unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution as you please, ou all points in dispute between you and us. You will ruleorruin in all events. Thia, plainly stated, is yoijr language to us. perhaps you will say tha Supreme Const has decided the disputed Constitutional que-tion inyourfayor. Notuiteso. But waiving the lawyers' distinction between dictum anil rtMiaian. the Court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. The Court have substantially said, it IS your

l-WllCT..,. .-.... I . !..: II.

W?:"VW"?J """"V " Wh V ... as property. nep say me uwisiou - t a a. was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in a divided Court by a bare nnjonanother about its meanirg; rtn I that it was . mainly based upou a mi-.iskeiistateme.it of

1 wr .if ilia lnHiToc ami thev not finite airree

I.V. ... WWM.&.VU.WU. J - 1

ing with one another in the reasons lor grouod between the right and m.king it; that it is so made as hat its w R,a Mfch fo; a ,lau

' .. - . .-. " ' CUUIIIIBUIC9 SUlll CI 'llllif IUI

aVOWed supporters uisagrec mm 110

racl-inesiaieroeiaininetp.ni.n,nui-i,eca-esucha. Unon ,ppMi.( beseeching rightof property in u -l.ven di-nnctly ' lrue Uniot, wtnl0 T,clJ a JJisunionists,

anu rijuvs-ij nii .i.'-i, i.i .. v U. .- tion .'" An inspection of Ihe Cmis' itutton will (how that the right of property in a slave is not distinctly and expressly afliroed in it. Bear io mind the Judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such rieht ia impliedly affirmed io the Constitution ; but they pledge their veracity that it is distinctly and expressly affirmed there " distinctly" that is.uot mingled with anything else "expressly" that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of do other meaning. i tbey had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right Is affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to show thst neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the Constitution, nor the wo'd "property" even, in any connection With language alluding to the things slave or slavery, aoi that whenever io that in

wuoitni ine aiave is alluded to, he is called a "person;" and wherever his mas ter'n legal right in relation to him is allu ded to, it is tpoketi of as "service or labor due," a "debt" payable In service or la bor. Ali-o. it would be oneti to show, bv cotcmporaueous history, that thia mode of alluding toslavea and slavery, instead of epeaiing oi mem, was employed on purpose to excluded from tho Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. To show all thia, is easy and certaio. When this obvious mistake of the Judges shall be brought to their notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will with wmw me nusiaaeu aiaicment, and n con sider the consluston based upon ii? And then it is to be r. membered that "our fath ers who framed the government under which we live" the men who made tbc Constitution decided this same constitutional question io our favor, lorn? a-o d. cided it without a division among themlves wheu making the decision; without divisiou amoDir themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, and ao far as my evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts. unde oder all these circumstances, da vou real ly feel yourselves justified to break Government, tttiletis such a court deision as yours is shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political ac tion? Uut you will not abide the eleetinn of a Republican President, In that sun posed event, you say, you will destroy the Lnton; and then, you say. the n-reat erin. of having destroyed it will be upon us That iscool. A highwayman holds a pistol to mr ear. mutt. r iSr.,.mt, t.;. . .,i. , -. ,- 7, -i" ii stand and deliver, or I shall kill vnn and then you will be a murderer." Tobe sure, what the robber demanded nf m. my money was my own: and I h-l a rl-.r right to keep itjbutitwas no more my own than my vote is my own; and the threat of death to roe, to extort my money, and the mreai or ueatruclion lio the Union, to ex. tort my vote, can scarcely b diatiniruisb ed in principle. a raw wods to beplbi-ica.vs. A few words now to ReDublioa I ;. desirable tha. all parts of this rreat rvn. federacy shall be at peace, and in harmony, oue with another. Let ns Republi cans do our part to have it ao. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly consid er their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can J udging by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their con. troversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them? Will they be sattsned if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered to them? We know thv will not. In all their present Complaints j against ns, the Territories are scarcely t mentioned. Invasions and insurrections I are the rage now Will it satisfy them if, ! ja the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it ' will not. VSe so know because we know we never had aoylhlng to do wiih invasions and insurrectiot s; uud yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the denunciations. The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Sim ply this: w e must not only let them alone but must, somehow, convince tbfm that we do let them alooe. This, we know experience. s no easy task. We have been so trying io couviuce mem, irotn the very begining of our organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and speech es, we have constantly protested our nur : pose to let mem aione; out mis uas had no ! tendency to convince them. Alike Allae Un.l- I i vailing to couvinee them is lhe!fact that l luey uavw never ueiecieu a man ol us in i.i. i. i . i . i j any attempt to disturb them. Iheso nat ural and apparently adequate, means all t inning, wuai win convince mem; ihis, and this only; cease lo call slavery wrong, j and join them in calling it right. Aud this j must be done thoroughly done in acts as j well asinicorrf. Silence will not be tol erated we must place ourselres avowedly j with them. Donata' new tedilion law muit I . . Ml . .. - .. . ' . , - - y'! .rr..n an at claraliont that tUvery it wrong, uhtthtr made 2 mm-. ) 111 tmm. S mm m mm m m . . m 2 . . I J .

