The Wabash Courier, Volume 25, Number 16, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 6 December 1856 — Page 2
THE C0UH1EK.
E S S E O N A E
DITOR.
E E A E
Saturday Morning, Dec. Cth, 1856.
TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR!
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. The President's Message was not received until one side of our paper was struck off. We give as much of the inside columns as possible to the Message The balance of eourse in our next issue.
The first several columns of this Message, is really no Message at all. It is a mere speech—an Old Line, pro-slavery, twaddle party speech, at that. In the first place he appears the regular apologist for slavery and the South. He treats the law of 1820, called tho Missouri Compromise, as unconstitutional and a nullity—says "it was acquiesced in rather than approved by the Statesof the Union." He justifies the repeal as apiece of legislation necessary and proper. Kansas affairs he glosses over, and mystifies so boautifully that one would think the President had really never heard of such things as border-ruffians, arson and murders in the Territory of Kansas. Such biased and one-sided views may be tolerated and excused in a stump speech.— Cut it is unjustifiable that a President should avail himself of his position to spread before the world in his annual Message small matters of party politico, altogether of equivocal relation to subjects necessary to be brought before Congress by the Executive. Through
such
medium as that of an annual Message, degree of importance may be attached to the expression of party political opinions which they do not deserve—and which may be calculated to produce a bad effect upon the public mind.
CONGRESS.
Both Houses of Congress assembled at Washington on Monday last, liy Telegraph wo learn that on Tuesday the President's Message was received and read in the Senate—when, during an incidental debate on printing it and the accompanying documents, Hale attacked the position of the President, denying altogether the charges which were imputed to a majority of the people of eleven States, for a want of fidelity to constitutional obligations and love of the Union. It was untrue that they sought to usurp the power of this gevernment.
Brown thanked the President for his fidelity in a sounding voice, warning against sectional strife, and took the occasion to charge the supporters of Fremont with tho intention of abolishing slavery, and in connection alluded to the views of Seward and Wilson.
This called up So ward, who remarked, that what he had said upon that subject was not in a cornor, and referred Brown for furthor information to Rcdfield's publication of his speeches.
Wilson stated he had never entertained nor expressed the
opinion
EDSALL
that Congress
had the power to abolish slavery within tho States, nor had he uttered the Sentiment there, with whom he had acted, as intended to assume or exercise such power.
Mason maintained that the constant agitation of slavery brought the people of tho South to the conviction that the preservation of that institution rested with themselves alone, and if tho Fremont party had been able to execute what they avowed, it would have led to a dissolution of the Union, immediate and eternal.
Mr. Trumbull denied that the Republicans had any intention to interfere with slavery in the States. They had avowed tho rights of the States, the union of the States, and tho Constitution of the country must be preserved. Ho spiritedly controverted the President's remark that the Hissouri CdnipromigG was absolute, being unconditional, saying there was no foundation for the assertion.
The Houso of Representatives was engaged both Monday and Tuesday on tho subject of Whitfield's admission as a delegate from Kansas—and adjourned Tuesday without decision.
GREAT
Rvsn.—Wo ask attention to the
'•whole oolumti Advertisement," of
ik Co. If you aijo not satisfied
with the fine display and variety there exhibited, then go straight to the corner of Main and Sixth streets, where you will sights No mistake 1!
ROBBKRT AOAIS.—On
Thursday night
last a man was knocked down near the outskirts of our town, and robbed of $25. Three wtn have been arrested and committed on suspicion of being concerned in this outrage. yfr,, ,j_L i.
SLA.rnuTKRi.va—Business kas fully commenced at several of our Slaughtering Houses. Hoga range from $5,00 to $5,25. Go*d beef cattle $5,00,
The New York Times
BAYS
that "hoops"
have become so fashionable among ladiee, that the proprietors of Omnibuses, have imposed a charge of one shilling upon them, while the gentlemen only charged half that price.
The weather is cold, bracing, and decidedly oa the winter order. The Wabash manifests a slight disposition to rise.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Fellow Citizens oj the Senate and flout* of llepresentatives: The Constitution requires that the President shall, from time to time, not only recommend to the consideration of Congress such measures as he may judge necessary and expedient, but also that he may give information to them of the state of the Union. To do this, fully in volves exposition of all matters in the actual condition of the country, domestic or foreign, which essentially concerns the general welfare. While performing his constitutional duty in this respect, the President does not speak merely to express personal convictions, but as the executive minister of tho- Government, enabled by his position, and called upon by his official obligations, to scan with an impartial eye, the interests of the whole, and every part of the United States.
