Wabash Express, Volume 7, Number 17, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 12 April 1848 — Page 1

WHOLE NO. 329.

DAVID S. DA^ALDSO^,

EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.

TERMS OP SUBSCRIPTION I* ADVAKCB 00 Wmn* THE V'BAB 2 50 AT THK BSD OP THE YSAB 3(0

TERMS OP ADVERTISING OX* .SACARB THREE WEEK* KACII ADDITIONAL IKIEITION PEE SQUARE.... "o $y- Liberal deduction* fur lon(cr lime and greater tp

SPEECH OF

BiMEL WKBSTF-R,

OX THE WAR WITH MEXICO.

1IKLI VF.BEII THE UMITRB STATE* BESATE, XAitcti 23, 1848.

The Senate having under consideration

the bill from the House of Representatives

to authorize a loan not to exceed the sum

of sixteen millions of dollars, Mr. WEn-

wtkr addressed the Senate on the subject

of the Mexican war in a speech of con­

siderable length, of which we find the

following account in the Senate's Official

Report:

Mr. WEBSTER said:—Mr. President, on Friday bill parsed the Senate for the r:iisino of ten regiments of new iroops fur

ihe further prosecution ol the war agninst Mexico.

!,

pay and support of theso 31) regiments.

Sir, the scenes through which we have

passed and are passing here are various. T'or a fortnight the world supposes tis to linve been occupied with the ratification of a treaty of peace, and that witlrin those

walls—

"Tlui #r.rlt! shut ttfcl"—

Totes of peace, hopes of pence, nay, strong iiHsurances of peace, and immediate pcMce, lis-ve befin uttered to console us and to fheer us. It has been over and over again stated that wo have ratified a treaty —of courao a treaty of pence anil as the

-country has been led to suppose, not nf uncertain, and empty, and deelusive peai'e, but real gratifying, and enduring peace a peace that shall staunch the wounds of war, prevent the further ffusion ol blood, •(•ill oil these enormous expenses, and return our friends, and our brothers, and our children (if they be yet living!) from land of slaughter, and a laud of still more dismal destruction by climate, to our firewide* and our arms. Hardly have those

halcvon sounds ceased upon our ear until, in resumed public session, we arc summoned to fresh warlike operations to the vacation ofn new nrmv xT thirty thousand men for the further prosecution of the war to carry our power, in the language of the l'residrnt, .still more directly in the vital part* of our enemy, and to press home, bv the power of the sword, the claims that

we insist upon against a fallen, prostrate, I had almost said an ignoble foe. Ifl may judge of the opinion of the honorable member from Michigan, or other speeches delivered in this chamber, there has lint been a time from the commencement of the war when it has been more urgently pressed upon us, not only to maintain, but to increase our military means, not only to continue the war but to press it

with more vigor, than at the present time. I'rav. what does all this mean? Prav, nir, I ask, is it confessed, then, that we nre no nearer to peacc than xvc were when we snatched npa peacc oT paper called, or miscalled, a treaty, and ratified it? Have wo vet to light it out to the utmost, as il Ho pacification had intervened? 1 wish to treat the proceedings of this and every department of this Government with the utmost rcspect. (»od knows that the con­

stitution of this Government, and the exercise of its just powers in the administration of iho laws under it, have been the cherished object of all my unimportant life. Hot if the subject were not toodeep-

Jv interesting, I should say that our procredings here might well enough cause a smile. In the ordinary transaction of foreign relations, in this and all other Governments, the courso has been to negotiate first, and to ratify afterwards.— This would seem to be the natural order of conducting intercourse between foreign States. We hare chosen to reverse the

order. Wo rali.'v first and negotiate afterwards. We set tip a treaty, such as we find it, and such as we choose to make it, and then we send two ministers plen­

ipotentiary to negotiate thereupon, in the capital of the enemy. One should think,

sir, thai the ordinary course of

was

much th*s

ponsible,

proceeding

wiser

hold intercourse,

that to negotiate,

come to some arrange­

ment W authorized

agents, and then to

submit that arrangement to the sovereign authority, to

which

those agents are res­

would be always

ahle method

the

most desir-

of

procinlure. It

strikes me

that theeowrse we hare adopted is strange, is grotesque.

So

precedented

intercour#«.

floor

farm I know, it is un­

in the history of

diplomatic

Learned gentlemen on the

of the Senate, interested to defend and indicate this course may. in their extensive reading*, Have found examples.— I know none.

Sir. we arv* in possession, br military power, uf .New Mexico and California,

LiLi~^j

countries belonging hitherto to the [Juiled States of Mexico. We are informed by the President that it is his purpose to retain them to consider them as territories fit lo be attached, to these United States of America and the military operations and designs now before the Senate are intended to enforce this claim of the execu'.ive

of the United States. We are to compel Mexico to agree that that part of her dominions called New Mexico, and the other part called California, shall be ceded to us. We are now in possession of these territories, it is said, and she is to be compelled lo yield the title. This is the pieci*e object of this new army of thirty thousand men. Il is the identical object,

sir in my judgment, for which the war was originally commenced, for which ilhas been hitherto prosecuted, and in furtherance of which ibis treaty is lobe used but as one of the means to bring about the general result that general result depending, after all, upon our superior power and the necessity of submitting to any terms which we prescribe to fallen, fallen, fallen

Mexico.

nd we have been informed that

the measure is shortly to be followed, in this branch of the Legislature, by a bill to raise twenty regiments of volunteers for ihe same service. 1 was desirous, 6ir, on "Friday, to express my opinion against the object of thoso billn—against the supposed necessity which lead* to their enactment, nml against the general policy which lli'*v

:ire apparently designed to promote, t'irmontances personal to myself, but beyond my control, compelled me to forego on that lav the execution of ifiid design. The bill now before the Senate is a measure for raising money to meet thfl expenses tif the (lovcrmneiit, and to provide the means as well for other things as for the

