Wabash Express, Volume 1, Number 41, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 5 October 1842 — Page 2

PislPi

THE EXPRESS.

THO. DOWL1NG, EdHor.

*4? rrvl

History of the Tariff Bill. As a matter of justice toTnos.*F. Marshall, of Kentucky, and to (spread be .'ore our readers a history of the Tariff Bill, lutclj pawed, we have copied the Letter of that gentleman to the Editors of the National Tnlelligcnccr. It assumes to he a faithful narrative of the proceedings had on that interesting question, ».nd shews that those who have beea reaping the honors due to the occasion, had but little agency in the matter. If there be any credit due for a faithful performance of duty, it is right that it should be properly awarded.

(fj* The Editor of the Express is absent, and has been for several Jay?. But little editorial matter was prepared before his departure and if there are sins of omision or commission, (more than usu alj in the general arrangement of this number, it ^jntist be, attributed to that alone.

CANAL SCRIP, Ac.

It appears, from the remarks of the Terrc Haute papers, that the business men of that place have hitherto been rather backward in giving credit and currency to tho lower Canal Scrip. The importance of doing so, has hern strongly urged upon them by the intelligent editors of the "Express" and Courier," and a meeting was to be held on Saturday last to take the matter into consideration. Friend Dowlino, to provo his confidence in the value of llie Scrip, offers to receive it in payments for the Express," at par. There is one thing certain—unless our

QjT* The Governor of Illinois has ofl'cred a reward of $200 for tho capture of Jos km Smith (the Mormon Prophet,) and 0. P.Rockwkii., charged with an •ttompt to assassinate Governor Uoims, of Missouri. Itis said that Jok is yet at Nutivoo, but Rockwkli. has left for pnrts unknown.

QSomo of the, newspapers havo commcnccd publishing tho votes given on steamboats for the next Presidency. Poor business that. All such "signs" have heretofore I'uiled. The "boys in the brush" are tho noble-hearted fellows who decide elections. A good cause is always weakened by auch clap-traps.

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TJERRE-HAUTE, IA.

WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCT. 5, 1842.

Tcrre Haute neighbors act discreet

ly Mid put their shoulders to the wheel (to speak) iqAood ecrnest, they will find that their golden anticipations in regard to the completion of the Canal to their young and promising city, will not borea lized for many years to come. Every moment they remain inactive, they arc leing shorn *of their strength. Men arc the same selfish beings every where.—Lafayette Journal.

True enough, friend Semams, the "golden anticipation" of Terre-IIaule are much in jeopardy by the inactive effort of men from jvlioin better things might be expected. Lafayette is a disinterested Iboker on, and her principal editor, from his calm retreat, in that prosperous city, may well counsel hia neighbors. We have endeavored to warn our citizens of their danger, and by articles written under tho highest responsibilities of duty to the people of town and country, have invoked action on the part of all. Tho PKOI'LE have responded to it— have come up in their strength—and declared their unshaken confidencc in the means provided to car

on tho Canal. Tho facts were sprca.1 before them, and. on that exposition, it was unanimously nsolvrd, by tho largest meeting ever assembled within the county, that CASTAI Sci\ir would be taken by them at par. What may bo the effect of this solemn declaration, on the part of the citizens composing that meeting, time can olonc determine. We have done, and shall continue to do, our part of tho duty, in averting the misfortunes apprehended try our friend of the Lafayette Journal.

fcj"The article in the Indiana Sentinel would lead tho publico Itelieve that tho health of Senator Cotirrr is prcchrious. Wo lire glad to undeceive tho Editors. He has recovered from his late indisposition, and is now enjoying his wonted health.

(loco clerk of the Illinois Su

preme Court) lately thrashed, "knocked down, and dragged out" Col. Wkstwoktii (loco editor of the Chicago Democrat.) Wkstwohtr isabout 6 feet 4 inches high, and Pkck rather under size. The Indiana Sentinel should give this item jf news, as a specimen of loco foco unity. It parades before its readers tho quarrels of tho Whigs, and should not neglect its own political friends.

(j^»Gen. A*drkw Jackson has committed all His papers to the care of Amos Kkkdall, who is aa the biographer of the Hero, when he •hall be gathered to his fathers. The military portion of hia life will be honestly recorded but his politicalconduct—why, that's further along.

Q^JThe paragraph going tho rounds of the pa pan, asserting that Maklom DtcKK*sox,uf New Jersey (formerly one of Gen. Jackson's Cabinet officers) had conic out lor Mr.CiAY, isoflkklly contradicted in tho Trenton Emporium. We didn'i believe a word of it front the beginning. Some editors weaken a cause very much by telling such improbable stories.

rr)"' Orders have arrived at Montreal, from Engfor the 7th Hussars, to hold themselves in reediMts to embark for England. The Guards, now stationed in Quelnr, are also to go home. Two •hips of the Hue are expected to convey them from Quebec. The Provinces seem to be quieter than 'Hey have been for some time past. The Treaty has restored peace to both continents.

WKDSTK* was to address the People of

Boston on the S2J of September. His remarks w»U be looked for with great interest by the public.

Ymlinua Astmry Iniverily. We have before us the fourth Annual Catalogue of the Officers and Students of this Institution from which, we learti, that it continues in a most flourishing condition. There in attendance during the past collegiate year, 12? students, sified follows: Seniors 6, Juniors G. Sophomores 16, Freshmen Iiregulan 42, Preparatory Department 37. The following exhilat of expenses is taken from the Catalogue: Tuition, per twin, in the Col. Department, |T"S 00 In the Preparatory Department. 8 50 Janitor's fees, fuel. Ac. in the winter term, I SO in the summer term, 1 00 Boarding in private families, per weds, cslehwwe of lights, fM, and washing, from

I 5 1 7 5 The WinUur Senian commences on the |*«t Monday in October next. The various book* in the course can he olttained ut the town.