Of the condition of the domestic inter ests of the Union, its agriculture, mines, manufactures, navigation, and commerce, it is necessary only to say that the interna] prosperity of the country, its continuous and steady advancement in wealth
and population, and in private as well as public well-being, attest the wisdom of our institutions, and the predominant spirit of intelligence and patriotism which, notwithstanding occasional irreg ularities of opinion or action resulting from popular freedom, has distinguished and characterized the people of America.
In the brief interval between the termi nation of the last and the commence ment of the present session of Congress, the public mind has been occupied with the care of selecting, for another constitutional term, the President and Vice President of the United States.
The determinations of the persons, who are of right, or contingently, to preside over the administration of the Government, is under our system committed to the Slates and the people. We appal to them, by their voice pronounced in the forms of
law,
Perfect liberty of association for political objects, and tho widest scope of discussion, are the received and ordinary conditions of government in our country, Our institutions, framed in the spirit of confidence in the intelligence and integ rity of the people, do not forbid citizens, either individually or associated together, to attack by writing, speech, or any other methods short of physical force, the Constitution and the very existence of the Union. Under the shelter of this great liberty, and protected by the laws and usages of the government they assail, associations have been formed, in some of the States, of individuals, who, pretending to seek only to prevent the spread of the institution of slavery into the present
or future
inohonte
RICK,
fc3tnteS'0f
iifSI
to call whomsoever
they will to the highest post of C.iief Magistrate. And thus it is that as the Senators represent the respective States of the Union and the members of the House of Representatives the several constituencies of each State, so the President represents the aggregate population of the United States. Their election of him is the explicit and solemn act of the sole sovereign authority of the Union.
It is impossible to misapprehend the great principles, which by their recent political action, the people of the United States have sanctioned and announced.
They have asserted the constitutional equality of each and all of the States in the Union as States they have affirmed the constitutional equality of each and all of the citizens of the United States as citizens, whatever their religion, whereever their birth, or their residence they have maintained the inviolability of the constitutional rights of the different sections'of the Union and they have proclaimed their devote,I and unalterable attachment to the Union and to the constitution as objects of interest superior to all subjects of local or sectional controversy, as the safeguard of the rights of all, as the spirit and the essence of the liberty, peace, and greatness of the Republic.
In doing this, they have, at the same time, emphatically condemned the idea of organizing in these United States mere geographical parties or marshalling in hostile array towards each other the different parts of the country, North or South, East or West.
Schemes ef this nature, fraught with incalculable mischief, and which tho considerate sense of the people has rejected, could havo had countenance in no part of the country, had they not been disguised by suggestions plausible in appearance, acting upon an cxot«d state of the public mind, induced by eauses temporary in their character, and it is to be hoped transient in their influence.
ITIO On
1011,
are really inflamed with desire to change the domestic institutions of existing States. To accomplish their objects, they dedicate themselves to the odious task of depreciating the Government organiza tion which stands in their way, and of calumniating, with indiscriminate invec-
tive, not only citizens of particular States, with whose laws they find fault, but all others of their fellow citizens, throughout the couutry, who do not participate with them in their assaults upon the Constitution, framed and adopted by our fathers, and claiming for the privileges it has secured, and the blessings it has conferred, tho stead}* support, and grateful reverence of their children.— They seek an obiect which they well know to be a revolutionary one. They are perfectly aware that the change in the relative condition of the white and black races in the Slaveholding States, which they would promote, is beyond their lawful authority that to them it is a foreign object that it cannot be effected by any peaceful instrumentality of theirs that tor them and the States of which they are citixens, the only path to its accomplishment is through burning citi«s, and ravaged fields, and slaughtered populations, and all there is most terrible in foreign, complicated with civil and servile war and that the first step in the attempt is the forcible disruption of the country embracing in its broad bosom a decree of liberty, and an amount of individual and public prosperity, to which there is no parallel in hi#tnry, And substituting in its place host^ governments, driven at once and inevitably into mutual devastation and fratricidal carnage, transforming the now peaceful and felicitous brotherhood into a vast permanent camp of armed men like the rival monar-
chies of Europe and Asia. WeTl knowing that such, and such only, are the means and the consequences of their plans and purposes, they endeavor to prepare the people of the United States for civil war by doing every thing in their power to deprive the Constitution and laws of moral authority, and to undermine the fabric of tho Union by appeals to passion and sectional prejudice, by indoctrinating its people with reciprocal ducatin hatred, and by educating them to stand face to face as enemies, rather than shoulder to shoulder as friends.