a a it . .1 at a a

reZ;heiVgiUve ! ' h' slaves with greedy pleasure. We must 1 touches of the chisel. pulldown our Free Slate constitutions. j The reader of Italian history or of ShelThe whole atmosphere must be disinfected iey recollect the melancholy history of from all taint of oppositiou to Slaverybe-1 n . . . c. J4 fore they will cease to believe that all their Beatr,ce C,DCl- She w" 1 nd beau ' troubles proceed frem us. tiful woman who loved not wisely but too

I am quite aware they do nut state their j i j. H.nliiuAl It fa lllie OT. Mm. t -. . .III,... tasc P-"-""-' " J. .uou oi ineiu would probably say to us. "Let us alone, do nothing to us, aud say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone ue "ever uisiurueu mem so mat. ai ti,r all lt IB W 88jr' .wllicn dissatisfi es them. They will continue to accuse us ! - " - j , -M-II UOHLieU' of doing, until we cease saying. I am also throw of these Constitutions will ,,e de. : manded. and nothing be left to resist the j aemana. it is nothing to me contrary, that they do not demand the whole of Ibis jast uow. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere shortof thisconsummation. HolI ding as they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of if, as a local right, aud a social bless ing. Nor cau we justifiably withhold thia, on aoy groifod save our conviction that sla very is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, aad Constitutions agaiast it, are themselves wrong, and should be si j lenced, and swept away. If it is right, we j cannot justly object lo its nationality its i . '..'.; .... . universality :if itis wrong. they caunot just ly insist upon its extension its enlarge ment. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we thought Slavery right; all we ik, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wroD?. Their thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is the precise fact upon which depends me whole controversy, ttn 1 a - 1 . .... . 1 a I m. I nmaing u ngui, as mev mi, wiey are noi i to blame for desiring iu full recognition, aa being right ; but, thinking it wrong, as we do. cau we!yield to them? Can we cast our own votes with their vie , and against ourown? In view of our moral, social , ar. I political responsibilities, ca i e do this ? Wrong as we think Slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it io, bt cause that much it due to me nece-urny arming t :.-..... i ....... :.. ,1. . : i.... , .rora us saun prcucc , .u 1 canwe.wnue our iuicj ui prevent ii, l mm. mm a kll. mir mini vitl nrmaiit allow it tospead into the National Terri i . .,i,, ; v . "1! ' '""" If our sense of riqty furbid this .ur .dulr' ..! T.et 1, lw diverted bv 1 IUU VIIVVSI 1 VI I a, 'r w vava --r j . - w ' , ,. . Biil ' . -rtn,r:--nPP!, w.n.ih indastrb.in.lr nlie.l m.,.4 hlabor.! .. A.M.HM-.MnA .1 I . ud ov.n.ni. mm e .IM A m Ine r ins .ki..M I., onither a lirin. .iin nor a d..l anguch a8 a poiicy of .-don': care" On questjOD about which all true meu do IIUU Ulllilll men IU nun p nimuniiiian, reversing the Diviuc rule, aud calliug, not ainnets, but the righteous to repentance such as invocations of iv ashiuglon, im ploring men to unsay what Washington said, aud uodo what Washingtou did. Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations agaiust us, nor fright ened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, nor of dungeons to our selves. Let us hive faith that right makes j might; and io that failb, let us to the end. i dare lo do our duty, as we understand it j Mr. Lincoln's speech excited frequent and irrepressible applause. His occasional repetition of his text never failed lo provoke a burst of cheers and audible smiles. The completeness with which Popular Sovereignty and its progenitor used were - i up, has rartly, if ever been enalsJ.

