Wabash Express, Volume 7, Number 34, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 9 August 1848 — Page 1

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DAVID 8. DANAI.PSOiY, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.

TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION '1* ADYAKCK F2 00 WMTW THK YSA* 2 50 'AT

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TERMS OP ADVERTISING 'OKI SQ.CA.FTB THBEE WKKKS SI 00 ^ARH ADDITIONAL UaasTio* PER 8«.OAA«.... ?5 DOT Liberal deductions for looser time and greater pace.

SPEECH OF

JOHIV M. CLAYTOX, or E W A

In Defence of Zacliary Taylor, DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE' JULY 3, IW8.

Mr. FOOTE having concluded an elaborate address to (lie Senate against Gen. Taylor, and called upon the Whig Senators and especially the Senator from Dela., to explain the principles upon which *en. Taylor was to be sustained as a candidate for the Presidency.

Mr. CLAY TON rose to reply. Mr. .MILES, of Connecticut, immediately called Mr. CLAYTON, to order, denying 1iis right to reply, as the whole subject introduced \ty Mr. FOOTE was irrelevant, and Mr. DALLAS, the Vice President, refusing to hear any debate upon the call to order, decided the debate to be out of -order. Hut tire Senate, on a vote taken immediately after this, gave leave to Mr. CLAYTON to proceed, notwithstanding the •decision of the Vice President.

Mr. CLAYTON then addressed the "Senate, as Allows:— The decision of the Chair was indeed unprecedented, and directly in opposition to his own decision on a case precisely similar to this, made by him only a few weeks ago. Neither I nor my friends •originated this politcal debaio. VVe were -content to leave Gen. Cass nod Gen. Taylor in the hands of the people, and the Senate will unanimously bear me witness, that I have neveT introduced an irrelevant topic into any debate here. The political friends of the gentleman who occupies the chair began this discussion. They attacked Gen. Taylor and his character, and scoffed at his claim for the Presidency. They wereallowed to proceed with-

1out

any interruption from the chair, 'through a debute tvhich intended through the grehtet part of two days. The Vice President was, by the rale's of tho Senate, 1ound to call his own political friends to •order, if he thonght the debate was out of •order, ftnt not a Word about order was 'heard from his lips lift I took the floor to Treply, and then he arrested the debate, and Tut a seal upon my lips. The Senator from Mississippi had charged upon me •and my friends that wo desired to evade the Miscfesffinn—Mhnt (5en. Taylor had no •principles which we dared avow—and 'said that Ire hafl, on Consultation with his friends, resolved to provoke us to a debate on this subject, and to see that we should "dodge no Wows which in chivalric honesty wft were botind to take.^' Ho even charged us with a design to pass the Resolution for a speedy adjournment of KJongress in order to avoid and dodge this Very disenssion. He went furthet, sir. He called npon me personally to meet iiim in debate on these questions. Yet, after ho had been permitted to indulge in this strain of attack on me and my friends, lii* own party associates s^ite the occasion. The moment rise to take op the |(lovc he has thrown at my feet, to dodge the enconntet. These are the ritcuittstan«es ttndef which txvettty-otte Democratic Senators have this day voted to deny me the freedom of speech. They h&ve a large party majority here* but such and so gross was the injustice of thi* attempt to slide a discussion which they themselves provoked, that a majority of the Senate has overruled their purpose and to that majority, and especially to the chivalrous Senator from Mississippi, (Mr.

FOOTK,)

who has expressed his own deep

sense of the injustice done, I tender my thanks. I have already stated to the Senate that 1 have no means of access to the opinions of Gen. Taylor which are not in the possession of every member of this body, and every ciiiken of the country. Honoring his character, AS sincerely do, have never yet had the pleasure of an introduc* tion to that distinguished man. 1 have never addressed a letter to him in mv life, nor received one from him. I have formed n»y opinions of the principles of the man from his writings and actions, and from what any other may have seen in the public prints. To these means of information all have equal ac cess, and all can form an opinion as well as lean, on the whole subject of debate. 1 think it is also due to Gen. Taylor to say, in the outset, that the position which he has assumed before the country, as

lie must carry out. ai an nai no

by the Whig party. Now, undoubtedly. General Taylor is a "Whig, b«t I do not understand him as occupying any such position as that which 1 have just described. He, hint self, has repudiated it in every letter having reference to this subject. It is true he has been nominated by the Whig party but it is also true that he was originallv nominated by a meeting coinposed both of Whigs and Dcmocraw.

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candidate for the PrejuAgpfy, been etv