It is by the agency of such unwarrantable interference, foreign and domestic, that the minds of many, otherwise good citizens, have been so inflamed into the passionate condemnation of the domestic institutions of the southern States, as at length to pass insensibly to almost equally passionate hostility toward their fellow-cttizens of those States, and thus finally to fall into temporary fellowship with the avowed and active enemies of the Constitution. Ardently attached to liberty in the abstract, they do not stop to consider practically how the objects they would attain can be accomplished, nor to reflect that, even if the evil were as great as they deemed it, they have no remedy to apply, and that it can be only aggravated by their violence and unconstitutional action. A question, which is one of the *nost difficult of all the problems of social institution, political economy and statemanship, they treat with unreasoning intemperance of thought and language. Extremes beget extremes. Violent attack from the North finds its inevitable consequence in the growth of the spirit of angry defiance at the South. Thus in the progress of events we had reached that consumation, .vhich the voice of the people has now so pointedly rebuked of the attempt, of a portion of the States, by a sectional organization and movement, to usurp the control of the government of the United States.
I confidently believe that the great body of those who inconsiderately took the fatal step, are sincerely attached to the Constitution and the Union. They would, upon deliberation, shrink with unaffected horror from any conscious act of disunion or civil war. But they have entered into a path which leads nowhere, unless it be to civil war and disunion and which has no other possible outlet. They have proceeded thus far in that direction in cosequence of the successive stages of their progress having consisted of a series of secondary issues, eaeh of which professed to be confined within constitutional and peaceful limits, but which attmpted indirectly what few men would do directly, that is to act aggressively against the constitutional rights of nea'rly one half of the thirty one States.
In the long series of acts of indirect aggres sion, the first was the strenuous agitation, by citizens of the northern States, in Con gress and out of it, of the question of negro emancipation in the northern States.
The second step in this path of evil consisted of acts of the people of the Northern States, and in several instances of their governments, aimed to facilitate the escape of persons held to service in the Southern States, and to prevent their extradition when reclaimed according to law and in virtue of express provisions of the Constitution. To promote this object, legislative enactmeuts and other means were adopted to take away or defeal rights, which the Constitution solemnly guarantied. In order to fiullify the then existing act of Congress concerning the extradition of fugitives from service, laws were enacted in many Stales, forbidding their officers, under severest penalties, to participate in the execution of any act of Congress whatever. In this way that system of harmonious co-operntion between the authorities of the United States and of the several States, for the maintainance of their common institutions, which existed in the early yaars of the Republic, was destroyed conflicts of jurisdiction came to- be frequent and Congress found itself compelled, for the support of the Constitution, and the vindication of its power, to authorize the appointment of new officers charged with tho execution of its acts, as if they and the officers of the States were the ministers, respectively, of foreign governments in a state of mutual hostility, rather than fellow magistrates ef a common country, peacefully subsisting under the protection of a well constitutioned Union. Thus here, also, aggression was followed by reaction and the attack Upon the Constitution at this point but served to raise up new barriers for its defence, and security.
The third stage of this unhappy sectional controversy was in connection with the organization of teriloral governments, and the admission of new Sta'.esinto the Union,—
When it was proposed to admit the State of Maine, by separation of territory from the State of Massachusetts, and the State of Missouri, formed of a portion of the terri tory ceded by France to the United States, representatives in Congress objected to the latter, unless with conditions suited to particular views of policy. The imposition of such a condition was successfully resisted. But at theBame period, the question was presented of imposing restriction upon the resi due of the territory ceded by France. The question was, for the time, disposed of by the adoption of a geographical lineoflimitu tion.