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Who arc our Politicians! This question is ably and truly answered inTthe article below, from the New-Orleans Bulletin. It will also account for the wild anarchy which pervades our Legislative Halls, and for the sitiaQ amoant of business done in a given time. Old men are driven fronf the public scrvicc, and yotmg ones —mere boys of yesterday—ocupy the places once honored by the venerable locks of age. We would like to say something more on this subject, but have to cut this paragraph short, and go on a journey of a few day's duration. It will be resumed at our leisure.

VBOM THE WW OBI.EATVS BULLKTIS. "The marvellous changes of time are plainly to be noted in the difference that exints in the character of politicians at the present day, compared "a/h that of our ancestors. There is something so ephemeral—so puny—-so juvenile in political eflorts now, that one turns with feelinps of delight to the fresh, strong, stern vigor, which marked the men anterior and immediately ulterior to the revolution. Then men went for principle.^ a principle founded on strong necessity, on sound judgment— or deep study. There were then no hobbies" to ride upon, which a man, mounting anew one every day, could ride into influence or high honors but g. eat questions of eternal moment and high doctrines of ineffable excellence were the basis on which they built all their efforts, and the success of them became the unvarying aim of all their endeavors. In these times there were few charges of inconsistency. A man, ohce a Democrat or a Federalist, never altered. He hung on to his principles with iron nerves, aud defended his doctrines with the strength of a giant. Opposed from youth, they were found antagonists in old age, and contending principles were suffered only* to cease their warfare when the old veterans were in their graves.

No doubt the effects of party in those days, were as they have ever been, productive of some ill and unpleasantness of feeling but is very certain that in the defence of two mighty sets ofprinciples, where man-worshrp'is cntirCf/Ianl asiJe.flnd whtre the strength of the attack, ami the moarw/or'Scfending ore Known, the battle became a mighty one— a noble one—one sometimes rising to foorai and mental sublimity.

But how docs the present race of politicians compare with those we nave referred to omething like rush-candles to a volcano—like frisky Iambs to the lions of the desert! Young, beardless, brainless men set themselves up as expounders of the Constitution—as judges of political right and wrong —as critics upon the strength or fallacy of high doctrines—judges in fact of all that a great nntion deems necessary to follow for her salvation or avoid in fear of ruin. These are the men who ride "tack horses" for electioneering chaps whose only arguments area plug of tobacco in one pocket, whose persuasions are bottle of rum iu the other. Such are those who delude tho minds of laborers in the the workshop and in.the field—poor men who have not time to read and understand doctrines necessary to'their good.

It makes us blush at times for our country and for the state of our politiaul system, that the Government is controlled in a measure by boys. What an absence of ripeness and mellow richness is observed in the councils of our country Does one suppose that a Congress composed of the materials of the continental Congress, would sit nine months and havo no more to show for their pay than that discovers, which has just adjourned! The very idea is preposterous.

Some of those agod politicians still live, and the impression they make shows qf how superiors ince they are descended. Once a while, one of them may be seen and heard at a modern political mass meeting. Amid the countless multitudes, eager with haste, and filled with rude desires for popularity they stand like an ancient light-house amid the frothing surges of the sea! They speak, and these turbulent waves sink into calm. Their words ond doctrines fall upon the web of the spider!

Out the race is fnst passing away, nnd we shall then lie entirely given up to tho weakness of mere juvenility."

A brutal prize fight, or boxing match, lately come off, near New-York, between a couple of men named Lillv and McCot, in which the latter was killed. They fought 120 rounds, aud the fight lasted 2 hours and 20 minftlcs!. Several of the abettors have been arrested, and, wo hope, will be dealt with to the utmost rigor of the law. Tho practice is, of all others, the ttlGStdeliaSing.

Singular Statement.

We find the following extract of a private letter published in Hill's New-Hampshire Patriot. It may or may not be true. If it be, it proves that the statement made sometime ago, of Gen. Jackson's jiecuniary embarrassments, were founded in fact, and not false, as then asserted. Another singular portion of the story is, that Mr. Blaiii (an editor!) should have 910,000 to loan to any one! This makes us doubt tho whole story, but we conclude to give it, as one of the singular statements which, now and then, find their way into the public prints: "Wasiiisotos, SKI-T. 12, 1842.

Among tho innumerable instances We meet of ingratitude and heartless profligacy in political asso-

1,'onu. a. asso-

cm c. to disgust and to sicken us, it rdresh.ng

and wholesome to our nature, occasionally to hear

of noble action, of a grateful return for kindness rendered. And tho circumstance I om aliout to mention stands out boldly and prominent to deter the mind from its misanthropic tendencies. Somo time since the venerable chieftain of the Hermitage became involved in his pecuniary affairs bv the failure of a friend whose notes to a very considerable amount he had endorsed. Apart of his liabilities ho was able by ccrtaiu sacrifices to meet: but the forced payment of a note for $20,000, of which he was an accommodation endorser, would absorb all the earnings of a life honorably passed in the service of his country. His bankruptcy must have followed most inevitably. F. P. Blair, of the Glole, having heard the circumstanccs of his position, immediately sent him woid that he had $10,000 at his disposal, and would feel obliged if the old General would make whatever use of it he thought proper. The General accepted it as a loan, most gratefully ami by such assistance extricated himself from his apprehended difficulties."

better from Mr. Clay.

We find the following letter from Mr. Clat in tho Baltimore Patriot, of the 24th ulU It was written in reply to a note from the young Men's Committee of Philadelphia, asking his opinion of the leading questions of National policy which should engage the attention of tho American People. Wo find that he asserts tho, one /(Tift principle, bv an amendment of the Constitution. This is unnecessary. The People havo dccidcd that question at the polls, and it must be a part of any aspiranVa pledges to the countiy that he will serve but a single four years, if he expects to succeed. As to any aintendment, wc despair of seeing it effected. 1*1 the wilt of the Nation be obeyed, and that is "amendmcnt" enough:

1 i?

Inciter from President Tyler.

We copy ihe following fetter from the NewYork Express. It was written in answer to an invitation, tfi*|[ehalf of the Democratic Republican Committee of New-York," to pay a visit to that city, as soon after the adjournment of Congress $s wofild suit his convenience:

A sin axis Skpt. 13, 1812.

