The Wabash Courier, Volume 17, Number 25, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 17 February 1849 — Page 1

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VOL.-XVII '-NO. 25.

EVERT SATURDAY

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from the Washington Glde.

HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES, Jan. 25. THE ARMY BILL. On motion of Mr. Vinton, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Suite of the Union, (Mr. "Toombs, of. Georgia, in the chair.) and resumed the consideration ofthe bill malting appropriations for ihe support of the army for the year ending June 30,

4849. Mr.THOMPSON,of Indiana, was entitled to the floor, and addressed the

committee during the hour.

He said he proposed to spend the brief hour allotted to him in the consideration of matters connected with the question of Slavery and he did this, he •could assure the committee, with no little reluctance, for it was the first time in his life when he had entered upon such a discussion. He did it. however, from the promptings of a conviction that he represented on this floor a class ol people who required nr his hands, 1 lint upon •all and every suitable occasion he should endeavor, with whatever ability he might possess, to bring to bear upon this great question which now agitaiod the Union, all the conservatism and conciliation which he knew and believed that they felt. It needed not now, he said, (for everybody knew it,) that to indulge in censure and denunciation of one section of the Union against another, was not only calculated to do no good, but to do serious harm to disturb the harmony of that Union which had so long been our Kccurity and our strength.

The institution of slavery was one which found its existence in this country against the consent of our forefathers, in despiio of the urgent appeals of every single one of the American colonies. It was found here at the commencement of that glorious Revolution which resulted in the establishment of our Federal Constitution and, at the d:»te of the Declaration of American Independence, which on Its face declared "that all men are created equal," every single one of the American colonies held, by virtue of existing laws, a right in slaves as property, fixed, recognized by the municipal legislation of each one of ihe colonics, held by virtue of existing laws, a right in slaves as property, fixed and recognized by the municipaljegishuion of each one of the colonies.

Tito institution of slavery existed, therefore, before the formation of the Ar-

Very soon after the formation of the Constitution of the United States, at)d before a strict construction hud been given to that instrument by the people themselves, efforts were made by appeals to Federal legislation, to interfere with the rights which had been guaranteed and secured under that glorious charter of our rights, and at a very early time an appoal was made to the Federal arm to interfere with the institution of slavery in the*several States of the Union. Congress, composod of wise, of grave, of deliberate men—of patriots—calmly, earnestly implored the men from whom these appeals came to let this exciting and agitating question alone, and stand by th$ compromises of the Constitution. The moderation, the forbearance, the conciliation, the compromises of that day, triumphed over faction faction became still. .! "The cmtntry was not again excited with the question of slavery, until the application from the Stmc of Missouri for admission as a Stat® into lb® Union. He Deeded not refer to the agitating

tides of Confederation, and before the Kpoin'ing to iho seat formerly occupied formation of our Federal Constitution.— Hut difficulties grow out of its existence even in the Congress of tho Confederation in the apportionment between the colonies of the amounts to be paid by the several colonies towards defraying the public debt, the institution of slavery was a vury serious and alarming impediment in tho way of the adjustment of tho ouestion and then for the first time in the history of American legislation, in the old Congress of the Confederation, was adopted that principle of compromise by which, in ihe enumeration of the inhabitants to be taxed two-thirds of the slaves in each of tho colonics were deducted. That compromise was held by the men of that day to be necessary and essential to the harmony of the Confederacy. It did restore peace and quiet But the Confederated Government, for reasons which were manifest to our fa titers at the time, was not sufficiently strong to enforce upon the colonics the legislation of tho Confederated Congress and hence the Convention was called which resulted in the formation of our present Federal Constitution. And in fixing, in that Convention, the ratio representation in the Congress of tho States, this same difficulty arose, and this same difficulty was compromised in precisely the same way as it had been done by the Congress of the Confedera tion.