The members composing the other House —the more popular brmich of Congress have all ti:en elected since, 1 had almost saitl the fats!, the rpmarkible incidents of the -11th of May, 1816 end it has pac«ed resolution affirming that "the war with Mexico was begun unconstitutionally and unnecessarily by the Executive Government of the United Sintes." 1 concur in that sentiment. I hold that lo be ihe most recent, authentic expression of the will and the opinions of the people of the United States. There is another proposition, not so authentically an noun red hitherto, bui in my judgment equally true—rqtially capable of demonHtrttiion, and thnt is. that this war was begun, has been continued,,and is now prosecuted, for the great «nd leading purpose of the acquisition of new territory, out of which lo bririK new Sinfs. with a Mexican popultiiion. into this our Union of the U. S.

moment we get possession ol the territory, it is said tl,at «e must retain it and make il

our own. Now. 1 think thn original object has not been changed. Sir, 1 think it still cxis's in tbe eyes of those who originally contemplated il who began the war Tor it

a a a

1 shall be called a "Mexican Whig." A man

would consider the same thing, an enemv

of ihe President of the United States anil

of linr I iri-iimn nv

a

out but names do nH terrify me. Besides.!

if I am a sufferer in this respect, if I be msde ihe subject of reproach by ihese stipendiary presses, these hired abusers of the motives of public men, I have tbe honor

this occasion to b-j

in

Mr. WEBSTER. That is exactly tbe thing I now propose to do. Mr. Cass. I shall be glad to here the explanation.

Mr. Werstk*. In hia remarks on this bill in ihe Senate, ihe other day. the bonoraruble gentleman told us that hia object was to frighten Mexico—it would touch bis humanity to hurl her.

Mr. Cass. Does the honorable gentleman mean to say that I made such a remark? Mr. WESSTCS. I mean lo say tbal tbe gff&ileman said it twice.

Mr. CAS*. I beg the centleman's pardon. I said no aoch thing. Will the gentleman •How tee to stale «hat I did say? I remarked that we had two objects to accomplish in raiaiog the regiments one mi, tbe vigoron* prosecution ol tbe war anil, secondly, to produce a moral effect upon Mexico by convincing her ol oar determination, and thereby bold out an inducement to ber to make peace.

Mr. WtcsTti. Tbe gcoUcmaa uid tbal

his principal object was to "frighten"' Mexico, and thai that would be uiore humane lhan to harm Mexico.

Mr. Cass, (in his seat.) True. Mr. Webstf.8. It is true? Very well. I thought as much Now, the remarkable characteristic of his speech which makes it no much a Mexican sprrch is, that the gen-lli-man spoke it in the hearing of Mexico, as •.veil as in the hearing of the Senate. We have been accused, sir, of being "Mexican Whigs" because what we say here is heard by Mexico, and Mexico derives countenance and support from what is said here. Bui the honorable member comes forth and tells Mexico that his object is to frighten her! His words have passed along the wires, they are on the Gulf, they are floating away to Vera Cruz and, when they get there, they will satisfy the Mexicans that after all—after all, "ye good Mexicans, our principal object is to frighten you!" And, to the end that they may not be frightened too much, he gives them notice that ihe object is to fiighten them! Mr. President, when Snug, the joiner, was to represent the lion, and roar on th« stage, he was quite apprehensive that he might too much frighten "the duchess and the ladies:'* and, therefore, by the advice of his comrade, one Nicholas Bottom, he wisely concluded to that in the heat anrf fury of his effort he would show onehalf his face and say: "Ladies, fair ladies, I would wish you, or I would request you, or I would entreat you not to fear, not to tremble: mv life for yours, if you think I come hither as a lion, it were piiv of my life! No, I am no such thing: I am a man, as other men are I'm Snug, the joiner!"

But, sir, in any view of this case—in any view of the proper policy of this Govrrn-

reduced their numbers. If the reciuiting

service would now yield t^n thousand men,

it would not more than fill up those regi-

that it is as attractive to them, and from ments, so as lo give the field officers their which they have no more desire to avert command. I understand, sir. that the their eyes now thui they had then, or havei npori from Gen. Scott—Gen. Scott! A had at any time sine* we have compelled a

man

treaty of cefsion. We know in our con-'campaign in military annals a man that has sciences that it is compelled! We use it as warred against the cnemv, warred against an instrument and an agency, in conjunction t|ie climate, weired against a thousand tinwith other instrumentalities and agencies of1 propitious circumstances, and carried the more formidtiblc or destructive character,

0

to enforce ttle acquiescence of Mexico in the honourably, proudly, humanely, to bis acquisition by us of new territory *.o form own permanent honor and the great credit new States«j-new States to be added to this'of his countrv. Gen. Scon! And where is Union. Every intelligent man knows thnt At Puebla! At Puebla, undergoing an there is a strong desire in the heart of ihe inquiry before his inferiors in office, and Mexican citizen lo retain the teiritories be-l

01

so

rv—il part tliey must—with regret, with jf

pangi of sorrow. That we know. We know iiemau, but his inferior in military rank and the cession is altogether forced and there- jsiaiion. lore, because wt know il must be forced— ft Gen. Scott reporls. ns I understand, because w« know that whatever the Govern-J (hat in February there were twenty thoument, which is our creature, may do or

agree to—we know that the Mexican people

gan

will never accede to the terms of this treaty jnnteers—and if full lliev would make thirtyhut through an impulse of absolute necrssi-j

fighting. Mr opinion in the present Mate of!

tification rn putting ihe bayonet to the throat

onr

tv, and the impression made upon them by thirty-five thousand—and there would be tiie absolute irresistible lorce. Therefore

0

we propone loover« helm tham with another 1not less lhan fifty-five or sixty thousand army. We pToi.oso to raise immediately

mn

ten regiments of regular troops and twenty information be exact, and the honorable regiment? of volunteers, and to pour them in member from Michigan can correct me if it and upon the Mexican people. not—1 presume that il is correct—in