Drar Sir: received your favor, communicating the patriotic purposes and views of the young men of Philadelphia and I take pleasure, in compliance with your request, in stating some of the principal objects which. I suppose, engage the common desire and the common exertion of the Whig party to bring about, it* the Government of the I'll ted StMes. These are— A sound national currency, regulated by the will and authority of the nation An adequate revenue, withfair protection to American industry: Just restraints mi the Executive power, embracing a further restriction on the exercise of the weto: A faithful administration of the pu' la- domain, with an equitable distribution of the i^ocrods of saks of it among all the States: An honest and economic*! administration of (he

General Government, leaving public officers perfect freedom of thought, and of the right of suffrage hut with suitable restraints against improper interference in ejections: An amendment of the Constitution, limiting the incumfcent of the Presidential office to a single term.

The* object* attained. I think that we ahouhl Us be afflicted with 1*1 adininwtnitiosi of the Government. I am, rr*prctfu!{y.

Your frk"fc*J, aud oli't srrv't. H. CLAY.

Mr. JACO« ST*ATTAX. •if.uCT'Vi W a* a

$ •!&.%

Washikgto^, SEPT. 5, 1842.

Gentlemen: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 31st Aug. inviting me on behalf of the Democratic Republican Committee of N. York, friendly to the National Administration, to pay a visit to your city as soon after the adjournment of Congress as would suit my convenience. I am flattered bjr the invitation, and still more by the language in which you have conveyed it to me, and under other circumstances I could scarcely find a sufficient apology for declining it but repose, so much at least as I can snatch between the intervals of duty, has become necessary for me, and if I can leave this city, I shall most probably seek some spot of greater comparative retirement.

The duties and responsibilities to which I have been subjected since my accession to the presidential office, have, as you most properly represent, Iteen of no ordinary character. They involved eithera total abandonment of all my most thoroughly 'settled and most warmly cherished opinions, or subjected me as has been manifested for twelve continuous months, to the most slanderous imputations, and to the bitterest assaults. "A President without a party," could expect no less and such must be the condition of every man who comes into this office upon the happening of any one of the contingencies provided for by the constitution, if he shall exercise an independent judgment The alarming pretension, by fair inference, is now set up, and that too in the highest quarter, that all Executive power is,in abeyance, and its exercise a usurpation, in the contingency of the death of a person elected to the Presidency, and the succession of a Vice Presi dent, according to the positive requirement of the Constitution, to that station. The establishment of such a principle, as well founded in reason, and consonant to the fundamental lavy, would amount to an abrogation of the principle which has been regarded as lying at the foundation of all well regulated Government—that the three great Departments should be kept separate and distinct. For if tho Vice President, who succeeds to the Presieehcy on the death of the president is to be denounced as an usurper, if he dare to place his opinion on any subject in opposition to that of Congress, what will lie the fate of the President who, having not even a plurality electoral vote, may, nevertheless, be elected over another (his competitor before the House of Representatives) having a larger vote, (and that, as well may be, by the casting vote of a member from a single state,) and whose aggregate vote as represented in the House of Representatives may be a decided minority of tho American people?

What is to become of our Institutions should the President and Vice President both die, and the government devolve upon a President pro tempore of the Senate, electcd by the people ef the United States to no office, and who might not be able at the time, to obtain, even the vote of his own stato for' tlie office of Senator—and what if the Speaker of the House of Representatives, who upon the death of all others, would havo devolved upon him the Presidential office, and for whose re-election to a seat in Congress, not even his own district might be disposed to vote? If a Vice President elccted with direct reference to the succession, in full view of the uncertainty of human Iifo, is to be branded as an usurper for exercising Executive power, what shall be the condition of things in either of the conditions above supposed? I have an abiding confidence in the good sense of the American poople, and that teaches me to believe that they will support their own Government, «nd that the person, who by their Constitution, is required to administer the government will bo upheld by them in the proper discharge of his duties mavsgrc all the assaults and bitter revilings of faction.

For myself if I perish in my efforts to maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and Laws, I shall desire to have no prouder inscription on my monument than that inscribed upon the tomberectcd over the dust of. tho-Spartaris, who fell at Thermoply®, "Stranger, fell the Lacedemonians that we lie here in obedience to their laws!"

I tender to each of you, gentlemen, assurances of my high consideration and respect. JOHN

TYLER:-

To Messrs. Bowron, Raymond, Noah, Strong, Plume, Fowler and Walden, Committee of Invjtation.

Ccn. Scott--The Presidency. WG find the following letter from Gen. Wijt fild Scott in our exohange papers. It fa an index of that gentleman's views, and wc suppose, the views of his friends, also. A National Convention seems to be the only recognized agency pointed out by him to designate the -Whig candidate for the Presidency. We have marked a few passages in italics, as particularly worthy of notice:

Wasiiijcoto, SKPT 3, 1842.

Dkaii SI n: I have not forgotten the warm shako of the hand you gave me in the Pennsylvania Avenue some time ago and thank you sincerely for the cotdial letter just received.

I am not a candidate for the Presidency or Vice Presidency, and can know no one as a candidate for either place until a National Convention shall have spoken. Indeed in the present state of par-

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without a regu

lar nomination. I have been, in many indirect ways, within seven months, operated upon with a view to inducc mc to consent to bo named for the Vice Presidency on the ticket of a very distinguished statesman. I have invariably answered, that I had neither claims nor pretensions cither to the Presidency or Vice.,Presidency that I was quite indifferent to the first, and that nothing could induce me to think of the second place-, but if nominated by a regular National convention, for tho Presidency that I should certoinly accept the honor, if I got not a vote in the Union. Of coursc, with such nomination, there would but one democratic Whig candidate in tho field, and there certainly ought not to be /too. Who that one may be, is quite indifferent to me but be he who he may. out of somo hnndred persons I can name, he shall have my hearty prayers for his success.

In those few words, I have given you my creed and position I never express myself in other terms to any body, and all who know me will bear testimony to my singleness and sincerity.