sustain every Whig principle w.th whtcb jKNCE

that party has ever been identified. It,fi|,t

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Thousands of Democrats had nominated him for the Presidency before he was nominated by the Whig party.—Naturalized citizens ahd native Americans, in all sections of the country, had nominated him before he rereived the nomination of the Philadelphia Convention. And now, the great objection urged a?ain*t him is, that the Whig party of the Union has confirmed the nomination which Gen. Taylor had previously received. He was nominated by the Whig Conventfon at Philadelphia, with the assurance that he was a Whig. In every letter that he wrote on that subject he declared that he was a whig, but he uniformly took the bold and manly ground, that if elected President of the United Slates, he should not consider himself the mere servant or Uol of a par'.y, not even of the party to which he lind been attached, but that he should be the President of the American people. Under these circumstances, the honorable gentleman from Mississippi can find no difficulty in answering the questions which he has propounded with regard to the principles of Gen. Taylor. If he will examine the principal letter which Gen. Taylor has written with reference to this subject, the letter to Capt. Allison, he will see the ground on which he places himself as a candidate before the American people. Before I proceed further, permit me to read the following extract from that letter: "BATON ROUGE, April 22, 1848. "First.—I reiterate what I have often said—I am a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. If elected I would not be the mere President of a party. I would endeavor to act ndependendent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer the Government untrammeled by party schemes* "Second.—The veto power. The power given by the Constitution to the Executive to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power, but in my opinion should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress. Indeed I have thought that for many years pa*t the known opinions and wishes of the Executive have exercised undue and injurious influence upon the legislative department of the Government and for this cause I have thought our system was in danger of undergoing a great change from its true theory. The personal opinions of the individual who may happen to occupy the Executive chair, ought not to control the action of Congress upon questions of domestic policy nor ought his objections to be interposed where questions of constitutional power have bt-en settled by the various departments of Government, and acquiesced in by the people. "Third.—Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their Representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive. "Fourth.—The Mexican war. I sincerely rejoice at the prospect of peace. My life has been devoted to arms, yet 1 look upon war at all times, and under all circumstances, as a national calamity, to be avoided if compatible with national honor. The principles of our Government, as well as its true policy, are opposed to (he subjugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other countries by conquest. In the language of the great Washington. "Why should we quit our own to stand on foreign ground.'* In tho Mexican war our national honor has been vindicated, amply vindicated and, in dictating terms of peace, we may well afford to be forbearing and even magnanimous to our fftllen foe. tten. Teylor. then, aUnrtg before the coun-

top

m»»relv as a Whig, but as THE hbcus pocus—introduced by some political ft E PRESENT A TlVE AND magicians into that partv within a few years

trv not GREAT 1' E5 jN I A I I IS AIS1) magicians into that partv CHAMPION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF past, which compels thai party to accept a THE RIGHT OF MAN TO SELF-GOV-: nomination made and forced upon them by KR.NMENT. He maintains the principle the minority. Such were the circumstances that the majority have the right to govern, i—such was the fraud-^such was the estabHe stands precisely Upon the ground on lisfied rule and iron law under which Generwhich Thos. Jefferson originally made a par- al Cass received his nomination. iy difference with John Adams. Let me Let us inquire, in connection with this,

note a from the letter of Thomas what are some of the other doctrines of '.he to John Adamti stating the grounds party' to which General Cass has been comon which the Republican party of 1798, pelled to subscribe. Among other thing*, commenced its opposition to the encroach-! there stands prominently the assertion of the ments of Executive power, and to which it great right and duty of the President of the owed it* true origin. Iutl,e4th volume of'United States to exercise the Veto PoVer, Jeffereonks Memoirs, page 202, we find the without reference to the limitations prescrib-

letter to which I refer. It is dated June47* 1813. and contains the following passages: "The terms of Whig and Tory belong to national as well as civil history. They de

has been alleged, that he is bound to c«v Lt ,he5r head—the other selected mine." l.tive power of thecountrv and that tbe ve- *?.

WHOLE NO. 345. TERRE-HAUTE «^IGO COUNTY, INDIANA, AUGUST 9, 1848jw

cient days, (bat the President of the United States* with his veto power, shall control tbe will of the people. lie stands up as the chaihpion of Executive powet, and has received his nomination from a patty convention, under circumfetaoceb which I think when carefully examined by the American people, will seal his fate as a candidate before them. What were these circumstaticest Tbe very first rule adopted by the convention assembled at Baltimore was, that the will of the majority should not govern —that the vote of two-thirds should be necessary to nominate the President. They hare laid doWn that doctrine before on a memorable occasion. I refer to the Baltimore nomination in 1844. The result re* minds me of one of those games at cards which is called "Solitaire,*' in which you know a man plays against himselfi Did you everseea man sit down plev thatgame who did not cheat himself? The Democratic leaders, on this occasion, undertook to play "Solitaire*'—the Whigs were not present to be cheated—and the very firs-t act or decree was one amounting, in my judgment, to a most flagitious fraud, not only upon the country, but upon the party itselfi It ordained that the will of the people should not govern, and that no man should be nominated for the Presidency without the vote of two-thirds of that convention. Well, now, what must be-—(every body knows what was the consequence in this case)— the necessary consequence of the establishment of such a principle by any party? We can all very well estimate the power of onehundred thousand office-holders, many of them anxious to perpetuate their dynasty. They can back a Democratic convention with more than one-third of its members, though they might not be sble to control a majority. They can send on their relations, their friends and dependants, as delegates, and, under the operation of this two-thirds rule, govern the convention. It was so on this occasion. All the gentlemen who composed the convention went to Baltimore hound to nominate some candidate for the Presidency. To fail to nominate by a convention would be to dissolve the peny. They were compelled, therefore, to make a nomination, and when they entered the convention, they were met with a rule declaring that the vote of two-thirds was necessary to nominate their Democratic candidate for the Presidency. They knew that within the walls of the convention there stood a packed minority, of more than one-third, representing the office holders of the country, who could veto or negative the nomination of any man not subservient to their views, or who would not perpetuate their dynasty, and continue them and their friends in office. The candidates all understood this beforehand, and on such occasions he who makes the most satisfactory bargain with this clique or faction—constituting more than one-third, but not one-half of the convention—is sure to receive the nomination. No other man can get it. I say again, every candidate understood this, and every luture candidate will, in all future Democratic con-ventions,-understand it. Ertch of them will know it is impossible for him to procure the nomination unless he can secure the services of those who come there for the purpose of sustaining themselves in office. He is bound then to lend himself to all their views. If they desire to establish a platform of political faith, he must subscribe to it. He has no opinion. He must either relinquish all hope of the nomination, or subscribe to every dogma (hat this clique may choose to lay down. Under these circumstances, I ask, whBt is the inevitable tendency of the party which has nominated Gen. Lewis Cass? Does it not directly tend to the rule of the few over the many, and eventually to a monarchy? It tends to the establishment, in the first instance, of an oligarchy, or an aristocracy of office-holders—able to dictate the nomination of any man they please. They have a veto on the acts of the convention as absolute and effectual as that which the President of the United States, whom they may nominate and elect under the magic name of Democrat, may have upon the laws of Congress and the will of the people.