Now, sir. I should be hippy to concur, not- February Gen. Scott had under him in Mexiwiihstanding all this tocsin, and all this cry ^.rty thousand troops, regulars and volof all the Semproniouses in the land that I Now. all these troo,, are regnlartheir voices is still lor «ar-I should be hap-1 "fiicered. There is no deficiency of o.py to agree, and substantiallv I do agree, fims tn.the line or in the stafl-thev are a I with the honorable member from South Caro- I f'1"* Whatever deficiency there sr onsis lina, that, after all. the war with Mexico is men. Now, sir, thefe is a ansible rea-

thousand men officers included over

01 home for he

things is that the people of this country volunteer regiments. Il will be said that will not sustain this war. Thev ill not gli volunteers choose to enlist under officers of to the expense. They will nol'find any gra-

'»eir

10

of the Mexican people. For mv part. I regiment is abroad under officers of hope Ihe ten regiment bill will never be- «hom they know nothing. There may be come a law. Three weeks ago I should hive something in that but pray to what does entertained that hope with the utmost confi-

dence. Events since have struck me with I

,tlat

hope it will not pass.' And here, 1 dare sav. «"d come to nothing? Meantime part .th Mexican territory. I bey would refe.

,he

.P

1 3 of

who can stand up here and say that he hopes 'Continually filled, the regiments """'S

thai what the Administration projects for she officers, although the private?, casna further prosecution of the waragainsi Mexi- IT °r disease, are reduced to be less .n numco will not be carried into effect, "an

ene-

mv to the country or. what gentleman

commissioned

ber than the officers themselves. But,

cver al mB

or

S

VIIIIXI

his administration and his partv. He is

pose to do? Sir,

I

0He

his country to the capital of the ene-

|, persons not in office, while the high

longing to that republic. We know that powers that lie exercised, and exercised with ihe Mexican people part with their terriio-

distinction, are turned over to ano-

1eri

do not mean to say an unworthy gen-

,| regular troops under his command, and

fn roU

[e Add Ihe thirty regiments of vol-

ncw Bin

ri 0r

that has performed the most brilliant

to lorm new Sint

1

forceof regulars Btul volunteers amounting

n, including tbe recruits on the way. If

S a

&

a 8

supply of deficiencies in the

selection that they do not incline

enlist here as indtvu ual vo unteers,

conclusion lead? Does il not lead to

,hat b11

h°

se

pain and shaken mv conviction. Still I moulder awoy, so far as the pr,vales are con- ,.l«co,

volunteer corps must

Ihe places of the commissioned officers are to keep their territory, and that we should keep

existing laws, or new laws, if new laws be

"Mexican!" Sir. I think verv badlv of the necessary. There is no reason upon earth Mexican character, high and' low/out „d

wh we ho,,ld

offi

Without asking what need there is for the If

supply of deficiencies in the existing regi-

arms in any part of Mexico. Except in one

instance, perhaps, tbcre is not half that number. Mcxico is prostrate—-there is^ no Government to resist ns. it is notorious that the Government of Mexico is on our side. Il is our instrument, by which we hope to establish such a jeace and accomplish such a treaty as we wish. As far as I can understand the matter, the Government of Mexico owes its life and breath and being. at this moment to the support of our arm and to tbe hope—I will not say how inspired—that somehow or another, and at no distant period, there may be pecuniary

0ur

11

be, in regard to the ""crui ing

the regular service, yon can nl up 'j

repimctlts by pay and bounty, according to

wt"i, a,,,I -,f

"Ow create five hundred new

«rs. hr the

on

very respectable com­

pany. in the. vituperative, the accusative,

sand new men. There are officers to com maud ihem. All that is wanted is men and there is a place for the men. and 1 suppose that no gentleman can stand up here or elsewhere and say, that the recruiting ser vice can go on

the denunciatory sen^e of ihat term, I do 'ary to go. in order to fill up these defictennot know a greater Mexican in this body

th*n ihe honorable member from (Michigan at the head of the Military Committee. Mr. Cas*. I shonld like ihe honorable gentleman to explain what sort of Mexican I am.

c'e9

faster than it will be neces-

',J 'be regiments abroad.

But now what do we want with a greater

force than we already have in Mexico?

ft*??.

TERRE-HACTE, YIGO COUNTY, INDIANA,»*APRIL 12, 1848.

see nctobject, and yet we

are pressed and urged to adopt this proposition in its full length—ten regiments of regulars and twenty regiments of volunteers! We are told, and the public is told, and the public believes, that we are on ihe verge of a safe and honorable peace. Every man looks out in the morning for tidings of confirmed peace, or confirmed hopes of peace. He gathers it from the Administration, 8nd every organ of the Administration, from Dan lo Beersheba and yet the warlike operations—the incuningof additional expenses —the imposition of new charges upon the Treasury, are pressed here as if peace was not in all our thoughts, at least not in any of our expectations!

Now, sir, 1 propose to hold some plain talk to da?: and 1 say that, according to my best judgment and apprehension of matters, the ain object of these bills is pBironage— office—the gratification of friends. This vpry measure for ten additional regiments creates four or five hundred officers, colonels end subalterns, and not them only, for whom 1 have some respect, but then there comes paymasters, contractors, persons engaged in the transport service, commissaries—even down to sutlers, ct id genus omnc—people who handle the public money without facing the foe one and all. the true descendants, if not the true -representatives, of corporal Nym, who said, "For I shall suiter be