the conclusion of his speech Mr.' Lincoln nceeived the congratulations of a large

number of his friends and the friends of Republicanism. . I.dltorlat Correspondence. Sr. Louis, March 26, I860. VF.aCANTILK LIBBAtT AUD ITS 0IIJ F.CTS Of AXT. The most interesting place in the city of St. Louis, is the Mercantile Library Association, and the most interesting objects of study in the Lecture room, are the apeciiuens of Art. Those specimens are some of ihem masterly, some of ihem good, and some of thtm indifferent. Some of them are ancient, going back to the very earliest history of mankind, acme are sli-Llly an tique, but the mot very modern Tho first specimen of art which strikes j your atteotion as you enter the ante room of the Library, is a sculptured slab of mar ble, aear eight feet square. It wa taken some several years ago from one of the ex cavated chambers of the palace of Nimtod, a supposed suburb of Nineveh, the origioal seat of the earliest empires, thstof Nimrod, or the Assyrian. This city was so aneient. that it did not eeri&t at the I'mo of Alexander the Great, and this specimen of tho sculptor's art, must have been fresh from thechiHcl 30 or perhaps 40 centurie ago. It was sent U Ike Library Association by the Rev. D. W. Marsh, missionary at Mosul, nrar Nineveh, wa awed into small blocks and carried across the desert. by the way of Aleppo, to Beyrout, and from thence shipped to this country. It is delightfully interesting to look upon this rude specimen of art It represents a Urge man who is surrounded on all sides by hieroglyphics, giving we have no doubt his eventful history. The carving is rude, evidencing the first steps io civilization. It is about equal to the awkward specimens of the chisel found among the North Amer icau Indians, and its only interest as a specimen of art, is its great antiquity. Perhaps no specimen of (he chisel dates back so far into the past as this rne. Its history is written all over it, but the bierologist does not live who cao decypher it. Its letters and words and periods are the mute language of the pastthe silent forgotten word-, of the days of old. The marble retains tha symbol, but the minds to read it, had disappeared from the earth, ! long before Moses led the children of Is rael from the land ot bondage, and centuries and centuries before our Savior died for the sins of a world. The next object of interest in thj hall is Miss Harriet Hostner's Beatrice Cenci. This is a glorious conception of this celebrated American lady artist. It is a full size statue, of a sleepiog woman, in mar ble. She is sleeping upou a couch, aeemiog In an unhappy slumber. The very pillow of marble upon which her head rests, ap pears soft beneath the gentle pressure. Her face repo-.es upon her beautifully m.uil.L.tl arm anil it uA..ma t.. tint- nuLlI i . . ... ' mm Iiis worv marii n wma t swrt -ksc am ih. o-wv hw i vi auaivV I V K V VIU pUOVQ lajVJ pillow. In her left baud i-hc carelessly hold a string of iewela an. I a r. The o--J - wholof .nu is covered with light drapery, j ...a.. in it- i... ,K..i . r" tmm,j M s v a v U i i 'ir Eil I i Li VJ J J beauty," of the whole form is plainly visible. It is the perfection of woman's beau ty, as well as the sculptor's "art. There is . wirt.l . F ffuniili in 1 1 iv.i .i.i 1 1 f.il nature's great masterpiece, a peefect fe ' well, "and was coudemned loan ignorainious death, aud when the priest went to announce to her that she was t die in the ' raoruin;, he found her peacefully and: calmly asleep o her misi-rabie cell. -n. .... ... . 1 D,s ' ine ,no,nnl 'e P1 T -r atu nobly has she embodied in the I cold and pulseless marble, that which ali most seems to pulsate with warm life ; There is but one criticism to this work i of.rt. The form is faultless, the f.ce is ; almost divine, but the head is the rou..d j n .on- mm 01 "" The face is beautifully that of a woman, wiiue me neau is nassicauy trat i (,f a man. i ne next piece is by the same artist, ber , , . J . " 'V4.uoue. i nis is an earner piece oi ai iss Hostner's, and while .there is not as much