Undoubtedly the great mass of the Democratic party is honest and patriotic. We who are Whigs, and opposed to them in politics, are entitled to a free expression of their opinion in making a party nomination and Whigs, as well as Democrats, are defrauded by this political legerdemain—this

ed by the fathers of the Constitution, fivery one who has perused tho "Federalist" knows that Mr. Madison and his associates uniformly maintained', that the great object of the

note the temper and constitution of mind of veto was lo enable the Executive of the different individuals. To come to our own United Slates to defend the Constitution and country and to the times when you and I the executive power within its limit* No became first acquainted! we well remember man of their day pretended it waa designed the violent parties which agitated the old I that the veto power should be extended, as Congress, and their bitter contests. There jit has been to every act of otdinary legislayou and I were arrayed together othencher* tion, and every instance in which a party ished the MONARCHY of England, and we the might by the aid of it elevate or sustain itrights of our country. self against tbe interests of the whole coun-

But as soon as the Constitution was putitrt. it never was imagined by any member into motion, tbe line of division w«s again of the convention which formed the Constidtawn. We broke into two parties, each tntion that the veto clause in that instre-

tirely misapprebi^i^ in the course of this debate III* fits been held uo here kAR BRANCH. (Congresa.) THE OTHER I force of that clause, to bccome a part of the people must be consolied. He coald not but con\Yhi» candidate bound to!"^^® MORE PERMANENT BRA NGH ES. legislative power of the country. Now, federal «y»«em a« in effect dis*)l»eJ by

E I A N a in in

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ne party placed voor name the President constitutes a pert of the legis-

ry out all the dictates, and obey all the Precisely upon that principle. General to power is unlimited, and was so intended 2^* iw nothiT* likea^Lxma^h* behests of a mere party—that he runs Lewis Cass and General Zscharv Taylor now to be by thos- who made the Constitution. Xmp,^ iu thi« country. A hajncrely as psrty man—that he is bound differ, and stand at issue Wf«itt the country, Let me call the attention of tbe Senate to a »tn jj4 oppresMons bad carried tbe people hand and foot bv nariv pledges—and, that Otatni Taylor places himself upon this just consideration of tbe principles upon which tbroogh the late revoiatkm. Will it not be enJ, «I*9H hazard* and uo- P"ncM'e» '•y,ag

der all changes of time ana circumstances, jie »}oritr to govern. He holds thai the 'Constitution declares that all "the legislative jetiioo* to them overruled by greater majority every ancient known ^measure proposed popular branch of t*»e Government possesses powers herein granted shall be vested in the than was required in tbe fir«t instance? He ne»righi's and that be. if elected President, Senate and House of Representatives." No cbfcH agree to give op all the rights of tbe peowould be bound to respect them. He aava. part of tbe legislative power is given to the P'* single magi*trate. If more than one had therefore, in reference to all those great President c* the United States, In the

questions which have heretofore agitated tbe countiy, ami which are propertv within the powers of Congress, that be will be guided by the will of tbe people, as expressed by their Representatives. On the other band what mh Gen, Lcwts Cass? He denies

judgment of the fathers of tbe Republic tbe Executive power constituted an essential component part of the legislative power. A qualified power of revision was given to btra but it was never intended that be should exercise any legislative power. Iu

tha ihe will of the people shall govern. He ]order that we may understand this subject. oaiuUiaa the bigb fed en I docmuca of so- which enters largelj into the grest questions j^.0^ iTs^e:

MASO*

boldlv in their public prints, that' ^otMS *f»l ««tWo look ferw-rdto

tbe foundation of all re- this veto power was inserted in tbe Ameri- nosh to enable the executive to suspend offensive

bUcan forma Government—tbe right of can Constitution. The first sentence of tbe! laws, tin ihev shall be oxrify revised, and the ofe-

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l3cnotc5 to |politlc0, juration, ^QAnjtutc^Ijc^Iarkets, Current 3fcu?0, £I)e ^rts club Sricnrts, £iteratttvc, ©cneval $nteUigenrt« &Cs0$tt.