Unlo the camp, and profits will accrue.*' Sir, I hope, without disrespect lo those applicants and aspirants, and those patriots, and some of them patriots ready to fight, end those other patriots not willing to fight, but willing to be paid—1 hope, without disrespect to any of them, according to their

ment. according to any man's apprehension rank and station and merits, that they may and judgment—where is the necessity ofi^'l he disappointed. 1 hope, sir, as the this augmentation of regiments of the mili* weather gtows genial and the season arlvantarr force of the countr*? hold in my ces, they will, on the whole, find il their inhsnd a note, I suppose substantially correct. terest to place themselves, one of these of the present military forces of the United mild mornings, in the cats, and take their States. I will not vouch for its entire accti- destination to their respective places of honorable private occupation and civil employment. They have my good wishes, that, bidding adieu to the Avenue and the Capitol, and the purlieus of the President's

racy, but 1 believe it is substantially according to fact. There ore now twenty-fire regiments of rpgular troops, of various arms, which, if full, would give us a force of 28,-

lf unavowed at first, this purpose did not re-1960 rank and file, and including officers,, rmiin ufiflvoivvtl However often iMihirtv thousand and odd mpn. Th^se, with health themselves and find their families all mav be said that we did not go to war for (, exception of six or seven hundred men, I very happy to receive them. conquest-—'WeiaI Judmia Appclla!—yet the

8re n0

wall without the limits of Ihe United

llCK 1 6 lllt

House, they may reach their homes in good

Uul

*ir Vau}°

.... ...

full. Casualties and the climate l.»*e ,.ly

i"'J"ra

as

nnd wil

population

.1VC

t|int project. I nm ngninst ihe creation of

ncninst the acquisition of ter-

And ihi«. sir, is not

matter of sentimentality, which I am lo parade before mass meetings or lelore my constituents at home. It is with ine no matter of declamation, regret, or expressed repugnance. Il is mailer of firm, unrhangeal'le purpose, to yield to no force of circumslatices llinl h:ive occurred or that I may consider likely lo occur, and therefore I say. sir. that if I am a«ked to-day whether for the sake nf pence, I will take a treaty that brines two new States into this Union on its southern boundary, I say n, distinctly NO! and I wish every man in the. United States to understand ihat lo he my judgment and my piirpos-e. I have said on the southern boundary, because there the present proposition takes its locality. I would say the we». tern, the northern, the eastern, or any other boundary. I would resist to-day, and to the. end. here and everywhere, Buy proposition to add any foreifjn territory, on ihe south or west, north or east, to the States of this Union, as they are now constituted and held together bv the constitution. I do not want the eoloni- of England on Ihe north las little desire tlifl Mexican population on the south. I resist and reject all, anil all with equal resolution and therefore, I say, that if the question is put to me to-day, whether I will lake peace in the present state of the country—distressed as

it is—in the exigency of this war, odious as it i«— in circumstances so afflictive to Ihe community, and so dis'.urhim to Ihe business nf those whom I repiesvnt. as those which now surround us—I say still that il the question be put to me whether I will have peace, with ncw Slates, I say r.o—no— no! Why 7 Because. «ir. there is no necessity of heins driven into the dilemma, in my judgment. Othef gentlemen may think differently. I own no man'u conscience but mine own. I mean to make a clean breast for myself, and I protest, that I see no reason whatever to believe that we cannot obtain as safe a peace, as honorable a peace, and as prompt a peace, without territory as wiili it. I he things are separable. There is no necessary connexion between them. Mexico does not wish us 10 lake her territory that she may receive our money. Far from it. She yields her assent-1—if she yield at all—reluctantly, and we all know it. If she yield, it is the result of force ami there is not a man here that does not know il. Let me say, sir. thai if this Trist paper te finally rejected in Mexico, it is most liksly to be because thoso who, under our protection, prepared il. cannot persuade the Mexican Congress or Ihe Mexican people to agree lo this cession "f territory. 1 he tiling most likelv to break tin what is now expected lo lake

ls

h. efn

money or we resolve that we should keep our money anil allow them to keep their territory We shall see. I prelend to no powers of prediction. I do not know what may happen. The limes are full nf strange events. But I think it

ro a( J( b1

jj.

rrnlv

Cf(

,|,

a

nrprsion oflhp

now

which has cue lo Mrx-

faj| iv. raiifictl. it will be brcuuse of the

Mc*ie«n Congress or the Mexican

people lo cede the territories, or any portion of ihem, belonging to their republic. I have said, sir. Ihat I would rather have no peace for Ihe present lhan lo have a peace thai brings lertiiorie* for new Stales and the reason is thai I believe we can ffel a peace jusl as soon without territory as with it—a peace more t-afe, more enduring—vastly more honorable to us, the Breat republic of the western world. I hear gen-

ilemen sav

thai we must have some terriiorv thai

the people demand tl. deny it at least. 1 say 1 see no proof nf it whatever. I do not ubt that there are individuals, here and there, of an enler-

prising character disposed to emigration, who

nothing about New Mexico, but that it is

ar

(f

an(

urth

ments, what do we want beyond the thirty agriculture and civil life. I dare say that there thousand regulars and volunteers now in are hundreds and thoosanda of such persons who field service? What is the purpose? There might wish »or territory in which to seek their is no army to fight. I suppose the enemy fortunes Whatever is new is attractive in such has nol five hundred men together under mmds they feel iwrtb his «.

rt nn#

nothing of California, but that it is still

t#, I uke it. to be prrtiT IderaMy oonienl wrto ni#

I do not find any where nor that there exists any where, anv considerable respectable number of persons wbo think thst we want more territory, and sncb territory. There were twenty-four of os last year who voted against ibe prosecution of tbe war fnt tbe acquisiiton of territory, on the rtwnd that we did not want it—Soolbern men and Nortb-

means arising from our three millions, or our em men. I ne.«« ioe« were twelve millions, or some other of out mil- m« wha coan-rml tn th.l Hons. What do we promise to do. tben. lbem«.|ve«. even agatnst what might be soppmrd with those thirty regioaema that we design to poor into Mexico? Are we cotng to cut the throats of the Mexicans? Are we going to plunge ibe sword deeper and deeper into the vital pan of Mcxico? W&at do we pro-

«M & m»

im

OcuotcEr to politics, Oucntion, Agriculture, EI)C illarkcts, Current Nous, ®l)e Arts an& Sricnccs, Citcvature, ©citcral 3ntclligcncc, "&c., fct.