In this connexion it should not be forgotten that France, on her own accord, resol veer,"TOT I fie considerations of the most far
sighted sagacity, to cede Louisiana to the United States, and the accession was accept, ed by the United States, the latter expressly engaged that "the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles oft the Federal Constitution to the enjoymcn of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their
liberty, property,
and the religion which
they) profess"—that is to say, while it remains in a territoral condition, its inhabitants are maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, with a right then to pass into the condition of States on a perfect equality with the original States.
The enactment, which established the restrictive geographical line, was acquieced in rather than approved by the States of the Union, it stood on the statute book however, for a number of years and the people of the respective States acquiesced in the re-enactment of the principle as applied to the State ofTexas and it was proposed to acquiesce in further application to the territory acquired by the United States from Mexico. But this proposition was successfully resisted by the representatives from the northern States, who, regardless of the statute line, insisted upon applying restriction to the new territory generally whether lying North or South of it, thereby repealing It as a legislative compromise, and, on the part of the North, persistently violating the compact,if compact there was.
Thereupon this enactment ceased to have binding virtue in any sense, whetheras respects the North or the South and so in effect it was treated on the occasion of the State of California, and the organization of the Territories of New Mexico, Utah and Washington.
Such was the state of this question, when the time arrived for the organiza
tion of tho Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In tho progress of constitutional inquiry and reflection, it had now at length come to be seen clearly that-Con-gress
does not
possess
constitutional
power to impose restrictions of this character upon any present or future State of the Union. Inn long series of decisions, on the fullest argument, and after the most deliberate consideration, the Supreme Court of the United States had finally determined this point, in every form under which the question could arise, whether as affecting public or private rights—in questions of the public domain, of religion, of navigation, and of servitude.
The several States of the Union are, by force of the Constitution, co-equSl in domestic legislative power. Congress cannot change a law of domestic relation in the State of Maine no more can it in the State of Missouri. Any statute which proposes to do this is a mere, nullity it takes away no right, 4t confers none. If it remains on the statute-book unrepealed, it remains there a monument of error, and a beacon of warning to the legislator and the statesman. To repeal it will be only to remove imperfections from the statutes, without affecting, either in the sense of permission or of prohibition, the action of the States, or of their citizens.
Still, when the nominal restriction of this nature, already a dead letter in law, was in terms repealed by the last Congress, in a clause of the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, that repeal was made the occasion of a widespread and dangerous agitation.
It was alleged that the original enactO O mcnt being a compact of perpetual moral obligation, its repeal constituted an odious breach of faith.
An act of Congress, while it remains unrepealed, more especially if it be constitutionally valid in the judgment of those public functionaries whose duty it is to pronounce on that point, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience of each good citizen of tho Republic. But in what sense can it be asserted that the enactment in question was invested with perpetuity and entitled to the respect of a solemn compact? Between whom was the compact No distinct contending powers of the government, no separate sections of the Union, treating as such, entered into treaty stipulations on the subject. It was a mere clause of an act of Congress, and like any other controverted matter of legislation, received its final shape and was passed by compromise of conflicting opinions or sentiments of the members- of Congress. But if it had mcral authority over men's consciences, to whom did this authority attach Not to those of the North, who had repeatedly refused to confirm it by extension, and who had zealously striven to establish other and incompatible regulations upon the subject. And if, as it thus appears, the supposed compact had no obligatory force as t© the North, of course it could not have had any as to the South, for all such compacts must be mutual and of reciprocal obligation.
It has not unfrequently happened tliat law-givers, with undue estimation of the value of the law they give, or in the view of imparting to it peculiar strength, make it perpetual in terms but they cannot thus bind the conscience, the judgment and the will of those who may succeed them, invested with similar responsibilities, and clothed with equal authority.— More careful investigation may prove the law to be unsound in principle. Experience may show it to be imperfect in detail and impracticable in execution. And then both reason and right combine not merely to justify, but to require its repeal.