TO PgPKKgtAku T8K TKBB JKlSCIFLEfc Pf THIBOTtltBMMT-1 WISH TgEJt CAKKir.l) OCT—I ASK KOTH1SO MWttK. '*—Lfut

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relation to the veto power were originally advanced^ During this session of Congress,

we have heard the honorable Senator 'from

Ohio, (Mr. Allen,) utter very strong denunciations against Colonel Hamilton aa the intentional advocate of kingly and tnonuchial doctrinesi and a traitor to the cause of liberty. I do not stand here for the purpose of branding one of the greatest men the country ever produced with ignominous charges but I desire to show that the great leader of the federal partv, when this sub* ject was first presented to the consideration of the old Continental Congress, was the very man to press this veto power upott the convention* and to insist upon its being made absolute and unqualified. In MadU son*s state papers* page 151 we read: "Mr. Gerry^a proposition beiiignow before the committee, Mr. Wilnonj (then called a "consolidation federalist/) and Mr. Hamilton moved that the last part of it be struck out, so as to give, the Executive an absolute negative on ihe lai6s There was no danger, thry thought, of such a power being too much exercised. It.was mentioned by Col. Hamilton, that the King of Great Britain had not exerted his negative since tbe Revolution." (i. e. 1B88.)

That is the argument in favor of the absolute veto made by one who has been represented in this chamber* as the gr»»Bt aristocrat and monarchist of that day. Mr. Gerry, a Democrat of thai day—

Mr, MANGUM, (in his seau) Republican. Mr. CLAYTON. I thank my friend for the word. Republican.,is a^much belter name. ,,,.•**A "Mr. Gerrv said there was no necessity for so great a^coutrol over the legislature, as the best men in the country would be comprised in the two branches of it. "Dr. FRANKLIN said, he was sorry to differ from his colleague, for whom he had a very great respect, on any occasion, but he could not help it on this. He had some experience of this check in the executive on the legislature, under the proprietary government of Pennsylvania. The negative of the Governor was constantly mode use of to extort money. No good law whatever could he passed without a private bargain with him. If the executive was to have a council, such a power would be less objectionable. It was true, the king of Great Britain had not, as was said, exerted his negative since the revolution but that mutter was easily explained. The bribes and emoluments now given to the members of Parliament rendered it unnecessary, every thing being done according to the will of the ministers. He was afraid, if a negative should be given as proposed, the more power and money would be demanded,, till at last enough would be got to influence and bribe the legislature into a complete subjection to the will of the executive."

Then comes the Republican shoemaker, Roger Sherman. What did he say? "Mr. SHERMAN was against enabling snv one man to stop the will of the whole. No one man could be found so far above all the rest in wisdom. He thought we ought to avail ourselves of his wisdom in revising the laws, but not permit him to overrule the decided and cool opinions of the legislature."

Mr. Wilson said iu his speech for the veto, "there might be tempestuous moments in which animosities may run high between the executive and legislative branches, and in which the former ought to be able to defend itself."

VI H. BtJTr.En had been5 in favtfV of a sintrle executive mocistrntr but could he have entertained an idea thnt complete negative on the tws wns to be piven him, lio ccrtainly should hnve noted very differently. It had been observed, that in nil countries the executive power is in a conotant course. This was certainly the case in Great Britnin. Gonilpmpn seemed to think thnt we bad nothing to apprehend from an nbuse of the executive power. But why might not a Cntaline or a Cromwell arise in this country as well as in others

Ma.BKnroRti, of Delaware, was opposed to every check on Ihe legislature) even the council of revision first proposed. He thought it would be sufficient lo mark out in the Constitution the boundaries to the legislative authority, which would give all the requisite security to the rights of the other departments. The representatives of the people were tbe best judges of what was for their interest* and ought lo be under no external control whatever. The two branches would produce a sufficient control within tbe legislature itsell.'* "Col.

observed, that a vote had already

passed* he found—he was out at the time—for vrsting the executive powers in a single persom Among these powers wn« that of appointing to offices in certain cases. The probable abuses of negative had been well explained by Dr. Franklin* a* proved by experience, the best of all test*.— Will not the same door be o|enrd here 1 The executive may refuse its assent to necesaary measures till new appointment* shall be referred to him and, having by degreea engrossed all these into his own hands, the American executive, like the British, will, by bribery, and influence, save himself the trouble and odium of exerting fcis negative afterwards. We are* Mr. ('baitman, going very far in this business: We are not indeed constituting a British government, but a m.ire dan gerous monarchy—actelective one. We are introducing a new principle Ihto our system, and not necessity, as in the British government, where the executive has greater right to defend. Do gentlemen mean to pave the Way to hereditary monarch 1 Do they flatter themselves that the people Will ever consent to soch an innovation If they do, I venture to tell ibetn they are mistaken. The people never will consent. And do gentlemen consider the danger of delay, and the still greater danger of rejection, not for a moment, but I of the plan which shall be proposed TO them

to to

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*r,*,er. m»^ht have been in-

tnwe* to the executive. He hoped ibis attempt tn free waeb power* would have ha weight hereafter, as an srcaiaeat for increasing the number

After this Dr. Franklin again spoke againft the veto power, treating Una question as if it involved t!»at of aWMUWchy arnpaUmaMB and enc pae*ag* of his »pwh rwiumi a pr-pbety so lean-

7 ?», *,

now before us, let me read a portion of the I "The first man put at tbe hrlat (of party) wiil pie, through their Representatives in Oonirei«j lo debate on tbe adoption of the Constitution. be a good one. Nobody knows what no'rt may make laws. I »m culled upon to deny the right I Bm particularly desirous of the attention come afterwards. The executive wilt lie always of the Senate to this point, because I wish '"creasing -h^re, as elsewhere) TILL IT ENDS it to see by whom these extreme notions in A MONARCHY."