WISH TOU TO I'XOERSTiKD THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF THE GOVCRXX15T—I WISH THRK CARRIED OUT—I ASK XOTHIJTO MORE." Ltlft Word* nf Htirriion.

vocacy of such sentiments I rather lelieve Ihat they triumphed in them, ami I believe that through the Breat portion of ihe South, if we can trust what has leen said here—through the Southwest, lo a very great extent, the same sentiment is general—that there is no prevalent opinion in favor nf new territory, and such territory, or of an augmentation of your population, and by surh population. I need noloay that is. if not lh4 Undivided, the preponderating sentiment of nil ihe IVqrlh.— But we think we must take lerritorv for the sake of peace we must take territory. This is the will of tbe President! If we do not lake it we may fare worse! Mr. Polk will lake no less Thnt is fixed upon He is immoveable! -He has put down his foot! He had put it down, sir, on fil-Iv-four forty," bul il did not stay. I speak nf the President of the United States ns I speak of all Presidents, without disrespect but I know no reason why his opinions, his will, his purpose declared to le fixed, should control us any more than nur purpose formed upon equally conscientious motives, and, I may add, formed under as high responsibilities as those which should control him. We think he is firm and will nnt move. I should be sorry, sir, very sorry, indeed, ihat we should entertain more respect for the firmness of an individual at tho head of the Government, than we can entertain for our own firmness. He will stand out, it is said, against us. Do we fear to stand out against him For one. I do not. It ap|ie.irs to me to liea slavish doctrine. For one, lam willing to meet the issue, ami to go to the people over all this broad land. If we will take peace wiihout new States, and Ihe Administration will have no peace without hew Stales, I am willing lo stand upon that and trust the people. Mo thai because, in the first place I have no distrust of the people. I am not unwilling lo put that to their sovereign decision and arbitration.

Sir, I hold this question to be vital, permanent, elementary, in the future prosperity of ibis country and the maintenance of the constitution, and 1 am willing to trust that question lo the people. I prefer thai it should be submitted to them, because if what I regard as a great constitutional principle, or a principle essentially important to the maintenance of tho constitution, be broken down, let it lie the act of themselves. It shall never be my act. I therefore do not distrust the people. I am willing to take their sentiment on ihix isnue, from tho Gulf In British Provinces, and from the ocean to the Missouri. 1 am willing to ask them, will you continue this war for territory for territory to bo purchased after all at an enormous price, a thousand times the value of all that is purchased—or will you lake peace, conlen. ting yourself with the honor that the country has reaped by the military achievements of its armies? Will yon take peace without territory and preserve the integrity of the constitution and the Union!— I am willing to go on that, for one.

I am willing, sir, to take this issue: peace without new States, keeping our money to ourselves, or war till these new States shall be acquired.— That's the question it is a question fr Ihe people themselves. If they support me and those who think with me in Ihe view I take of the matter. ry well. If they will have territory, if they will add new States to this Union, why let Ihem do so, and they will be the artificers of their own fortunes, for good or evil.

But, sir, we tremble before Executive power.— The truth cannot be concealed—we tremble hefore Executive power! Mr. Polk will take nothing else than this, and, if we do not fake this, Mbe king's anger may kindle,' and he mny impose still heavier burdens. Now who and what is Mr. Polk? I speak of him in no manner of disresneet. I mean nnly to ask who and what is Ihe Presi. lent of the United States for the present current noinent! He is in the last year of the term nf his administration—formally, officially, it can only be drawn out till Iho fourth of March. Why. really and substantially, we know that two Rhort months will or mav produce events that render ihe duration of tho olficial term of very little iinpoiiwncc. We arc on the eve of a Presidential election. That machinery resorted to lo collect public opinion, or parly opinio^,!* lobe put in operation two months hence. We shall see its result. It may be that the present incumbent of the presidential office will be again presented to his parly friends and admirers for their suffrages for tbe next Presidential term. I do not say how probable or improbable that may be—perhaps it is mil entireprobable. Suppose that not to be ihe result, what then? Why, then, Mr. Polk becomes as absolutely insignificant as any respectable man amongst the public men of the United States— honorable in his private hie—valuable in his private character. Respectable—never eminent in public life, he will, from Ihe moment Ihat a new star arises, have list as little influence as you. sir, or I and. so far as respects myself, God knows llint will be very little. Sir, political partisans, and aspirants, and oflirc seekers arc not bun-fliiw-ersj they do not "Turn on thnir grot when he gels

The same hwk which they turned wlven he rose Now sir, if the respectable gentleman who is now at Ihe head of the Government should br agreed upon, there will be those who will commend Lis consistency and be bound to rnuinlaiii il and the integrity nf the party hi* friends will require that this should le done. If otherwise, who is there in the whole length and bieadth of the land who will care for the consistency n( ihepres* lit incumbent "f that nflict-1 There will llieu he new objects. Manifest di stiuy will then have fixed u|iou some nther mnn. sir the eulogies are now written the eommendstions of the press are already elaborated I will not say everything fulsome, hut I will say every thing panegyrical is already written out with blank* for names, lo be fllled when the convention shall adj••urn. V\ hen manifest destiny shall be reached, then. sir. all the^estrains of panegyric made beforehand, hid up in pigeon holrs, studied, framed, emblazoned, and embossed, will all come out, and then there will

miracle—ilia a wonder Ihat no nne thought of him

before a fit man, and the only fit man lo he at the head of Ibis great republic. I shrink not, therefore, from anything that I feel lobe my dutv. litany apprehension nf ihe power, and importance, and imposing dignity and the |«wer of will which is ascribed to the present incuml«etit of that office. I wish we bad that power of will. I wish we had ihat firmness—-firmness—flrmnew. Sixituumen nullum absit. If we had adherancel I wish we could gather something from the spirit of our brave corps that have met the enemy under cirrumstanccs most adverse, and have stood the shock. I wish we could imitate Z^chary Ta\|or in bis bivouac upon the field of Buena Vista.—

er off who ye tired -he dull ..id he woukl remain for the night he would

somebody passes beyond him and

then hi* disposition In take up his "traps" and pa«« beyond him who has passed himself, and sit down fnrther off is an irresistible passion. At

feel the enemy in the morning and try hi« posiiion. I wish before we surrender that we could make op our minds lo feel the enemy and try his position, and I think we should find him. a* Taylor did, nnder the early sun on his way to Sao Luis PMIOSI! That is my jodgment.