to be admired as in her "Beatrice." still it ' thjD? tJiat Nortlierri mQ woulJ, perhap-. is most beautiful. The h.sfory of this j be ,es, t0 b, done lhan lte piece is woveu in the mythology of the s;f,utherners themselves; a thing that Greeks, "tfoone was a nymph of Mount j wouId cert3iniy redoiru t0 iXl9 iojary ot Ida. was married to Pari,, the son of Pii-; the Xonh, mach more than to the injury am, King of Troy. Being possessed of,of lh, South; a ro,tr lbal woaM the gift of prophecy, she a arned her hus-, 0oJ.Mnd lo lhe S3Ulhi but lerriwe ct. band against his contemplated visit to ( Umil lo lhe yortL. . mjV0lninl wUch Greece-lhat visit which resulted in the t wc do not bel.eve fifty men in the entir. Troj.H war and the ruin of Troy by the Xorlh would cnga-e iu; a movement never Oreelc,-but at the same time told him lo ! corj,enirUted by a Northern maa. and C tuie lo her, il rounded, as she alone IUTer believed by an intelligent Southerner, could cure hu..." Paris, a ihr n ader of j j h,y snari Bl ,he idea that all of our va.t Homer ami Virgil Well know,, fell in love j.ii:. dom8in fre. .nd ridicule the de.

! with the b-autiful Helen, was wounded by the arrows or PhilocUles and fled - nnmediately to ll.no tie, hut she, j- alous of his love for Helen, refused to cure him, ai d he died. Too late she repented, aud ever af terwards l.iing over his body, bathed in j tear,. This is the moment chosen by the j artit. Giuoue in d-ep and speechless grief at the death of Paris ?he sils urn . i. . i . i i i the ground, partly draped, !-r hand r.'-t ' J ' ,he turf tJ ht,ft whlle ifr i ; - . j 8ad roelanc.holy fce. is the very personifi I cation ef silent heart, fell anguish The . . . ; head is purely classic and the hiur whichfull, is supported by a biilliar.t band; encircling the head. Similar to her Bca-! trice, the female form in this slalue seems . 1. .... b'.. a. . . ... . 1 . . . . .. IO UC llilli-l uunu... iv IS Ol me IHJrc-Jl i white marble, and while not so masterly as i ... '4""" " oeauuuii i.i .a is a . - r Theie is also a life size statue of Wt - b j ster, in American marble, and iq civic cosj luuie hy Verhcgeu. The face Ä head is good i J.t .... t I hut not easy, aud the attitude is unpleasantly tiresome. It is stiff, ungraceful, awkward, and does sot do half justice to the great original. There are many other specimens of both the chisel and the brush, but we have spoken of the most interesting. A Mercantile Library, or a public libra ry of some kind, where specimens of art and works of wisdom and irenius can be (collecteJ is Dgt oogDt to be in every town and city everywhere, and no place is more in need of one than the city of Ter-re-Haute. It is disreputable to our city, thst there is hardly one creditable speci- ! men of art io il, and many of our citiaena At i have paintings hanging in their parlors,

li t that would actually do discredit to saloons. There is ao public library, where the merchant, when the business hours are over; the mechanic, when the day's work is ended, and the profeasioaal man, when relaxation fron toil is required, cau find repose and food for the mind. Thia ought not to be ao, and a public library in Terre