Thus, then, it appear that the opinion of rix ont of nine wbo participated in the debate, was that tin

n,,solu,e

a"d

economy,

unqualified veto would introduce a

great monarchical feature into our institutions in other wOrd?, that the Executive would be converted into a monarch by its adoption. That the opinion of Franklin* of Mason, of Sherman, of Bedford, of all except the ultra Federaliou of the day. Now, where are we What is the pnrty which now maintains this ultra veto power 1 The party that arrogates to itself the name of Democratic That is the pnrty which places in the foreground of its political platform, the doctrine of the absolute and unqualified exercise of the veto power. That is (he party which sustained tbe nb-' solute and Unqualified veto on the land bill in 1833. That lull to di^ribute the netl proceeds of all the public lands among Ihe Statex* which passed both Houses in March, 1833, was a (till which would ive given the people of each State in this Union tho means of educating all their children without taxation, and of improving their hnrbors and rivers. These funds have been since wasted upon land-jobbers and party favorite#, on Government contractors and office-holders, and not dolInr of all theSe unnumbered millions hnvq been

lnltors of Congress are consummated within the last ten days of each session, nml thnt bills which have been discussed or matured for months are generally signed at the close of the session, tf. therefore, the President can, for the wnnt of ten days, within which the Constitution nllows him to retnin a bill for his signature, withhold hissnnction and refuse to return the bill, he rnn defeat it) although two-thirds of each branch should lie disposed to pass it ns the constitution authorizes them to do. The Senate, as well ns the House) in March. 1833. stood ready to annul the veto on the land bill. The Senntors from North and Soulln Carolina, (Mr. Mangum and Mr. Calhoun.) as well as myself, were present at the time in the Senate^ and we are nil here now ready to attest this to be true. The President obtained secret information of the spirit of theSennte ngainst his veto power, and pocketed the bill in defiance of the whole spirit uf the Constitution, This was a gross case of the exercise of thc absolute ami Un* qualified veto, which has never been condemned, but nlwnys approved, by your pseudo Democracy and is a fatal precedent, which may virtually annul the whole power of Congress. The unqualified rule or power of revision recognized by the Constitution, subject te the will of Iwo-lhirdsof ench branch of Congress, hiiB been exercised in the cases of t!w bill to pay the interest due the States for expanditures in tho last war, the various bills for improvement of rivers and harbors, the bill to rechnrter the Bank, the bill to equalize ihe sessions of Congress, the French spoliation bill and in so many other casea that is difficult to enumerate them. These vetoes have been sustained by Executive influence. Congress has fallen beneath the Executive arm, strengthened as that is, and always will be, by a venal and subservient press ami the ready aid of the Post-Oflice Department, with a hnndred thousand office-holders, many of whom will always "crook the pregnant hinges of the knee where thrift may follow fawning." This whole veto power, as thus exercised, is now sustained by the Baltimore platform, and promptly ndnpied by General (Jass. in his acceptance of the Baltimore nomination. It is part of his established creed.

On the other hand how stands the man we support on this great and vital subject? He denounces the kingly power—the po«er for the exercise of which a Stuart and a Bourbon lost their heads —and confines the veto lo the cases in which the fathers of the Repsiblic. intended it to be exercised. H6 treats it as a "high conservative power,'' So did thev. They declared hy their exposition in the "Federalist," that its chief object was "to enable the Executive to defend himself when attacked." They meant it to be a shield not a sword. "Iu my opinion," says General Taylor, in his letter to Captain Allison, "it should never be exercised except in cases clear of violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress." He modestly adds, "Indeed I have thought that for many years past, the known opinions and wishes of the Executive have exercised pndue and injurious influence upon the legislative department of the Government and from this canst have thought our system was in great danger of undergoing a great change from its true theory." Sir, if he had hern forty years in these hall", instead of the tented field, he could not have more thoroughly understood the true theory of this Government and its actual and inevitable tendency, as now administered. It is evident be has, in the silent hoUra allowed him in the campi by the watch-fire in the night, or amid Ihe intervals of battle and military scrvice» deeplv studied the genius of our Goveilimeul and its practical administration

ism

Words of HttrritOtt. HtfV S»#» JSS&

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Of the President of the United States to assume the position of a legislator and whenever the day shall come that his right to legislate shall be acknowledged, that moment the republican character of our government uucrly ceases to exist. \*ou may call it what you please—you may style the man at the head of the covernment a President, as Bonaparte was, in the first instance, styled the first Consul, and afterwards Emperor ol the Republic—but to all intents and purposes your Republic is at an end—it becomes a At Anarchy—an elective Monarchy—the meanest and most despi' cable form in which that kind of government can exist.

Here then is the principle upon which I mrtke issue with the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, in the approaching Presidential campaign. I mean to stand hy Gen. Taylor us this representative of the right of inan to self-government. I mean to support him because he has boldly and nobly proclaimed himself, Itefore tht! Country, as the champion of this great principle, that the majority should govprbi In all those casis where this fathers of the Republic intended that the veto power should bo applied, he declares he will exercise it. In all c:ts£s wheie a bill pa.*sdd by Congress is clearly and mnnifesllv unrriliStitutionul. or has been passed in haste and wiihoUl due consideration, he will be prepared lo apply the veto

given to those who owned them, as rightfully as He is ready to apply it to sustain the tjnion of any man on earth ever owned his own house. By I these Slates a£ain-t any dangerous infraction of an absolute veto—"a pocket veto'*—a vile trick I the Constitution. But he will |irmit the peo'ple and a fraud upon the people and their Represeit-j of the country to govern themselves. Ho will tatives, this bill Was defeated after the Representa-1 snltl-r Ihe Representatives of the people ntiil the tives of tho nation had passed it by yrps 95 nays! States in these hulls to make the laws. He will 40—more than tvVo thirds The bill passed with in the last ten days of (he session, as three-fourths of nil the laws of Congress always have, and nl-

not set himself up as an essential pnrl of the legislative power of Ihe nation. He will, When he reaches the Presidential chair, stand by the great

ways wiil pasfli Experience shows us that the principles avowed on ihis subject hv Madison and

bis compntriols of 1787, and utterly repudiate the kingly maxim practised npon in the present day —"!Sic r»lo, sicjubco, sic veto. Slet pro ratione Voluntas.