I do not wish to appear in the newspapers when I can possibly avoid it, but hatfS not the slightest objection that what I write and say, should be known to all who may desire to know my sentiments.

My professional duties leate me no time to travel except occasionally, and then only on such duties. An excursion into Ohio wouid be highly agreeable to me.

With grcal .respect and regard fS.I remain, my dear friend^ Yours trulv,

FROM TltK IT. on LEAKS COJlXtXCIiL BCltKTU. A newspaper, properly so exiled, should be considered a vehicle or communication. In this are supposed to.be recorded the thoaghts and deeds of men, and as those are varied by the changing shades of men's opinions, so should the newspaper change which faithfully presents them to the world. Peogfis adopt a great fill lacy when they contend thaM^^Bv-paper should confiac itself to one-sided representationsofthe public mind and when they argue that the power admitted to lie in the control •bf its conductors, should be nq*L/br one man but against another. If a man does not want to see and understand both sides'of a public controversy, or make himself familiar with each division of any subject on which the community differs, he is not in our (judgment a fit person to take a paper and use it with the advantage it is certainly capable of giving. A man may veiy complacently hug to his breast the pleasure' he deceives from an article, or a coursc of conduct which favors his side, but he should also consider that though it please him, it may not bis neighbor, who has just the same right as himself to a "fair showing of his doctrines and arguments.

A newspaper, then, must be a candid and impartial print—calculated for usefulness, and made a common field wherein the attacks upon or defencc of measures that interest the community may have full plav. We do not call partizan prints, newspapers. 'fhey arc neither entitled to the name nor consideration as such. They aim only at giving one side of the question, and are celebrated as distorters of facts—pcrverters of arguments and blinders of the public eye so far as may be. Such papers rightfully conducted, which, by the bye, they seldom are, may be calculated for a certain good, but not for a general one. In this lies' the distinction between them and newspapers. The latterare supposed to embrace all the community and all its interests—to give a general chronicle of all that men do, and much of what they think. To conduct a papel- of this kind were no jgnobledrudgery, nor, indeed, productive of aught but satisfaction, provided men would understand the true-uses of such, and be contented with justice, even though they be Ctt by its sword. The reader-of a newspaper, no less than its conductor, has great need of philosophy.^ The one must expect things to pass under his eye which do not compo&^vith hisopinions, and the other must take it for granted that in no one article or even remark, can he please every body. Eachjhas a part to play and as perfect happiness can never exist on earth, so perfect satisfaction can neither be given nor received. If a man do the best he can, either in effort or forbearance, he is in the wrong who does not award him praise.

Useful Rulks fou Teachkrs.—1. Never do any thing/or a pupil, but teach him to do it for himself. 2. Never get out of patience with dulness—nor with any thing. 3. The teacher should be interested in air bis scholars. Let them neglect no one. 4. Do not hope nor attempt to make all your pupils alike.

Do not allow the faults or obliquities of cha'rac ter of any individual of your pupils to engross a disproportionate share of ydur time. 6. The Teacher should guard against imbibing those faulty mental habits, to which his station and employment expose him. We may mention narrow mindedncss, great tenacity with regard to particular modes of teaching, pedantry, fastidiousness and assurance.

Stand from Under.—The Boston Liberator contains a notico from the General Agent of the A. S.Society, announcing that eight Abolition lecturers have been located in Central and Western New York, where, between the present date and the 28th of October, (the State election takes place early in November,^ it is estimated that upwards of 600 lectures will be delivered!J One of these lecturers is Miss Abby Kelly.

Almost ax Awful Suicide,—The Philadelphia Spirit of the Times states that a strange sccne occurred in one of the courts of that city on Tuesday. A good looking Irishman was in the dock, arranged on a charge of participating in the late riots. His wife, a pretty English woman was sitting on a settee near the clerk's desk. He keeps a small grocery and liquor shop in St. Mary's street, and she attends it. Both love to "drink." All at once, about two o'clock in hc afternoon, the court was electrified by what appeared to be the discharge of a pistol, and at the sum* moment the English woman alluded to gave a slight shriek/clapped her hands to her breast ahd fell back, while a torrent, if*® apparently of blood, frofft'lier bosom. A cry of horror rai^g throughout the court room. The officers gather^ around her. All believed that on awful suicide had beeri committed in the very presence of the law, and as a shuder pervaded every frame the woman was lifted up and examined. To the consternation of all, it appeared that she had secreted a bottle of porter in her bosom and that the heat had occasioned the cork to fly out from its imprisonment. She had. thrust her fingers into the bottle in vain. The red stream still poured out. No wonder it had been mistaken not for a torrent of beer, but for a torrent of blood.: •.

Touching Incidsxt.—A correspondent states that as the funeral proccssion of a daughter of Mr. Joseph Keen was passing on Sunday last from the Univcrsalist Church, Orchard street, to the burial place in Amity street, six sailors belonging to the French steamship Gomer were met coming down Broadway, who, as they camfc opposite the bier, by a common impulse, took off their tarpaulin hats and remained standing uncovered and silent until the procession had passed. Sttch tribute from utter strangers in a foreign land was gratefully received by the sorrowing and sympathising throng as a token of genuine emotion, arid an evidence that

WIN*FIELD SCOTT.

There will be, in all probability, 30,000 at Indianapolis to-day, to hear and see Mr. CUT.