But. sir. I come lo the all-alworbing quesiir.n,

great rjver.

I believe there eere Soolbern gentle-

5

j:e* TKa «. SrA*S H* 'I tzi

For a few years I held a position in Ihe Executive department of the government. I left ihe department of Slate in 1843, in May. Within a monik after, apnlher most wnilhy nnd respectable gentleman—who came lo a verv untimely end— ha I taken my plare, 1 had occasion lo know, not ofTicial'v. hut from circnms'anccs, that the annexation of Texas was taken up by Mr. Tyler's Administration as an aduiini«tration measure, pushed, pressed, insisted on, and I believe that the honorable gentleman to whom I have referred, and for who-e memory I entertain much respect, (Mr. Upshur) had sninelhiug like a passion for tile accomplishment of this purpose. And Iain afraid thai the Pre«idiiiit of the United State* tft that time suffered his ardent feelings not a little to control his more prudent judgment. At any rate, I saw in 184:1 ilia! annexation had hi come a purpose. was not in Congress, nor in public life, hut seeing this stale of things I thought it mv duty lo admonish as far as 1 could, Ihe country of ihe existence ofthia purpose. There are gentlemen —manvofihein at the North—others now in this capital, who know that in the summer of 1843, being lully persuaded that this purpose of annexing Tex lis had been taken with 7.eai and determination by ihe E xecuti»-e Government of the United Slates, I thought it my duty, and asked Iheir concurrence iu an attempt to let this purpose be known to the country. I conferred with gentlemen of distinction and eminence I proposed some me.nis of exciting public intention to Ihe question of annexation before it should Income a party question for I had learned that when a matter becomes a parly matter, il is in vain lo argue against it or argue upon it. Hut the optimist*, the quielists then, who said all things are well and let all things alone, discouraged, discountenanced, repressed. any such effort. They said ihe North would lake care of itself, Ihe country would lake care of itself ihat it would not sustain Tyler's prejeel of annexation when the time came the power of the North, which is felt in ihe House of Repiesenlatives, would be sufficient to resist the measure. And I could now refer lo paragraphs and articles in the most respectable journals at Ihe North, in which the attempt was made lo produce an impression that there wis no danger thai we should have an addition of new Stales that we need not alarm nur-elves about. I was not in Congress when ihe resolution providing for the annexation of Texas was passed. I only know that up to a very short period before the passage of that resolution the geuer:d impression w?s, iu ihe countiy where 1 belonged, that no such reso. lotion could pass. Dull hate found, sir, in Ihe course of thir'y years' experience, that wha'ever measure the Executive Government embraces and purlieu is quite likely to succeed. There is a giving way somewhere. If Ihe Executive Government acts with uniformity, steadiness, entire unity of purpose, sooner or later il is quite apt eiinugh, according to my conslrucliou of history, too apt In eflerl its purpose. .Inst before the commencement nf Ihe present Administration the resolution for the annexation of Texas passed Congress. Texas complied with the provisions of these resolutions, and she was her". or ihe case was here on the 2id of December. IH45, for her final admission into the Union, as one of these Slates. I took occasion then to state ihat I hoped I ^ad shown »H proper regard for Texas thai I had been certainly oppo'ed tn anr-exalion that if should go over the whole mat er igaiu I should have nothing new lo add that I had acted all along under Ihe unanimous declaration of all parties, and of Ihe Legislature of Massachusetts that I thought there must be some limit In the extent nf our territories ami that

I wished that this country should exhibit to the world the example of a powerful republic without the greediness and hunger of an empire. And I added ihat while I held with as much faithfulness as anv citizen of the country to all the original arrangement* anil compromises nf the constitution under which we live. I never could, audi never should, bring niy» If lo le in favor of the admis'on of anv States into the Union a* slaveholding

be, there is bound to be. somelody in iho United jg IglM n.jul.t n.lded. any States at all. States, possibly, whose merits have lHen strange-

mw

|y overlooked—marked by Providence—a kind of ^„(1|„,ionil ,|I(.

'fl|l jlaVf j()

cmJrurri

n(

qiu*

Jk *.1 ., Jr

ment of Ihe constitution which he proposed ant! I Senate end the Senate and the country to look at »ul»miiteil\oMr. Adams, was artu le 13th, amend* the facts: tn see where we were'when we inndo alory of Ihe constitution—4-'lTib province of l.oui- nur depnrtnre three yeara ago, and where we now si.ina is hereby declared lo lie a part nnd parccl of are and I lea»e it to ihe imagination to conjecture the United Stales.'' I where we shall ha.