The Constitution, supreme as it is over all the departments of the government, legislative, executive and judicial, is open to amendment by its very terms and Congress or the States may. in their dis cretion, propose amendment to it, solemn compact though it in truth is between the sovereign States of the Union. In the present instance a political enactment which had ceased to have legal power or authority of any kind was repealed. The position assumed, that Congress had no moral right to enact such repeal, was strange enough, and singularly so in view of the fact that the argument came from those who openly refused obedience to ex isting laws of the land, having the same popular designation and quality as com promise acts—nay, more, who unequivo cally disregarded and condemned the most positive and obligatory injunctions of the Constitution itself, and sought, by every means within their reach, to de prive a portion of their fellow-citizens of the equal enjoyment of those rights and privileges guarantied alike to all by the fundamental compact of our Union. —-Tlufl argument .-unuilSlJlifi regeal of the statute line in question, was accompanied by another of congenial character, and equally with the former destitute of foun dation in reason and truth. It was im puted that the measure originated in the conception of extending the limits of slave labor beyond those previously assigned to it, and tint such was its natural as well as intended effect and these baseless assumptions were made, in the northern States, the ground of unceasing assault upon constitutional right.
The repeal in teems of a statute, which was already obsolete, and also null for tin constitutionality, could have no influence to obstruct or to promote the propagation of conflicting views of political or social institution. When tho act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska was passed, tho inherent effect upon that portion of the public domain thus opened to legal settlement, was to admit settlers from all the States of the Union alike, each with his convictious of public policy and private interest, there to found in their discretion, subject to such limitations as the Constitution and acts of Congress might prescribe, new States, hereafter to be admitted into the Union. It was a free field, open alike to all, whether the statute line of assumed restriction were repealed or not. That repeal did not open to free competition of the diverse opinions and domestic institutions a field, which without such repeal, would have been closed against them it found that field of competition already opened, in &ct and in law. All the repeal did was to relieve the statute-book of an objectionable enactment, unconstitutional in effect, and injurious in terms to a large portion of the States. I
Is it the fact, that, in all the unsettled now enabled once mora to devote himself regions of the United States, if emigration in p«tc« to th© pursuits of prosperous in-
be left fr6e to act in tlvfe respect for itself, without legal prohibitions'011 either side, slave labor will spontaneously go everywhere, in preference to free labor Is it thb fact, that the peculiar domestic institutions of the Southern States possess relatively so much of vigor, that, wheresoever an avenue is freely opened to all the world, they will penetrate io the exclusion of those of the Northern States Is it the fact, that the former enjoy, compared with the latter, such irresistibly superior vitality, independent of climate, soil, and all other accidental circumstances, as to be able to produce the supposed result, in spite of the assumed moral and natural obstacles to its accomplishment, and of the more numerous population of the Northern States
The argument of those, who advocate the enactment of new laws of restriction, and condemn the repeal of old ones, in effect avers that their particular views of government have no self-extendinsr or self-
O
sustaining power of their own, and will go nowhere unless forced by act of Congress. And if Congress do but pause for a moment in the policy of stern coercion if it venture to try the experiment of leaving men to judge for themselves what institutions will best suit them if it be not strained up to perpetual legislative exertion 011 this point if Congress thus proceed to act in the very spirit of liberty.it is at once charged with aiming to extend slave labor into all the new Territories of the United States.
Of course, these imputations on the intentions of Congress in this respect, conceived as they were in prejudice, and disseminated in passion are utterly destitute of any justification in the nature of things, and contrary to all the fundamental doctrines and principles of civil liberty and self-government.
While, therefore in general, the people of the northern States have never, at any time, arrogated for the federal government the power to interfere directly "with the domestic condition-of persons in the southern States, but 011 the contrary, have disavowed all such intentions, and have shrunk from conspicuous affiliation with those few who pursuo their fanatical objects avowedly through the contemplated means of revolutionary change of the government, and with acceptance of the necessary consequences—a civil and servile war—yet many citizens have suffered themselves to be drawn into one evanescent political issue of agitation after another, appertaining to the same set of opinious, and which subsided as rapidly as they arose when it came to be seen, as it uniformly did, that they were incompatiblcwith the compacts of the Constitution and the existence of the Union. Thus, when the acts of some of the States to nullify the existing extradition law imposed upon Congress the duty of passing a new one, the country was invited by agitators to enter into party -organization for its repeal but that agitation speedily ceased by reason of the impracticability of its object. fcx, when the statute restriction upon the institutions of new States, by a geographical line, had beeu repealed, the Country was urged to demand its restoration, and that project also died almost with its birth. Then followed the cry of alarm from the North against imputed southern encroachments which cry in reality sprang from the spirit of revolutionary attack on the domestic institutions of the South, and, after a troubled existence of a few months, has been rebuked by the voice of a patriotic people.