I propose to look a little further into this subject, 1 desire the Senate and the people of the country to uiiderstnud what kind of government was *otight lo bo Established bv those who introduced the veto power into the Constitution Uf the United States, and ihe kindred principles which actuated them, tn Madison's papers, we find a copy of the Constitution which t/il. Hamilton, the father of the veto, intended to propose. Here are three of its provisions:

AUTICLK

1—Sec. 1. The legislative power

shall be vested in two distinct bodies of rtten, nhe to be called the Assembly and the itlher Ihe Senate, subject to the negative hereinafter mentioned. "Ant. IV—Bee. 10. The President shall have a right to negative all bills, resolutions,or nets ol the two Houses of the Legislature about to be passed into laws. "AUT. Ill—Sec. 6. Tho Senators shall hold their places during good behavior removable Only by conviction, on impeachment, for sotno crime or misdemeanor.'*

Here are the principles of tho Government which the author of tho veto power intended to introduce. It is manifest that the.mind of the author of the veto pdwer was at an infiuiie distance from the opinions of those who made tho Constitution. It is evident that he intended to establish a Senate for life, and to make the President a pari of the legislative power.

But the Executive practice of these days fall of which seems to be fully approved by Gen. Cuss,) is not merely sic veto—but sic vain, sicjubco. He now assumes the initiative in addition to the veto power. He not only recommends, hut dictates lo Congress. His opinions are daily quoted in debate here, and control our legislation. 1' hns been but four days since au attempt was made by the Senators from Kentucky and Tennessee, (Mr. Underwood and Mr. Bell,) to remove the obstructions in tho Ohio river at Cumberland island.— Everybody here seemed to think itriuhtlo remove it—but it was known and said that the Picsidcnt would veto the bill which contained it, and the improvement fell. So ihe navigation of the Ohio must bo obstructed till Taylor enn put it all right, by allowing Congress to make laws. We have not now a single river or harbor bill before Congress—not one measure for internal improvement. Why! Because we all know it is idle lo waste our time in passing them, as the President has publicly avowed his intention to veto them all.— The will of the people is nothing. All men here look to the will of the President. He is the fountain of favor. Now, in the British House, Under a limited monarchy, the independence of Parliament is secured by a rule which makes it OHt of order for any member to state In debate what is the will of tbe kingj and it is perfectly true, as Col. Hamilton stated in the Convention Jf 1787, that no king of England has dared to exerciao the veto power since the English revolution produced by the Whigs of 16&I). one hundred and sixly yeara ago. Whyl Because the exercise of power so despotic, which wholly denies to the people the right of self-government, would, even in that limited monarchy, have cost any English monarch his head.

Queen Victoria would not keep Ihe Ibe throne a week under one of our Presidential vetoes.-* We have the name of a Republic, but slat nomit umbra—it stands but the shadow of a name. I first came into Congress uearlv twenty years ago, and I have since been an attentive observer of men ami things here^ though one of the humblest

Sir, it would consume more lime than is neccs- of the actors on ihis theatre, where men with the sary for mv purpose, to show h?iw often the Will loudest professions or Democracy on their li|a, of the people, expressed by the Representatives in cherish the most despotic principles in their hearts Congress} has been defeated bv the iron will of a land I now say that the monarchial tendency has President and especially by the exercise of his everv yea'r been growing stronger, that many of monaichiral negative on the laws. In thc Ian-1 our legislative act^of the most important characguage of a distinguished statesman "the extreme ter, are drafted at the Executive Departments to medicine of the Constitution has become our daily I soil the will of tbe Executive, and that CongreM food." Every man who rememlers the history of has degenerated, under Democratic President*, till tbe last twenty years, will besr me witneasi that jit is little belter than the register of the edicts of in this respect) the modern Democracy have drift-1 an Emperor. It is but a few days since a member ed to a returnleaa distance from the old landmarks I who has served in Congress about thirty years, of republicanism. Tbe Executive prerogative is (Mr. Webster,) declared in his place,'bat he hud no longer the object Of attack) but its advocatea neVer known a President set his heart on any have been the unceasing assailants of the rights treat measure which he did hot force through of the people, and of the popular branch of the Government* "The power of the crown has increased, is increasing) and ousht to be diminished." He has broken down the power of Ihe peo-