ONE WHO DIED WITHOUT LIVING. M. PAI LMRAXD, of Dijon, in Burgundy, thus doses a memoir of himself, showing that he bad not lived, ami proving in his own language, that "all that is suffering, sorrow, ennui, despair, desire or regret should lie deducted from life, because weshould ourselves have deducted it had Heaven permitted:'' "Three years lost ia having myself shaved, powdered, Five years lost in suffering toothache, two inflammations of the chcst. with relapses and sonvalescence. Three years lost in saying, -What's o'clock!—We have had bad weather to-day!—How do yon do!—How your lady!—I have had a had cold —Marlborough s'en ra-t-cn guerre —What mud in the streets!—What a winter this year!'— Six months lost in having mud brushed off one, and six more in brushing ones hat. One year of endurance of the entr'artcs at the theatre. One yc^r loft in listening to the modem dramas—the chief opuWT of genius not understood. One year lost in complaining of salt and tasteless soups, of cutlets too modi or too little done, of indigestion or hard eggs. Total,—seventy-one yean. I beg leave to declare that in giving up the ghost I do not pre up any thing worth keeping.**

RICK MS*, LOOK axac!—"I am rich enavgi, and can afiboi to giveaway £100 year. I woo id not crawl upon the earth without dting a little good. I will enjoy the pleasure of what I give, hy giring alive, and seeing another enjoy it When die, ...... .. I should he ashamed to leave enough for a mono- litIT ^*gfttrt*hwtgmuid.

One touch ef Nature makes the whole world kin."

Men are very careful in the physical education of their horses why should not the health and physical condition of theirons and daughters receive more attention

Causk of a Quakrkl.—*"1 wish I owned all the pasture land in the world," said Bob. "Well, I wish I owned all the cattle in the world," said Ned. "How could you feed thctti?" asked Bob. "I'd turn them into your pasture^' said Ned. "No, you wouldn't" "Yes, I would.": "No, you wouldn't."

Yes,! would." "You sfutnt.'" "I will.'" and then came the fisticuffs—and O how they did fight! v-

Boys read this extract. Here are some things worth thinking about: "1. You should go to school to get knowledge, of course but that is not the main thing. It is to learn how to study and whal tostudy. Yon should not only get knowledge, but learn how to get it, and love to get it 2. You must not suppose that you have finished your education when you leave school. If you learn how to get learning ayd. love to get learning,

OQ will always con tin us to learn, even after yon *e school, and always ba«dnesting yourself. 3. Your habits must b£good. In "order that study and good behavior become easy to vou, learning and goodness must be made habit It will not be difficult to learn to do well sind to learn well, when you get into the kabiiaf it Read about Gen. Washington, how be wrote Vales for good behavior when he waa thirteen yearn of age. He was selfeducated."

AKBCDOTE OF A LAWTSK OF OLDEST TIMK.— Henry Bull, one of tie ancient Attorney Generals of Rhode Island, and one of the first pur chasers of that state proper, was put in youth to the carpenter's iradeat which he worked till he came fully of age, during which time he built him a house, and engaged in various mecbanicel ernplcmnents. He determined however to study uie la#, haviiq had a good common education for those days, and being much celebrated for his talents and wit.— When he bad_made up Ms mind to practice law, he went into tbe gpvden, to exercise bis talents in addressing the court and jury. He then selected five cabbages ia one row, for Judges, and twelve in another row, for Jurors ifter trying his band there awhile, be went boldly into court, and took upon himself the duties of an advocate,and a little observation and experience there, convinced him, that tbe same cabbages were in tie court house, which be tbo'ignl he had left ia the garden five in tme, ana twelve in another. He rose togrieat eminence in his profession ia the courts of law and admiralty and, Be was one of those peculiar men whoae quaint "sayings" are ever remembered..

DISGRACE OF THE NAVY

There awmjiumber of young profligmtestWearing the uniform of the Navy of the United States, and actually boldirtg commissions in the^ service, who are in the habit of swindling—that wtho correct term—tailors and landlords out of clothes Snd keeping, while they spend their ample pay in haunts of dissipation and vice. These reprobates disgrace the uniform they wear—4he flag they csil under, anu ought to be exposed, anil, expelled, ©f course, nine-tenths of our Naval Officers are gentlemen, and itis flagrantly unjustand cruel that these should suffer in character for acts over which they haye no control, and of which they have probably no knowledge.—N. Y. Tribune,

There are landlords, tail ore ^bootmakers, &c in this city who can attest the Irtttb of the above statement from lljeir own knowledge and experience. We have repeatedly heard of instances where junior navy officers have taken advantage of the transient nature of their residences in any particular place, tt leave their creditors—those who had furnished them with the necessaries and comforts of life during their stay—to obtain the mouey due them in the best manner they were able. Dishonorable and disgraceful as such conduct is, and so derogatory to the high sense of honor and principle which the public have been used to expect from navy officers, it nevertheless is experienced, and as it would seem, without remedy, until the same gentlemen makes another appearance at the same station, the taken-in creditor addresses the Secretary of the Navy upon the subject, the answer is uniform—that the Department have nothing to do with the private transactions of officers. Thus they are left without remedy from any other source than the officer himself, who may make his escape from station to station, and finally be off for a three years crui til the debt becomes outlawed.

Such transactions as these are an utter disgrace to the Navy, and should consign those officers who are known to be guilty of such dishonorable meanness, to the scorn and contempt of the more honorable members of the corps. There is no exeuse for such conduct, for the pay of a naval officer is adequate to his fcge and rank, and always certain. The precarious nature of a civilian's income does not enter into that of the naval officer, and unless he is a spendthrift, he may always maintain tne standing of a gentleman in society, and pay his debts with promptness.— We endorse the opinion of the Tribune concerning these commissioned swindlers they area disgrace to the navy and should be expelled from it.

'Vthoji the niciiMONn'sTAit. AL: THE INFANT DEAD. The only true, deep, clinging cords that bind us to the world and our kind, are found in the affections, in those tendrHs of love that bind heart to heart so closely, that they become as it were one, and to separate which .seems, for the time, almost like a blow of mutual death. But of all partings, perhaps there is none more agonizing than that which comes between the parent and those beautiful flowers of life, that have been so tenderly and anxiously watched and who, day after day, as some new charm, some tiny grace developed itself, have been bound closer and closer to the bosom. The old or the mature, dying in their strength, seem but to have sunk before an inevitable fate and Time with its oblivious hand, gradually smooths away the harshness of our first grief. But when the weak and the dependent, the pure, the innocent, the fragile, bow before the breath of the destroyer, a Keener agony is felt and the fountains of the soul are more deeply stirred. To see its infantile face one day lighted up with the merry laugh, springing from a spirit that knows only of fair sunshine—happy, joyous, frolicsome, alight that cheers your home and makes glad youY heart after a day's rough toil —and tne next, with fevered limbs, and panting breath, meekly enduring the pain of a disease that will not be baffled of its victim to feel the cold chill run through your veins as the fear touches you to see that mild eye rest faintly in its last glance upon you to see the lid droop and close and then feel thai is i,' 5rc\'er—the sweet cherub you so loved and have so cherished—carries a pang, a keener and more intense agony of soul, than lan guage can tell or imagination dream. None can know who have "not suffered.