Of this last agitation, one lamentable feature was, that it was carried on at the immediate expense of the peace and happiness of the people of the Territory of Kansas. That was made the battle-field, not so much of opposing factions or interests within itself, as of the conflicting passions of the whole people of the United States. Revolutionary disorder in Kansas had its origin in projects of intervention, deliberately arranged by certain members of that Congress, which enacted the law for the organization of the Territory. And when propagandist colonization of Kansas had thus.been undertaken in one section of the Union, for the systematic promotion of its peculiar views of policy, there ensued, as a matter of course, a counter-action with opposite views, in other sections of the Union.
In consequence of these and other incidents, many acts of disorder, it is un
deniable, have been perpetrated in Kan-
tory were undertaken, both in the Jiorth and the South, and entered it on its northern border by the way of Iowa, as well as on tho eastern by way of Missouri and there has existed within it a state of insurrection against the constituted aunroriutiB, nui tvunout cquTrcernflflfe from inconsiderate persons in each of the great sections of the Union. But the difficulties in that Territory have been extravagantly exagerated for purposes of political agiution elsewhere. The number and gravity of the acts of violence have been magnified partly b}T statements entirely untrue, and partly by reiteratod accounts of the same rumors of facts.— Thus the Territory has been seemingly filled with extreme violence, when the whole amount of such acts has not been greater than what occasionally passes be fore us in single cities to the regret of all gocd citizens, but without being re yarded as of general or permanent
KZv*,r^l'
DO
litical consequence. Imputed irregularities in the elections had in Kansas, like occasional irregularities of the same description in the States were beyond the sphere of action of the Executive. But incidents of actual violence or of organized obstruction of law, pertinaciously renewed from time to time, iliave been met as they occurred, by such means as were available and as the circumstances required, and nothing of this character now remains to effect the general peace ef the Union. The attempt of a part of the inhabitants of the Territory to erect a revolutionary government, though sedulously encouraged with pecuniary aid from ^active agents of disorder in some of the States has completely failed. Bodies of armed men, foreign to the Territory, have been prevented from entering or compelled to leave it. Pre-. da tory bands, engaged in acts of rapiner under cover of the existing political disturbances, have been arrested or dispers
And every well disposed person is
r-:i'
Dec- 6, '56, 16, 3t.
WmM
MOFFAT'S LIFE PIIXS AND PHOENIX RMNMSRThe very painful symptoms which precede the attacks of fever and agno can be suppressed and all danger arrested by the use of these valuable medicines. The pills, and bitters arc also a cure lor rheumatism, and every variety of bowel complaint. Sold by the proprietor \V. B. jt/offat, 335 Broadway, New Yors. Nov. 15,13, I mo.
MOFFAT'S LIFE PIIJJ AND PHOEXTX BITTERS.— For all diseases of the digestive organs, paihs in the back or the heart, these medicines have proved to be superior to^all other known remedies. Sold by the Proprietor, 335 Broadway, New York.— Nov. 15, '5G, 13, Imo.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
Democratic Almanac and Political Register, for 1S57.
HE undersigned will publish on Thursday, December lfith, TNT DEMOCRATIC ALMANAC AND POLITICAL REGISTER, FOR 1857. Thn work will contain sixty-tour paces, and will embrace tlie official vote of all the States tor President in 1852 and 1856. Also the official vote tor Congressmen and State Officers, in the several states, tor 1856. The Astronomical tables will be calculated with great care for the principal cities in the Union. The work will, besides, contain much other valuable poli'tcal information—the design of its author being to make it permanent and reliable political reference-book.
The first edition wi!I be 50,000 coj.ies. Orders Irom booksellers and country mcr chants will meet prompt attention.
Address, C. W. COTTOM. Indianapolis, Indiana.
Single copies 15 cts. 100 copies $10,00 1,000 copies $80.00. opie:
Dei ec. 6 '5C, 1G 2t"
Executor's Notice.
NOTICEbeen
is hereby given that the undersign
ed has appointed by tho Court ol' Common Pleas'of Vigo County, Executor of th# last will and testament of BATEMAX ROSS, deceased, ail persons indebted to the estate, aro required to make immediate payment, and all persons having claims wi.l present them for payment.— The estate is solvent. WA1. U. ROtiS,
Executor.