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scenes which grow, out of that interest* ing and important question. The discussion of ihe Missouri compromise, and the admission of that State into the Union shook this Union to its very centre the spirit of fanaticism and of faction well nigh worked the dissolution of that glorious Union, under whose preservation our rights had been so long guaran teed and maintained. But conciliation, [compromise and concession, again prevailed, and the Union and its integrity were safe.

We heard nothing more of the agitating question of the abolition of slavery until the formation of the present politi* cul Abolition party. An effort was made, it was true, at the session of Congress of 1835~'3G, akin to and precisely like the one which was made immediaiely after the formation of the Constitution, to interfere with slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia. A memorial was presented to this House, from the Stale of Pennsylvania, in 1835'3G, praying Congress to abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia. Tha question which arose at that time, was on the reception of the memorial: a motion was made to lav it on the table, aud a very large majority of the House of Representatives did lay that memorial on the table, by voting to lay the question of its reception 011 the table and at the head of those who voted in the majority upon that occasion, stood the venerable aud distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, who but the other day fell in this Hall, covered all over with national glory and renown. Men had not learned in that day to disregard the Constitution and the law men had not learned at that day 10 be continually attempting encroachments upon the rights of the States of this Union, as fixed and guarantied under our Federal Constitution.

This attempt was frowned down by the house of Representatives. Hut still the country was agitated and that agitation continued until about 1840, when these petitions were continually presenting themselves to the consideration of Congress and when 10 get rid of them, southern members on this floor adopted the celebrated "twenty first rule," which denied to the people ol the north the right to petition Congress on the question of slavery. Here, two extremes were about to meet. Immediaiely upon the adoption of the "twenty-first rule," the question of the abolition of slavery in ihe District of Columbia became a suspended question, and there was substituted in lieu of it, in the northern States, the question of the right of petition. The consideration of this question appealed so strongly to the feelings of the North, that a large proportion of northern citizens became accustomed To act with the party which was urging upon Congress the recognition of the right of petition, and continued to act with them in dciencc of this great right, so that ihev became, almost insensibly, political abolitionists and thus, he verilv believed, the adoption of ihe

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had a tendency to strengthen and increase the number of political fanatical abolitionists at the North.. This riglu of petition was a sacred right. The North was addressed in this behalf and there

by Mr. Adutns) stood the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts to whom he had just alluded, day afier dav, month after month, and year after year, continually clamorous in this Hall for ihe preservation of that high constitutional right, until the oxciiement became so great thai a portion of the northern people, living in the Smie of Massachusetts, through that same distinguished Representative, presented a memorial upon this floor praying that Congress would take steps for the immc diatr dissolution of the Union. sS^ose gentlemen who were present recollected the exciting scenes which took place upon this floor on that occasion, and recollected with what ubility. with what earnestness and power, that "old man eloquent" defended himself pgainst the assaults of those who allocked him. claiming only this—that while he did

not cither sentimeni or feeling ac- question upon us you have admitted the cord in one jot or tittle wish the sentiments jurisdiction of of the memorial, he stood prepared to maintain the right of petition, as guarnniied to the American citizen. Upon that occasion. Mr. Adams—as it were, alinatt pressed to the wall bv his adversaries—was compelled to declarc and did declarc what his own feelings were upon this very question on which the House had been compelled to vote within ihe lasi two or three weeks, ile then said, in order to stop this agitation, in order to arouse the conciliatory spirit of his countrymen—within the District of Columbia, vou men of the North have nothing to do with the right of the master over his slave: and he said, if he were called upon 10 vote upon a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, l)C would vote against it. He (Mr. T.ywell recollected the remark" he recollected tho sensation which it produced in this Hall. (He had the report of the remarks by hiin but he would not consume the time of the House by reading it.) The influence which Mr. Adams was enabled to exercise upon this important question was rery greanhroughout the whole circumference of this land. But he passed away he died: and his remains had scarcely been carried home to the burial place of his fathers at Quiney, before one who bore his own name—a name ever revered andf honored—had become associated with a politica' hack, through the instrumentality of a political organization*, to carry into execution the very doctrines against which his illustrioosr

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The Presidential election over, this session of Congress commenced. What did we see First, a proposition made upon the floor of the House of Representatives directly, unqualifiedly to abolish slavery in the district of Columbia, without ihe consent of Maryland, without the consent of Virginia, without the consent of the slaveholders of the District. A direct attempt to exercise the Federal power of this Government to do that which all good men of all parlies had declared that Congress had neither the legal power to do. nor that it was right that it should be dune. That resolution had been voted down by this House, but he was astonished 10 see that it commanded so large a vote as it did.