Co ogress. Why islbist I»et a Democratic report, made to drive the younger Adanfs from power 24 years ago, make the answer. The veteran member

pie to improve their rivers and harbors—dictated frem Missouri, [Mr. Benton,1 in his report on a new and untried system of currenry in despite Executive patronaee. May 4. 1826, after enurnerof their expressed opinion—and even gone so far sttng the monstrous extent of the power of that Sa to deny the right of Congress to pay a private patronage, savsi claim to an American citizen- I refer totheclaim "The whole of Ihis great power will centre in for French apoliationa on our commerce prior to the President. The King ol England is the 'foun1800, for the liquidation of Which a bill passed lain of honor the President of the United Htaies both Houses of Congress two years ago-**-a bill, is tbe source of patronage. He presides over the the principles of which he never understood—a entire sysfc-m of Federal appointments, jobs and bill, to which it is palpable, he never gave a week's contracts. He has •powei' over Ihe 'support' of attention in bis after having held od of nearly fifty fears.

life, though Congress passed it, individuals Who administer the system. He makes IH under eonrfderation for a peri-! and UhfhSkes them. He choo»es from the circle Tbe Government has of his friends and supporters, and may dismiss them, and. upon all tbe principlea of human action, ioitt dismiss (hem, often as they disappoint his expectations. H»s sp:rit will animate their actions in all the elections to State and Federal office*. There p»aj be exceptions, but tbe truth of a general rtrte is proved by the exception.

ceased to be a government of the people, and has become a government of one roan. Power, nys Jnnio*, is couttnaslly stealing from ihe litany to the few, and may add, from :he few to one.— Tbe one-man power ia tbe subject of unceasing eulogy among some of the advocates of the Baltimore Convention platform) and one of the delegates hueiy made a speech to show its aaperiortty in concentrating all responsibility in one bead, in- will cease to operate. stead of dividing it among many, tbos frankly avowing his preference for the ttooarcbkal to the .... republican principle. to rale easily, and more securely with, than wilh-

The intended cbeck and control of the Senate, without new constitutional or statuary provtsiwa, Pslrocage will penetrate

it to the car

We must arrest this tendency in monarchy if oat. the nominal check ol the Senate. If the we intend to remain a Republic. When you talk President himself was the officer of the people, la me shout Whig principles, tsriffs, ibe curren- elected by than* and responsible lo them, there cj, internal improvement#! land b»iU, sod public would he less danger frem tbe concentration of all

I tell yoa thai, altboogh I am a Whig,! power in his hacdsibot it is the business of staleslute always been a Whig* aod expect to die a I men to act upon things as ikfy are, and not as into deal! It ia prostrate beneath bia (set at ikis Whig, vet I bold that, in comparison with the ibey would wish tbem lobe.*-We mu*t then look moment. The splendid party febpc—the Rrgengreat principle now at iaaoe between Lewie Cass forward lo tbe time when the public revcMt* ttili palace—which, by his wizard art, he erected end Zachary Taylor, tbe other pnnctpiea of any \bedmMed, when the civil and miiitary officers ,he Empire State, has vanished jike the, morning esriy ever J& known in this cone try stall into ,of Ike Federal Gotxrnmeai will be quadrupled,

insignificance, am called opon, in tbe election of when lis influence over individual* will be mvift-|ne reed in Eastern tales,at Ibe touch of one of tba Ztchary Taylor, to vindicate the great right of ,pded to an indrfinilc extent when the nomine- genii. man to arlf-guteromcn', and tbe right of tbe peo- tion by the Preaidcnt can cairy any man tbruugtrj [Concluded next week.]

5 -r ,r

•SSi

*-fc 8 4

VOL. VII. NO. 34.

the Senate, And his recommendation can enrjw any measure throligh thc two houses of Congress} when the principle of public action will be open ahd nruw&l, the l*?erfiielU iBanfi nr toft, and want tits patronage* 7 h'ftt TOTS O? he *wishes» ahd hie ivill ot Vk »IE the t\fliee Tivish for.

What will this be but the government of one rtlan, ai:d what is Ihe government of one man but a Monttrthy? Nahies art! hothingt The nature Of a thiltg in its sdhstftnee, and the name soon hccomtnoilatga itself to the substance. The first fcomnn fen|»erot Was styled Efspcror of the Republic, aml the lasl Frenth Emperor totjk the same Utlei Ami their res|i»etiVe' CnutllrifeS wero just as essentially tnonarchicaJ before ns after Iho assumption of these title*, 'ft cannot be denied or dissembled, but that this Federal Government gravitates Irt the same point, &c.'4 '"Those who make Ihh President must .support him., /fliei^ political frtte heebmes identified, and they must stand or fall togciher. Uiglit or vVrbng, they must sUpport him: and if he is mado contrary to the will lf the people, bo ntUsl lie supported not only by votes and speeches, but: bv artos.''

I proceed niHv lo answer some the. interrogations proposed by tho honorable Senator from Mississippi and. first, iu relation to the tariff. Ho asks me whether Gen. Taylor is in IhVor of tho tariff. I answer that Gen. Taylor hns expressly dcclnfrd in his letter tn Capt, Allisoin khnt he will) on that subject, submit to thte will of the |eople. If theyj by their repiCBrntnllVcs in Congress-), choose lo pass a protective tariff law. he will not veto it. If ihey choose to retain the freti trndO law of 1846, he will not interfere with it. Tho Senator asks, wbut is my position regard to this question'! I answer tlfit I aiji, Whig) nndasa true friend of the Aihericnn larifl" of lS42, and the principle* Of that tariff I tim perfectly content with ihe President of ihe United State* who will permit the will of thc Representatives of the people and of the flutes to become thl law of the laud. The honorable gentleman referred to A letter of mine, written in 1S-10. to my political friends in l)ela\Vart\ in which I avowed ntysolf to lie what I have always fell proud to declare myself—a friend to tho protection Of American industry, and tho tariff of 1842. ft Was a letter wlitten. not ns he sn^s, for a Presidential tlc lion, but for a !$tntfc election, and nn the eve ol it. I shall never abandon ll—but 1 glory in the principle it avows. 'l'he honorable Sdhatnr inquired If thcrn was mail ou tills side of thechmnber who was in fayo? of thnt tarilfin 1842. I AM, mid I think nil on my side of the chamber concur with me. But do not desirb General Taylor to forcbauy tariff" up1 on thc country, by tho cxorcisc of thc Executive power. He is willing) on that grent question, to let the vote of the people govern) and no man let him be from the Nttrtli or from the South, Who desires to clirb the expression of the people ou this subject, can justly cnll himself a true Kopuhlicnu.