NOTICE
IS
hereby given, that at iheOctoberTerm, 1856, of the Court of Common Pleas of Vis»o county, alter final settlement of the estate of Thomas C. Apar, deceased, four hundred and twentyeight dollars and fitly cents wero found remain ing in the hands of Adinr. tor distribution among the heirs. Said heirs are therefore notified to appear nt the next term of said Court and receive their distributive share from said Admr.
AND. WiLKINS, Clerk.
Dec. 6,15S-l6-3t Printers lee, $1,00.
NOTICE.
To llic Stockholders of the Terrc Ilnute and ilichniond Hail Ito.u! Oomjt iy. rPUE ANNUAL MEETING for the ElecJL tion of Director?, will be held at tho Company's Office in Terre Haute, on the fiTst Monday in January next, (January ftli,.i between the hours of and 12 o'clock. A. M.
CHARLES WOOD. Secretary.
Dec 6,'56, 16, 4t.
LAND FOR SALE.
TRACT of 160 acres of choice laud, very heavily timbered—the growth consisting chiefly of the finest Black Walnut and YellowPoplar, with a never-failing spring of the purest water upon it, situated on Coal Creek, ten miles Irom Terre Haute. Far terms apply to LINN BOYD, or agent on the premises, between the 4th and 7th of'January hext.
Nov. 2if, '5G. 15 6t
Branch Slate Bank of Iiid.
TERRE HAUTE, NOV. 14, 1856.
A DIVIDEND has been deelarod on the CapiTA ital Stock of this Branch of live per cent, also an extra dividend out of the Surplus Fund of tour per cent payable to Stockholders on and afier the 17ih inet.
Nov. 15,13, 3t. PKESTON HUSSEY,
THE
Cash.
N O I E
undersigned hove this day entered into a limited co-partnership, in the business of buying and selling Real Estate, Rnd selling Real property t»r others on commission, under tlie firm name of .CARNEY &, AUSTIN. Wc shall occupy for the present, tho old stand of Barney's Lnna Office." BARNEY,
JAMES AUSTIN
Terre Haute, Nov. 12, 1S56, 14, tf.
!T7* In consequcnce of the arrangement mentioned in the above Notice," it becomes desirable to the undersigned to close whatever business now 6tnnds upon his books, and requests those having unsettled accounts with him to take measures t: tlu-ir spuody adjustment.
Nov. '56, Mil L. BARNEY.
Prospectus for 1857
II
FMnbltshcd August 4th, 821. Tlie publishers of this old and firmly established paper take pletsure in calling tho attention of the public to their programme for the coming -1 year. .Surfeited with politics, the claims of lit
crat,l?re wi"hpmore
.» •,•*. reading world. We havo therefore already sas, to the occasional interruption, rather made arrangements with the following brilliant than the permanent suspension, of regu- h»t of writers lar government. Aggressive arid most
reprehensible incursions into the Terri-1
thnn ever appieciaied by the
WILLIAM HOWIETT,
of England
Avo[:sr'^
Z1LLAT1," 4-c. We design commencing, in the first number in January next, the following original Novelet
Tnllcngettn, ot the Squatter's Home. By WILMAM ilpwirr, author of Rural Life in England," Ubmesof the Poets," &c.. &c.
This is Story of Australian Life, Mr llowfti'miuim n|newty wini itm
object of acqainting himself with the novel and romantic aspects under which nature and society present themselves in that singular rejjion.
The following Novelets' will then bo given, though probably not in the exact order here mentioned:—
Tht Story of A Country Girl,
By Alice Cary. An original Novelet, written expressly-for the Poet.
The Withered Heart,
An original Novelet, written expressly for tho Post, by T. S. Arthur-
Lighthouse Island,
An original Novelet, by the author of My Con fe8si«n," "Zillah, or the Child Medium," &.c.
The Qualier Protege,
An original Novelet, by Mrs. Mary A. Penison author of Mark, the Sexton,' 'Home Pictures
The Raid of Burgundy,
A Tale of the Swiss Cantons. An original Novelet, by Augustino Ouganne, author ot the Lost of the Witness," &c.