Next, they saw a proposition to submit to the people of the District of Col umbia ihe question as 10 whethe slavery should or should not exist here, and placing the negro man—even the slave of ihe District—upon a par with ihe white man in determining the question whether the slave's bonds should be broken. A proposition thus to legislate needed but to be stated to any portion of the American people to be repudiated, condemned, and spurned by that people.

Next, they had before them a proposition to abolish the slave trade within the District of Columbia. He would remark, with reference to this, that he had thought that there was a class of gentlemen on this floor who had always denied to Congress jurisdiction of ihe question of slavery within the District of Columbia, or within the Stales yet he was astonished when that resolution came into this Hail, to find"these same gentleman forcing ihe House to take jurisdiction of this bill, and thai against the earnest remonstrances of this side of the Hall. When that reso I ittion proposing 10 abolish the slave trade in ihe District of Columbia was submitted 10 the consideration of this House, the previons question was called upon it and it would he recollected that ihe distinguished gentleman from Ohio, the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, [Mr. Vmion.J got up in his place and implored 1 he House 10 pass by that resolution. by voting down the proposition to put the main question, Hut the records of ihe House showed that iwentysix gentlemen of tho Democratic party from the slave States, representing slave constituencies, voted to order the main question, against the earnest remoiistrances and direct vote of twenty-eight Whigs and ten Democrats from the slave States.

Mr. Meade, (in his seat.) What of it What of it is asked by the gentleman from Virginia, (continued Mr. T.) This: Vou have always denied that Congress has any jurisdiction over ihe question, of which you forced us to lake jurisdiction by your own vote, when we warned to siave it off and not vote at all un'»»ss the proposition was modified.

Mr. Meade rose to say a word, hut— Mr. Tl. ompson declined to yield, and begged that gentlemen would not interrupt him.

When the cause (he said) is once in couri, anil you have taken jurisdiction of it. you may decide eiiher for the claimam or a«rains! hint but when you have no jurisdiction, you have no power to decide eiihe

ecuie either way. By pressing ih

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father had labored throughout his whole long and useful life.'* »r The result of the late Presidential Election had seemed to produce one conviction upon the minds of certain gentlemen, and that was, that there was in some of the States In this Union, lodged in ihe hands of this party, the balance of political power and if they could keep up, by ihe agitation of this question, their political organization, they could compel eiiher the Whig or the Democratic party to come to them and thus enable them to accomplish their purpose. They were mistaken in the Whig pariy of the North and the Democratic party of the North, neither of whom sympathised in any degree whatever with the objects, purposes, or ultimate design* of the political, fanatical abolitionists.

of Congress* over slavery

within ihe District of Columbia. Mr. Vinton (ihe floor being yielded at his roquesi, fur a word of explanation) said he had asked the House not to sustain the previous question on ihe proposition because he warned to amend it before voting. It was not his purp ose to Slave off voting upon it, but u» strike ont the preamble.

Mr. Thompson continued. He concurred with the gentleman from Ohio that there was a desire on this side of the House to strike oof the preamble, and ihnt there was no disposition to stave off* tho question of the resolution. For himself, he [Mr. T.] was not afraid to meet it. Coming inio this House from a free constituency, he had not voted for it but directly against it.