Public opinion, owing to the great imporlancnf We admitted Wxas—one State for the present thai acquisit^tn, tonk a Him favorable lo Ihe af- —bul, sir, if you refer in the resolutions providing firinalioii of the power# without any new eonstilu- for the annexation of Texas, you find a provision tiotml provision. The power was aequiesri-d in. Ihat il sh-ill Im in the power oi'Uongress hereafter siana ln-came a pari of Ihe Union and, fol- to make four new States out of Texan lorrilnry. fowinn the cxantpleof Louisiana, Florida was ad-1 Present and prospectively, five new Stales—tett mitteft. Now, sir. 1 consider Ihese transactions Senators—• inay come into the Uninu nut of Texa*. as past, settled, legalised. There lliey stand.—- Three years ago we did this we now propose lo They are part of our (ndilical history. They are facts against which SI this day il would lie idle tn eontend. My fir*t aitenry the** maltfis was upon Ihe proposition fnr admitting Texas into the Union. That I thought it my dutv to oppose, upon the general ground of opposing nil annexation of new States and I may add, and ought to add, in justice, because there was a pfo|Mv-ilion then U-lore (lie country, as tn southern Slates, having a slave population, being represented in the Con gre.-softhe United States, upon the ground of inequality. It happened lo me, sir, to be called on to nddress a political meeting in New York in 18-37-'38, after the recognition of Texan indepenlence. I mav state now, sir. what I have often stated before, thnt no man from the first has lieen a InMter wisher—a more sinrere well-wisher—to the people and government of Texas than mvself, I looked upon the achievement of iheir independence at the bailie of San Jacinto as quite extra, ordinary—almost a marvellous incident in the affairs nf mankind. I was among ihe first tnbedis. posed lo acknowledge her independence, bul from the first, and from the first down In ibis moment. I have opposed as far as I was aide the annexation nf new Stales to this Union. I stated my reasons on the occasion to which I referred. I have them in a short abstract before me, hut it Is hardly worthwhile that 1 should trouble the Senate with reading them.

.,pi| „n,tt.r ,he

ln,p

„f Mas-achusets, certainly

.„, with mv own judgment, so often ex-

pressed, nnd re-iflkmed by Ihe unanimous consent of all men of all parlies that I could not well go through the series of pointing out not only the impolicy, hut the^inconstiiutioiiality of such annexation. A case presented is ilv*. If a State proposes to come into the Union, and income in as slave S ate, then there is an augmentation of

Ihe inequality of ihe rcpreaenlslinn of the people Senate, have been acting, and are acting, and aro which already exists—an inequality atreadv ex-! likely to be acting hereafter, a part which will ceristmg with which I do not quarrel, and which I Uinly form a remarkable epoch in the history of •wver'wdl attempt to alter, but shall preserve aa our Government. I Imld It lo be enormoua— long as I have a vole lo give or anv voice in this 1 flagrant—and an outrage upon all the principles Government, localise il is a part of the original of a popular representative government and UIKU compact. L»-t il stand.

relation existing lielween the two branches of the Government, anil destroy its balance. I hey

more particularly, ol ibe creation of new States.— break up ibe intended relation between Ike S'en* When I came into Ihe coaneiU of the coanlr*. I t*

least po says that great and sagackwia observer of Louisiana bad been obtaineJ under the treaty with bring in new States, any State that comes in must human manners, Chateaubriand, when he travel- France, and shortly afterwards Florid^ was oh- have two Senators. She mav come in with fif'y ted in Ibis count/v in 1797. But I say. sir. Ihat

3t

tain ed under the treaty with Spain. These two nr «xty thousand people or more. You may have

shall now only repeat, without argument, in the first of the* instances, ibe President of the United State*. Mr. JefSenmn, supposed tbe acquisition tn le unconstitutional: and acted upon that supposition. Mr. Madison was then Secretary of Stsie. He proposed that sn amendment of the constitution shoold He submitted in order to bring

in t^ the local feeing and partialrtv. able to en*- Louisiana into tbe Union. He drew up the proptain themwjres opnn the froand of tb» wisdom of ositioa, and it was submitted to Mr. Adams. Mr. the genenl pxv'icy of not seeking for territory, and Madison did n»t go upon the general it lea thai bt ihe arcuisition of lerritorv. to bring into our new States might be admitted. He d»d not pronolHics certain embarrassing and ernbroilin* qoes- S reed upon the motion of a general amendment to

I Jo not Scaxn tbal they saflt red by the ad-' tbe constitution in this rcspcct, lot the amend-

,d ihe House of Representatives. If you

countries were known to os. They lay npon oar fr„m a particular Stale more Senators than yoo in this SenaU frontiers. They commanded Ihe outlets of ibe have representatives. Can an* thing occur lo di*. of this.

As I have had occasion to say. and ficore and dersnge tbe form of Government under suitable Texas was finally admitted in Weeem-

Which we

lbeelementary

But then there is another consideration of vast- which we live and which we have sworn lo supW more general importance e«en than that: more port. But then. air. what frees the case from this general, because it sffecta all the States, free and enormily Why, it Is that we stipulate only that slavehnlding and it is that, if Slates formed out 'bese new States shall be brougnt in at a suitable of territories ibns thinly populated, come into the lime. Now, what is to constitute the sutlableUni..n, they necessarily, inevil.bly break up ibe nees of lime Who is to judge of It Ilellyoo,

ti W

Jf? "s'f '3 ai ilfe f'WTtW*

*h srf^ #8! ,• **"•»$*' foot"!'"--* 4 i? X*-,!" r- 1 :.. ,,,'u.j vf

A

^r j,*,

VOL. VII. *0. 17.

Hfifr

make two Stiiies. Untlnuhiedlv, if we lake, the I'resident recommends, New Mexico slid California, there must then be four new Senators.— We shall I hen have provided in these territories out of the United Stales along our southern borders for the creation of States enough to send fourteen Senators into this chamber. Now, what will be the relation between these Senators and tho people they represent, nr the Stales from which they Come 1 do not understand that there is any very accurale censo^ of jYxas. It is generally supposed lo coutiiiira hundred and fitly thousand persons. I doubt whether it is above one hundred thousand.

MIT. MAMOUM. It contains one hundred andt forty-nine thousand.