We have also tho promise of a
C^xdekseD
SHORT AND
Novelet, by Mrs. Soxtihworth,
to run through about six or eight numbers of the Post. iKr In addition to tbe above
Jist of contibations
we design continuing the usual amount of For elgn Letters, Original Sketches, Choice Selee tions from all sources,' Agricultural Articles General News, fJomorous Anecdotes, View of the Produce sod Stock Markets, the Philadelphia Retail Markets, Bank Note List, Editorials, &c., our object being to jpve a Complete Record
as far as oar limits will admit, of the Uieat
World.
ENGRAVINGS.—In the way of Engravings, we generally prewnt two weekly—one of an in* •(active, and tfaeother of a humoraui character.
Tlie Postage on the Post lb any paft the United States* paid quarterly or yearly ip ad vance, st the Of&ctf Where it is received Is 96 cents a year.
only
TERM3 (Cash in advance)—Single copy $2 a year. ., 4 copies* §5,00 a yesr.
And one to the getter up of the Ci«b. 10,00
8
13 15.00 20
14
30,00 -t-
Address, always post paid, DEAOJN PETERSON,
No. 66 South Third street, Philadelphia.
l=r«3? ^!'. '.ff
0^f
-l
dustry, for tho prosecution of which he undertook to participate in the settlement of the Territory.
CONCLUDED afEXT "WEEK.
WE CAN OFFER TO THE
The FINEST ASSORTMENT in cverj' style of
All Fresh from the
E O E A N A E S
Consisting in part of
RICH PLAIN, & PLAID
OX EVERV DE8CJRTPTI0K, -M
From 62 cts. per yard to $3,50.
Blaob. SllbLB
Of the very lest maker.
5
S33 EL IN. 3. £1 A? FL. DCX AB 689
N E W S E S
A I N E 1 N O E S Of every Shade nnd Color.
All ffCBL DELAIIIS
Plain and Figured.
Entirely new, and very fashionable goods, Not to br toKnd rhrtrhrrc. Besides many others too numerous to mention ull ol which will be sold
E A O A S KICK, EDS AM, & Co.
Corner Main and Sixth streets—under National Hotel. Terrc Haute, Dec. 6, '56, 16, ly.
SIAff iS! !_SJ A ff SI!!
a I
THIS DEPARTMENT
And the goods can be sold much
E O W E I A E
Our facilities for purchasing them sro uunpproaclnible, having access to all thsbest
Manufacturers and Jmportrrs
Besides the largo
Auction Sales in New York.
2*he Assortment comprises
BEOCHA LONQ & SQUAB!!.
tarn- cts car^ xw LOM,J A.NU SQUARE—SCTXEW DLSIO.VS.X'O
S E A E on
N E W S E
GENTS. SHAWLS,
A Complete Assortment.
wool, EN BLANKETS,
Which were recently purchased at AUCTION, can bo MOLD CHEAP,
{&*And are perfect in overy particuUr.XD
Persons desirous of visiting an Attractive Department, and getting the
Value of their Moiiey,
Will cail on
KIC'E, EDS ALL & CO.,
Corner of Main and Sixth streets, Terro Haute. Dec. G, 16, ly.
W
AR.tcE CAUT,
the author of
RICE, EDSALL CO.,
ive now on Exhibition the most eleegntit assortment of
ISmlDroicieries And Heal French Setts,
Ever offered in this Market, consisting ef
E E S E A N I E
From the lowe»t Ufctlie highest
—T II E S E OO O S
Have bnt just been landed in New York, and contain,
STYLES ENTIRELY NEW
A a a
A 0 I
Will Find it lo their Interest to
Look through this department early. RICE, EDS AI
A. &. CO.
Corner Main and Sixth su., Terre ilaute, Ind. Dep. 6, 16, ly.
HOSIERY & GLOVES
RICE, EDSALL & CO.
//avepoid particnlar attention to this branch of trade, and can offer the
ASSORTMENT,
OF EVERY KLIVD OF
a
I
ind Children's Wear
To be found in the City,
'And guarantee to sell at prices*
FEB EST? LIS!! S
Than can be (ound elcwhere.
A
SAMPLE NUMBERS sent gratis to any one, CornerMainandSixth otsM Terra Haute, Ind. whan requested. Dee. 6, '56, 16, If.
II