It is because («en. Taylor, on ihis, ns on otl.er great questions, stands on Reph'ilican ground, that we ilesirti his electioni He occupies precisely tho platform Ou which Mri Jefferson placed hiumelf In Ihe origin of parties in this country, lie is in favor of strengthening the popular blrancli of Government, and opposed to thc augmentation of fcx* ecutive poWer. This was the great dividing land* mark between parties in 1798. llut ulna! your modern democracy has been driven by ils officeholding leaders to a very different position from that occupied by Mr. .lefTerson. It now stands as thtf advocate, the prop and support of kinglv power, [Here Mr. C. addressed himself th the Demo* Craltc side of tUechnmherij Yon defend nil its Cncroiichmeitts. You spurn the rights of tho country and of Congress. You 'decide that the President shall put down the will of the people) and you have nominated a man who stands solemnly pledged beforo the Convention, by his Idler of areeptrtnee of ydut nomination, lo veto tint will of the people, when expressed throutfh their representatives, on nil great leading questions, in any other way than as mere faction may dictalet lly the action of a convention, whifli the minority wns suffered to control, and whitih took only ono night lo consider all the great questions of pnblic policy, your candidate is pledged to veto the voto of the people, should even nine-tenths of thertt decide upon a repeal of the tariff of 1846, nnd a re-enactment of that of 1842, Now, on this ground, is there any hononblo free-trnde man who will hesitate to give his support to Gen.Tny--lort Every honest democrat—every native and naturalized citizen—can support Gen. Taylor} and no ono can accuse them of apostatizing from ahy political paity tr which they may have been attached. I, as a Whig, Can unite with my fellow citizens of the Democratic party in support of (Jen. Taylor, and all I nik of them I* to be Republican in heart, and fo allow llie will of tKe peoplo. lo govern for thai is the great principle laid down' by him in the Allison letter, and it towers infinitely above all other questions of pnrty ever made iij this country. I cherish no unkind personal feeling toward the distinguished gentleman whom tho democratic convention nominated. I have always entertained for him the highest regard, on account, of the excellence of his private chsrocler. 13ut tp am now reviewing his public sets— not his private life. I have shown that Instead of occupying re» publican ground, he stands precisely in ihe position maintained by Col. Hamilton and Mr, Wilson in the Federal Convention—pledged to BUStain ihe ultra exercise of Executive power, and to veto and put down ihe will of the nation on every subject upon which nn iriespousible convention, have had the effrontery to dictate their arbitrary dogmas to the American people. These men have set themselves op shove the Constitution, and usurped the legislative power. They seek to control the appointment of Chief Magistrate, and, like the Polish Diet, virtually elect a monarch to ride and rule an abused and instilled people.

Which, then is the Republican party! It is the great National party, composed of Democrats, naturalized citizens, native citizens and Whig*—1 patriotic men of both parties— who now constitute the great Taylor party of Ihe country. That is tha true republican party opposed lo Ibe downward tendency of the Government in its sdminisI ration—anxious to avert its progress fo monarchy and unless the principles of that party be sustained, the lilierties of the country must sooner or later, fall bem-at hi he axe which has been laid to their root by the proceedings of the interested and intriguing faction, which lias by turns muzzled, cajoled, and trampled upon the rights of th« modem democracy. When, then, I call upon any man to support Gen. Taylor, I do not ask that he should t»e merely a Whig, or a Democrat, but a Republican—a Republican not merely by profession. bat a Republican in heart and deed.

The psrty leaders in the convention thnt introduced this Iwo-thirds rule, and tho* cheated Itself, refusing to allow the majority tn govern, have felt already the consequences of their conduct. This rule was introduced as a permanent principle of ibe Democratic party in ihe convention of-1844, and was a deliberate fraud upon M^, Van Buren and his frien 's. He went into tbe convention expecting that the will of the majority* would be allowed lo control its action and be received Ihe

vote of a decided majority of that conveniiojj.—,But the politicians—those jugglers who understood tbe game that was to be played—so contrived it, that a majority could ndt confml the sctiSh

of the convention.

this body, sobdoe iu capacity of resistance, chain \,y jl,c pretext that aa Ibe North bad a majority of

of power, and enable ibe President »nte«, their institution of slavery wss in danger, and thus procured their aid to establish the rule, lhat a vole of two thirds Was necessary la nominate

the

candidate. They tbu* rsjected Mr. Van BuSen, and what ha« been ,tbe result! This politi C"1 magician, aa he was called, has applied bia magic touch to your parly, and it is crumblsd

*«, qT one of those dreamy manaions of which

They deludeJ Southern men

,v.