Before he proceeded to notice panic ularly what the resolution wa^t, he wish' ed to mmnrfc that there was one feature of this transaction which struck his mind as rather curious that was, that ultra-slavery men on that side of the House and ultra-slavery men on this ido coalesced that they got together in pressing this question upon the action of the House. How they got together, he did not understand. Perhaps before tins session of Congress expired, they would get together again. 'Nous tierroft.v."

He proposed now to speak of the resolution of the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gott.) It was in the follow* ing words:

Whereas the traffic now pro^Scuted

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in this metropolis of the Republic in human beings as chattels, is contrary to natural justice and the fundamental principles of our political system, and is notoriously a reproach to our country throughout Christendon, and a serious hindrance 10 the progress of republican liberty among the nations of the earih therefore

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That the Committee on

ihe District of Columbia be instructed 10 report a bill as soon as practicable, prohibiting the slavp trade in said Dis1trict."

He had voted against this resolution of the gentleman from New York, for ihe reason, first, that it assumed that •'traffic now prosecuted in this metropolis of ihe Republic in human beings as chaueis, is contrary to natural justice and the fundamental principles of our political system." lie did not recognize that as being true and this led him to the consideration of the question —whether, under our Federal Constitution and the compact between the Stales, we were compelled to recognize property as existing in the slaves of the South He knew but one mode, under the Constitution and the law of this country,'to determine upon a question of law arising upon a conflict between the States, or between ihe States and the Federal Government. In determining

whether slaves were properly he was compelled 10 look at the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, and no where else and he must express his surprise to have heard, upon 1 his floor, the doctrine asserted, that under ihe Constitution of the United States there was no recognition of the right of the slaveholder to his slave as properly. He did not intend to detain the committee by reading at any length, but he had before him the interpretation ofthe clause of ihe Constitution—"No person held to service or labor in one State," bearing upon this subject, given by Judge Siory.

Story says, in the case of Prigg r.f. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, lti Peters, 611:

The last clause "is that, the true interpretation whereof is directly in judgment before us. Historically, it is well 1

known that the object of this clause was (light it was a question between the

10 secure to the citizens of the slave holding States the complete right and title of ownership in their slaves as prop erty, in every State in the Union into which they might escape from the S:ate where they were held in servitude.— I he full recognition of this right and title was indispensable to ihe security of this species of property in all the slaveholding Stales and, indeed, was so vital to the preservation of their domestic interest and insiiiutions, that it cannot be doubted that it constituted a fundamental article, without ihe adoption of which the Union could not have been formed. Its true design was 10 guard against ihe doctrines and principles prevalent in the noti-slaveholding Slates, by preventing them from intermeddling with, or obstructing or abolishing the rights of the owners of slaves."

Now. (said Mr. .) there was a solemn. deliberate opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States, given by Judge Story, a northern Judge of the highest attainments, which sealed the question as between ihe North and the South of ihe right of tho master to his slave, and that tho slave, by the Federal Constitution, was recognized as propen v. ,He held thai the man who attempted to array popular opinion against this settled law of ihe land, as expounded by our highest judical tribunal, and thus forever fixed and settled, was an enemv to the pnhi it: welfare and the public peace —he cared not whether he was upon this floor or elsewhere. Look at the cfijct of it upon the institutions of our country. There was a time in our history when the "slow, unmoving finger of scorn.*' would be "pointed" with lixed purpose upon ihe man who dared attempt to break down or in the least degree impairihose checks and balances which the Constitution and law had thrown around the rights of the ciiiz but we had seen ihe Constitution and the law trodden down beneath the foot of party occasionally, and Dorrism and other isms springing up upon the shattered fragments of the broken Constitution and law, except when the power of the States and of the Federal Government was enabled to hold these factions in check.

He repeated the sentiment, and he wished it fixed upon the minds of every man who heard him and of the country, that under o.ir firm of Government, when our highest judicial tribunal, the supreme expounder of the Constitution and law, had fixed what thai Constitution and law was. he held that man to bfi an enemy to the public welfare who sought to array the popular opinion against that' Constitution and law. There slaves were property they were so made by ihe municipal laws of the States, and were so recognizcd under our Federal Constitution.