At this season of the year, many a victim is offered up in all its angelic purity. Many a heart that peruses this will answer to it with tears, and feel that—

Like early flowers, on upland sea, They bloom—nnd fade as silently. But there is still a rich balm of consolation that like incense hovers over the tomb of the fair babe. It is its INNOCENCE. The consciousness that it was taken away, ere sorrow had darkened its path, or sin fixed its plague spot upon the soul, gives a peace and joy, which leaves to the mourner only the grief of parting. There is no fear, no trembling for the future, no sorrowing in bitterness, or alarm. It is indeed hard to take Ihe final farewell of those little innocents. But better is it, that they should go from us when called, in all their unsullied innocence, than to live and struggle, and sin in the dark ways of a frail world. They are at peace. Let, then, the mourner strive to feel that it is better for the babe, and pray to be made submissive to the higher will. Call to your hearts the beautiful and expressive words:—"The Lord gave and the Lord taketh away—belssed be the name of the Jjord," and bow to a decree which belongs, in common, to all humanity.

ATTEMPTED ROBBEBT OK MUKDEB AT ROCHESTER.—On Saturday morning, the lady of Henry E. Rochester, was awakened by a cry of "murder" in another part of the house. She awoke Mr. Rochester, and he was in Ihe act of rushing into the parlor by one door in search of the cause, when throe persons rushed into the bedroom by another door, dealing blows ar6und. Having no weapon, Mr. R. aimed first to protect his children, and seized one of the persons, but was immediately felled by a blow from a club, but recovering him self somewhat, rushed into the kitchen shouting to awake the servant Henry, who he supposed was Bleeping overhead. He heard no Bnswer, and supposed that Henry was perhaps killed. He then endeavored to give an alarm for the neighbors from the kitchen door, when he was again struck on the head by one of tbe ruffians, and fell stunned to the earth. Recovering himself, he aimed to arouse the neighboring family of Mr. Joshua Fish, and was pursued by one of the villains for some rods on the road. He obtained a gun from Mr. Fish, and turned back, but the wretches had fled—evidently seeing that the neighborhood would soon be alarmed.

The servant of Henry then informed him of what he knew of the afiair—which was, that the first he knew of the villians was seeing two men in the chamber where he slept, one of whom said to the other, "here the fellow is," and struck him instantly and violently with a club before he could get out of bed—that he jumped up however, and grappled with them, and tried to get down stairs and through the kitchen to woodshed for an axe, scuffling and fight ingallthe way with the rogues—the died door he could not open, and then rushed towards Mr. Sotrhester's bed chamber, which he entered with U^ jiUjMs ecuffling along with him.

Suspicion is vague as yet: but as "murder will out," the villums will soon be detected. Since the murder of Lyman by young Barron there has been nothing so desperate atterapted this vicinity. It is probably the rogues thought Mr. Botchester absent and aimed first to disable or quiet the negro on enterthe house. Tbe Mavorana Sheriff cach red a reward of #260 in all for the apprehension of the villians.—Rotchutcr Eve. Post.

Heavy nibs have so damaged the cotfon crop in Louisiana, tb«t it will probably lis very figjit jJbi*

5. ft

isiiliii

rao* fas xatioxat. is'TKttrositcxR* TO THE EDITORS.* A gentleman of this crt£, several days ago called tnv attention to a* paragraph in the re-

Sonseof

irt of the remarks ^made by ^myself in the Representatives, Monday, 29th August, in relation to the revenue bill, as contained in the Intelligencer of the 30th. The paragraph is, as follows: The very first man, who made the proposition to strike out the 27th section, and quit the lands altogether, and yield them for the present, teas made by the Representative from the 10th Congressional _district of Kentucky, &c. one of whose constituents was that man whose peculiar measure this land bill wasjsupposed to be" Now, al though' this sentence, as it stands, is neither sense nor English, inasmuch as I am made to say Hhat the "matt who made the proposition was made bv the Representatives from the 10 Congressional district," &c. yet, as it will be generally understood, I suppose,.that I meant to claim to be tbe author of the proposition, and not the creator of the man wno made it, I shall treat the subject accordingly. The gentleman to whom I refer suggested to me, at the same time, that the journal shows that the revenue billj^p it passed, was offered by'Mr. McKennan, and that it is designated in the Intelligencer as Mr. McKennan's bill, and commonly know by that title: and that in my remarks on Monday, I appear to the general reader to claim to be the introducer of a bill the most memorable of this memorable session and which is destined to cut so important a figure in political history, when in fact it was the original proposition of another. Since the above conversation, I have seen extracted into the Globe of this city an account of the remarks of Mr. McKennan, at Philadelphia, on occasion of the great festival there in honor of those who passed tbe revenue bill. It seems from this that Mr. McKennan is universally hailed as the author of this glorious consumation of our Congressional labors, and he thought fit to designate some few of the more distinguished of his allies who aided bim in obtaining this great trumph. The elite of the corps, wnom

this gentleman led to victory, and whom he particularly, distinguishes in his bulletin of the battle, are, Mr. Fillmore, of New York, the distinguished Chairman of the Committee of Ways an Means, Mr. Thompson, of Indiana, and last, not least, Mr. Stanly, of North Carolina. Immediately over the President's chair was the word "Tariff," in illuminated characters, and a little to the right of it was the name of Clay, in similar brilliacy. My name dose not appear in the account, which, being from the commander in-chie£ is of course authentic, and which however mortifying it might be, I should have had more both of prudence and of pride than to have complained under, or noticed in any way. had I not, unfortunately for the truth and candor of somebody, let fall in the House the sentence with which I opened this letter.