Haute should t one rf tl nt ol-jccts of her citizens. St. Louis awoke thia morning front the repose of the Ssbbath, full of renewed life and energy. The sound ef the cars rattling over the stocy streets the bustle and -jostle along the side-walks tha ham of business and rush by which every one seems to dash up and down, over and along every street, tells that this western citJ "ded. "-de awake." Plast 'a Llorsr, Sr. Locia, t March 27, IbCO. J One thing particularly will strike the atran ger in this city as rather odd there are bo old men here; that is, if gray hairs are the true evidences of age. There are many whose faces are wrinkled, whose step is slow, atid whose form is bent, but the moustache is black, the whiskers are black, and ihe h air is blffck. What nagiciau'a spell so preserves the hair, aud causes it to retain the semblance of youth, let those djing men answer. Another peculiarity is the number of large men men over six feet in their stockings. Tho beard is almost universally worn wem, too, io all imaginary styles. Why the nen in St. Louis, as a general thing, are so large. puizles us to know, unless thrj are tie remainaof those who came West at an early day the weak ones having been unable to endure the toils of a frontier life, and only the stalwart form and brawny muscle surviving. Tbet-e Laving raised up families of children, their aons art the photographs of the'r fathers. We spoke, in a former letter, of the im provtmer.ts going on in the city, and among them all, none is so imposing as the new "Northern" Motel, now in au advanced stage of erection. When it is finihed it will be altogether the most mag. r.ifieent structure in the city, if not in the eutire West. Its front, which is of iron and stone, reaches from one street to another, and the building occupies almot one entire block. The architectural beauty j of this building is uLurppFsed by auy is the city, and wheu completed, will he imposing upon a jraud Kale. By ihe way, speaking of thin hotel, reminds ns of a convtrati-n hich occurred at the tabic a few days ago, between two southern gentlemen, in relation to it. Mr. A. says to Mr. D., "I have beeu looking at the Soutlurn JJoUl. It will certair.ly be oue of the most splendid build ings ou the continent, and when it is com pleted I do hope it w ill be kepi by a Southern man, iu Southern stjle, and upon Southern principle. I do not want to see a Northern man have anything to do with it. Mr. B replied, "You know, Mr. A. that I am a Southern man was born and : .. i j t- . ? .i t-. .t i .... ra,seu "nu ,,vc ,u '".'ijoo ihst you cannot find a Southern man of energy, industry and determination nAtih in iulu lLat -1 t i As sure as it roei into the hands of a Southern man, so sure will the whole v....ifc i'iu.c a, lauuir. ion mutt gel a j Northern mm lo take it, or it will fail as ; rapidly as il is opened. A. rather tho'igbt this migh tclrue.but at any rate he was oppiseJ to a Northern man being the landlord. Mr. A. however will be doomed to disappointment, for a Noitheru mau will have lo open that house, or the houte will remain shot. We see here, ererv day. evidences of pettish Southern feeling; tot, however, ou j the part of Misourians, but from men re- ! cently froor. the further South, and who are still residents there. They growl, and snarl, and snap af'Black Republicanism, and seem to feel a kind of earthly contain i ination, because they are so nigh freedom, i and because St. Iouis is so ranidlv beeom. jng ft fre), cj,y Thejr . atrjoli,m neTrf !M Bor,h f Mmow d pjxon.6 i and to many nf ihsm the visible circle 1 which K;rJ, ,,,efnu ,he world., . treme. They go upon the principle that nri Yimm ivrtn ara all Ahnlitlnmiimtm an. I i . t -.- . . . , I that Abolitiotiiets are just waiting for the moment when to pounce upon the South, ar.it rriv f rtmA f m t r mW tm n.vrivi m trine that the slaveholder has not the . right lo take hia negroes into the Territories, Yc'i with all their growling, tha ! whole vast i uhlic domain is, and of right, I ought to b-, free, and the owner of human j i-lavts hav no right, no natural, hgsl or I C'inMitiitioiial ribt, to take his bondmen one inch beyond tho limits of the States ; SUmy jfi recoffMlE ,- 5ofal Uw - Such is the true American doctrine, aud so w-ill JO.OW.O.'K) of people, living in the I free States, shape llu-"p-dicj" id this gov ernment. H. Hl . .. NiGOta Catching. The Kvansville En quirer consider nigger catching as raeriiftr.A.. a, ratrhin, white roirues. ... . . . . . , V .nnniK. at. a r hi hmmHi t.i ; Northern Democrats to Bsge in. Some 1 have been engaged in worae business; and - 1 then they must serve their driver, the j Slaveocracy of the Sulh, who look , Northern Democrats in much the t-pon same l.. 1 I I t.t ft j light as thjy d on their d gs bath useful : to catch niggers. IT A live y time is anticipated at Chsr leston, feouih Carolina. L correspondent of the Syracuse (N. Y.) Courier writes from Charleston that many of the citizens are preparing themselves with weapeus lo meet the 'shoulder hitters" and "plug uglies" of Baltimore, who have boated that during Ike titling of the CciiVfution they I mean to make their prowess very conspte i uoos. i it. a .1 - WbatisixaNamx! A youegmau named Hickort ßSdied recently io Lafayette. j Had he lived, we presume he would Lave, besoms a Htclorg trot