Mil, WKIISTKU. My honorable friend on mv left says a hundred and forty-nine thousand. I, put it dowii| then, one hundred and fifty thousand. Well, sir, Texas is not destined probably to lw country of dense population. We will suppose it to have near one hundred nnd filty thousand pop-', ulalion by the Itest accounts, and I have given1 over nil thnt I can find. New Mexicn mny havo sixty or seventy thousand inhabitants, such art they are! Say seventy thousand. In California they are not supposed tn be almve twenty-five thousand men but undoubtedly, if this terriinry should become ours, persons fioin Oregon ami fmm our Western Stales will find their way lo San Fiancisco, where there is some good laud, and we. may suppose they will shortly amount to, sixty tlr seventy thousmid. We will put llieni down at seventy thousand. Then tho whole territory iu this estimate, which is ns large as 9tiy man puts it at, will contain two hundred ami ninety thousand persons, and lliey will send us, whenever we usk for Ihem, fourteen Senatnrs it population less than that of the Stnte of Vermont, and not ihe eighth part of that of New York Fourteen Senators, nnd un mote penple than Vermont. ami no more people than New Hampshire, and not so many people as Ihe good Slalo nl New Jersey Bul then, sir, Texas claims to tho linn of Ihe Kio Grande, and, if il he her true line, why then of course she absorbs a considerable part, liny, (lie greater part ol the population nf what is now called New Mexico. I do not nrguc the questinn of ihe true southern or western lino nf'I exas only snv that it is apparent to every body who will look at Ihe map nnd learn any thing nf the matter, that New Mexicn cannot he divided by thin river, the Kio Grande, which is a shallow, fordable, illsignificant stream, creeping along through a narrow valley, at the IIBKO of enormous mountains.— New Mexico must remain Ingethei: it must be Slate with its seventy thousand people, nnd ro it will he, and sn will he California. But inppnsn Texas to remain a unit and but one State for (ha present, still we have three Stales Texas, New Mexico, and California. We have six Senators, then, for less lhan three hundred thousand people. We have ns many Senatora for three hundred thousand people iu that region os we have fnr New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, with four or fivo millions nf people and that is whnt wo call an equal representation Is not this enormous 7— Have gentlemen considered this? Have lliey looked ai it I Are lliey willing in look il in tint faee. and then say I hey embrace il? I trust in (iod the people will look at it and consider it.— And now let me add that this disproportion can never he diminished it must ramiin forever. How are you going lo diminish it? Why, hero is Texas iili hundred and lorty-nine thousand people, with one State. Suppose that population should flow into Texas, where will il gn Not to any dense -point, but lo be spread ovei all that region, in places remote from the Gulf, in places remote ftoin what is now th« capilol ol Texas and therefore, as soon as there are in nlhrr portions of Texas people enough, within nur common construction of the constitution and our practice in rc« spect tn Ihe admission nf Stales, my honornhln liieud from Texas will have a new Slate, nnd I have no doubt lie has rlulkcd it out already,— Well, then as lo New Mexico, there can be no moie |»eoplc there,

The man is ignorant, stupid, who has looked at the map of New Mexico and read tho accounts nf it, who supposes ihero can be any more peopln there than there is now some sixty or seventy thousand. It is au old settled country—the people living along in Ihe bottom of this valley nu tho two sides of a IitLie stream a garter nf land dy on one side and ihe other, filled by coarse landholders and miserable peons. Il can sustain—not only under their cultivation, but under any cullivalinn that our American race should ever submit it lo—no more penple than there arc there now. There will then bo two Senators for sixty thousand inhabitants in New Mexicn lo ihe end nf our lives and to the end of the lives of our children. And then, sir, how is il with Cnlifnrmia Wa propose tn lake California from the forty-second degree north latitude down to the thirty-second degree we propose lo take ten degrees of letilodn along the coast of the Pacific. All along that great distance there are settlements, and villages, anil forts back, it is ill wilderness and barrenness nnd Indian country. But if about San Fiauciscn, ami perhaps down to Monterey or a little to the nmth, there shall tie enough lo make up one State, whv the people five hundred miles nff in lime lo come will have another State, and then this ilis. proportion of Senators In the people will go nn, and most go on. and we cannot prevent it. I ssv, sir, that according lo my conscientious convictions, wo are nnw fixing upon tho construeliun nf the United Stales and upon our form of Government a mon«trosity—a disfiguration—an enormity.— Sir, I hardly dare trust myself, do not know thnt I may not be under so-»e delusion. I do not know that my head is riot turned. It may be that it is the weakness of mine eves Ihat forms this monstrous apparition. But if msy trust myself —ifl may persuade myself that I am in my right mind, then il does npjtear to me, that we, in tnia

provisions of the constitution under

air, thai the suitable time will come whenever the preponderance of parly power bere makes it necessary lo bring in new States. The lime will depend on the stale cf our politics here, and not onon the condition of these Stales elsewhere. Be assured, sir, there will be a suitable time whenever strength, or party (niwer, nr votes are wanting in this Senate. We have some little experience

Texas came

live more signally lhan that? Here ber. 1846. My friend near me here, (Mr. Ruak.) would be a Senate Hearing no proportion lo ther tor whom 1^hove great regard, whose acquaintance

neople o0t ofall v, Utioo to them, by tbe addition I have cultivated with rnoeh pleasure, tm.k his n?new 8*ate*: from *me ot Uwm a?»ly one Rfp. hrrrt with hit in March, 1845. In prrhap*. irnl two S«*nttnr« wherra* Jolt. 184$, theftf two r®x»n the l»wr Siatc* mmy ha»* ten, fifteen, or e*rn b*Unce in iba Menate overthrew Ine tariff nf fhirtj Rrprf^rntrtiw, and bul two Ben.fw,—j IS4?. in my iod^ni, ihf be»i ijfUro of Th« added v», aof mental by ihe»e n*w ihat wa* e*rr *»iahli»hed lit ihw ononirjr* Urn* Srnalnr* rowing fiorn Hiaiea where there are few il^men ol different opinion* think otherwiPf,-— Mottle, becomes an odioaa oligarchy. It hofda They think it wa® fortunate. They think Iho power withoat any adequate con»fii«eney. HirJTexnn *o|«a ramejn in ftnitahle time and they if tat ml "Wootth-monger'n^ upon a U'?e *rale. wif! iak« r«re thnt New Mettean *oic* -hall com* .Now, I do not depend opou theory* 1 ask the h* in tuitaMe time alw* I uudrfHwid it perfect*

in in suitable time. Very