It happens singularly enough that at the same time with the pubiic honors conferred upon Mr. McKennan in Philadelphia, as the author of this measure, nnd becoming thereby the very standard bearer under Mr Cla.y, to whom he gave all the glory, and whose name was received i^ffthis connexion "with deafening shouts"—it happens singularly, enongh. I say, that the Clay papers in Lex,« ington, Lentuckv, the very heart of my distrct should be denouncing me for a speech I made in the House of Representatives^ favor of "Mr. McKennan,s bill," a speech made before lie offered it, and a speech responded to, and, in the judgment of some, completely demolished by Mr. Thompson, of Indiana, the very, gentleman to whom Mr. McKennan pays so high and doubtless so juts a compliment. The whig presses in my own district have already taken ground against me on this very question of striking out the land clause from the revenue bill. The charge in both the Whig papers edited in Lexington, within a mile of Ashland, is broadly made against mc that 1 have abtndoaed my plighted faith to my constituency and country, and knowingly sacrificed the principles which brought mc into the Congress of the United States, and betrayed the trust committed to my hands. The Lexinglon Observer of the 27th August, after hinting that I might pfte sibly be forgiven for not following the policy indicated by Mr. Adams as to changing the Constitution of the United States, think my course on the "surrender" of the lands quite unpardonable. The editor adds:

Mr. Marshall gave no reason to the Whiga to doubt his fidelity when he was a candidate for their votes in this district. If there be any thing which we do most peculiarly de test in a public man, it is this thing of being electcd upon one set of views and principles, and whilst in power betraying those who trusted him." That editor should have been cautious how he charged me with treason. My political principles have been subjected to some pretty severe tests since I have been in Congress. "Mr. Marshall" understands well the nature of his own principles and pledges. He formed the first long ago upon the deep convictions of his own understanding he gave the other openly, freely, and sincerely. He has not, and he will not shift, change, deny, or surrender the one or the other, cither under the force of circumstances or at the beck of mortal man 'Nullius addictti8 jurare in verba magistri" has been his motto from boyhood.

But to vindicate the truth of history in relation to this revenue bill, and to relieve myself from misconstruction and the awkward, not to say discreditable, predicament in which I mav be involved by it in the public opinion, I beg |leave through your columns to give a brief statement of facts while yet they are fresh in the memory of all, from which the true meaning of my remarks in the House may be made clear and my accuracy establised. I was, it must be re

membered, responding to the charge made elsewhere, that the Clay stock in the Whig concern was sunk and gone that the advocates of the tariff had overborne the advocates of distribution that the cupidity of the Northern manufactures, and the avarice of the Yankees, who never had cared a button for the lands, had conquered and whipped in that portion of the Whigs with whom the land fund had been a cardinal and distinguishing policy. This idea had been openly urged in detiate in the Senate, as possibly the files of Intelligencer will show, (I have not examined,) and was and is well calculated to produce heart-burnings and distrust between the several portions of the Whig party in the different sections of the UnitedStates. It was to explain tbe fact, not perhaps understood in tbe country, though perfectly well known in the Capitol and to an hundred gentleman at least to whom I was then addressing myself, that the propositions among the Whigs to seperate the the

question of the repeal of the proviso to Distribution act from the revenue bill, and to present the latter, so modified to the President in the precise shape in which it had already passed Congress, naked and apart from all other questions did not originate with the Northern men, but was first offered and urged by myself upon the Whig parly.

The distribution of the land fund among the States is universally known to be a peculiar and very favorite measure with the late Senator from Kentucky, the great man whose immediate Representative 1 am. Independent of its connexion with his feme and political fortunes, it has been for years, as was well known to me, a darling object with Kentucky and, what is a matter of far more importance to me, as an upright and faithful public agent, I was distinctly and publicly pledged to support it, when chosen, under very peculiar circumstances, by the proud •escnt.

district which I represent. On this particular subject, then, there hung upon me a heavy tonsibility. moat oppressive xespoosi iity. If" Mr.

McKennan's biH/' as ft leffne££yHiefrf-

telligcucer/arfd as it is rtovtr proudly and pub

licly*

do honor to the personage whosfe lUustrouS cognomen-is destined

support

The party who, with Mr. Adams, were for art immediate adjournment, and abandoning any idea of a revenue bill, and clinging to the distribution, designed to appeal to the people against the veto, and wait firmly the influence of public opinion upon the President, waa small but resolute and determined it included aliout twenty. By ^uniting with the one party or the other against every proposition in the House, it was supposed tbey jcould defeat all action. The journals show that mis waa their tactic and that it was within one vote by twing successful. In this state of things, the friends bf "Marshall's proposition," as it was universally known and called, held separate consultations as to tbe best mode of bringing it forward in the House. Mr. Joseph It. lngcrsoll,of Philadelphia, a gentleman who, next to tbe chairman, bad encountered in the Committee of Ways and Means the greatest share of the labor and toil of forming this bill—a gentleman whose power of mastering the longest and most tedious details is equalled by his masterly acquaintance witb the general principles of national finance—this gentleman, who had 4 sustained, by an unanswerable argoment, the proposition before tbe party, now suggested that wo should bring it into the House from the Committee of Ways and Means for several reasons. Thrs $.. was agreed upon, and Mr. Fillmore was directed

by the committee of which Mr. Ingersoll and myself were both mrmlx-rs, tn report a resolution -t favor of "Mr. McKennan's bill," and directing tho Committee of Ways and Means to report it, which, if tbe resolution had been adopted, they would have done forthwith. This was done Angust I8tb. This wss tbe first movement of the Whigs in tho*' House on tbe subject. It was considered a teat question. It was taken without debate and voted down: Ayes 86, noes 114, a majority of 28 against it. Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Thompson, and Mr. Stan* ,t ly, voting against the bill in this its first, and AS was then supposed its last struggle for life. (See National Intelligencer, August 19th.) After this, I am informed, and have been authorized to say, that tbe Pennsylvania delegation met and directed Mr. Joseph R. Ingersoll to make another attempt to introduce the bill the first opportunity- He was especially appointed to this duty, Mr. McKennan expressing no opinion. In this state of things one of two results seemed inevitable—either that the Congress would adjourn, living the funds from the national domain to be divided among the States, the Federal treasury literally empty, no subsistisg law suthorizing the collection of the revenue or Uiat the Democratic party, uniting with that porlion of the divided Whigs who should refuse to play frame so desperate, would adjust the tariff According to their own ideas, anspend the diatribu* tion of the land fund by raising the duties above twenty per cent, for revenue, and, wresting while

acknowledged to be amidst throngs of

grateful

and admiring freemen, assembled to

render this flieasurq^,

immortal, as well from the title it bears, as from the benefits it is supposed to conter upon millions of men—-if "Mr. McKennan 9 bill" had failed, there can be little doubt that I should have been held as recreant from th? Whig cause, on account of the active and zealous

gave it in the House before

he offered it, as 1 will presently show, and that I should then hav6 been known every where as the author of the .propositioji, and denounced by more persons tnan Mr. .Arnold, I beg leave he»e to say, as I said in the House, that I admire and honor him for thQ boldness and steadiness with which he adhered to his original opinion, ond the openness with which he denounced me where^I could hear and meet it, when several of. his party were skulking frot#his side, and siome of them now held up to this nation as 'those1 "who had distinguished themselves by their zeal and for the cause of tbe People," bqd denounced this very bill as loudly as he. As 1 did not come'into this measure reluctantly, but had deliberately made up my mind on the subject for a longtime before the crisis-oc-curred in which I was called to act—-as the course I suggested and the part I bore were determinedon and taken, in the midst ofgreai confusion, high excitement, and wide diversity of sentiment among the men of that political party with -whom I was connected-^-as I waited fof no man's lead, and relied upon the authority of no man's name, but brought forward this very proposition first before.the Whig party out of the House, and first main^ tainedit in argument upon the floor of the House, and that after it had been defeated once, as I will presently show—and as

I havo

been denounced at home, and the note of prepo ration sounded for my defoaferaw^Liho-pco-pie among whom I was born, whom 1 hav«3 loved ana served for years, have been warned" that I am a traitor, ay, a traitor, and thot^ despite their partiality for my person, theirf admiration for "my commanding talents," "my seductive eloquence," (these be the flowers with which my butchers adorn their victim,) that, despite of all this, I must:be sacrificed upon the altar of Whig principles,, and to appease the angered deity, the titter lary god who watches over the rights and wishes of the district: I am unwilling, under all these circumstances, now to be shielded, by the subsequent action of others, but wish* and mean to be tried upon ground originally taken on my own responsibility in tne face of violent opposition, and under the immlti-» entriskof failure and defeat.

The tariff of 1842 is now considered, and? justly considered, as a measure of Whig poli-' cy, upon which that party will stand before the nation for approval or condemnation ns af party. They occupy u^on it, in my

judg

ment, a broad, safe, and honorable ground^ from, whence they may contend vigorously and with the fairest prospects of success, amitjst oil the embarrassing circumstanccs of their position for all the other branches of that great system of policy upon the final establishment xf which the prosperous industry of the People, the credit of tho Stales, and ^Ihe safety aiid utility of the nationul institutions depQiui: In tuking thisgroud, howovr. er, the Jottrnals Bhovv, from the votes of members, that very great and formidable divisions listed in the party itself, from the ^traduction of the bill inio the House? of'Represcntatives to its filial passage irv both Houses. Ih referring to these divisions, I allude to what is public and notorious.. I» violate no confidencc and betray no trust.*

The mcssngo of tllo President was received August 9th. The report of Mr. Adams, to whom it had been referred, was made tho lGtli. Evory^ Whig member of Congress knows that jn this-in-* tcrvnl strenuous efforts were mmle to ^nite the Whig party on some proposition. AfW sueccs-, sive consultations for several succcssivc days, thtttOj1 propositions were submitted for tho copnidcralion, of the Whole party. Mr. McKennnu they wcro. They hud been submitted to, thedote-^ gallons separately, and their relative strength test-, od first in that way. They were on tho l'lth night placed upon paper in order, oiich t|e«ig!iutcd|k by the name of tho mover. At this juncture, iintjjf just before the vote was nbout to be taken, every I Whig member of Congress knows tKat for thofirnt* time such a proposition had lieen brniu liecl, ut le^t. publicly, that I rose and moved to strike cut 'ttfef'" 27th section of the vptocd bill, nnd proposed that' it should bo passed hi this form, ami that it. was* added to the list and designed as "Mr. Marshall's" proposition. 1 argued it fully. Tho question wu»[ postponed till tho next evening. The vote wns taken. Mr. Cooper, of Pennsylvania, knows that Mr. McKcnnan, Mr. Thompsori^!^%. I'illmorc,, and Mr. Stanly, in a most eupccinl manner, voted ngninst "Mr. Marshall's" propq^Htion^tlie very bill for which these four grntleinm.hnvo [icon, in particular manner, held tip to tho admiration oJ\ this nation for passing. Every Whig member of. Congress knows that this proposition when tjio vote was taken, notwithstanding these gentlemen opposed it, met with tho approbation of majority ft of the Whig members of the House of Kcprescn-. tatives. Yet thero could bo no agreement upon it, and tho council of the Whigs adjourned to meet no ,fi| more, with the understanding that every gentle-' man was at liberty to biing forward in the House what proposition ho pleased. Party obligations. wcro thrown off. It was now ascertained that although a great number of Whigs considered my proposition as involving a "snrrender" of principle. and an entire abandonment of the lands, if ill it was stronger in the House than any otbor which j, had been named. A very largo majority of tfyc Whigs too, had manifested a determination ^lo^'.ri': to adjourn without attempting something further.