He read the next clause of the resolution ."and is notoriously a reproach to our country throughout Christendom." and said, if he wanted to do anything else than agitate the question of slavery for political purposes, he would seek to do it by earnest appeal to his* brethren of the South. He would employ no terms of denunciation or rebuke. The men of the South (said Mr. T.) are not responsible for slavery it was theirs, butihey could not help it. It was fixed upon thtfm, evil as it was, against the earnest remonstrance, against the earnest entreaty of our fathers. It was there let them get rid of it according to the promptings of their own judgment, in the best way they could. But when they here, in ifeis Hall dedicated to national

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legislation, talked about an institution which^existed in one part of this Union under the law of tho soverign Suuos. they had no right 10 denounce it as against ihe spirit of the age, and against the liberalizing influences of Christianity. This was the Hall of national legislation—a Hall consecrated to the Union of ihe Suites and though one gentleman came from a slave consiituency, and another came from a free consiituency, they were each bone of the other's bone and flesh of his flesh we were all American citizens, protected and shielded hv the same Constitution, guarded by the same laws we had a common fume, a common ancestry, and a common revolutionary renown. He held that the Congress of ihe United Slates had noright to employ terms of denunciation against ihe South or against the North. They stood here, he repeated it, upon ground consecrated by the labors and wisdom of our fathers, and secured by that Constitution which was framed by the conservatism of that day ihe check" and balances of which guarded agaius inroads from abroad and from faction at home, by ihe wisdom, virtue, and moderation which characterized that era.— This resolution asserted that slavery, as it existed jn the United States, was "a serious hindrance to the progress of republican liberty throughout ihe earth." Well, he could not, for the life of him, imagine what sort of an abstraction^ that was but il was not true. He did not beieve—evil though he agreed ihe institution of slavery was—that the slavery of the African race had everkeptihe AngloSaxon, or any other white race from freedom in any degree whatever. He did noi believe it. Historically, it was not true. The fact of ihe institution of slavery existing in the colonies of the United States did not impede the progress of our fathers in their establish mentof a republican government. But it was true that those countries whe vice and immorality and superstition and ignorance prevailed to the greatest extent —as for example, Mexico, and he believed a number of the South American re publics—recognized no such thing as ihe institution of slavery. The question of •slavery was not one to be viewed in that

mediate personal interest of the slave holder and the slnve and he did not now expect to discuss the question, as whether slavery might or might not have been an evil to the black race. If the colon i-za tion scheme, or an other scheme which might be devised by the ingenuity and benevolence of man for planting ihe African race on its native shores, should be instrumental in building up a repub Mean form of government there, ami es tablishing the freedom of that race, he would leave it for the moralist of after days to determine, whether slavery had or had not been an evil to the black mnn.

This resolution proposed to abolish the slave trade in the District of Colum bia. What was tho "slave trade?" He could not understand this resolution as meaning anything more or loss than thai they proposed to interfere with the relation of tiie slaveholder and the slave in the District of Columbia. He had shown that Congress had at no time before hesitated fo"r a single moment in declaring that this ought 1101 to be done. He held that, under ihe law by which tho District of Columbia was ceded to iho United States for the purposes of a seat of ihe Federal Government. Congress id no legal right to interfere with tht relations between slave and master here What was the "slave trade" here He heard a great deal said about "slave pens:" about slaves sold at auciion ab'mt stripping the mother from the child, &c. These ihings might exist here, but he did not know of 1 hern.— Since he had first come to the District of Columbia, he had never seen a negro sold he had never seen a band ol groes taken off by tho slave trader lie had never seen the slave trader. lie did not know where your "slave pen" was. It might be here, however, and the-e ihings might happen every day before the eyes of those gentle 111 I10 chose 10 hunt ihem up for himself, he had no taste for such things.

What was the "slave trade," as referred to in this resolution It was the right of the master 10 sell his slave. Congress had no right to say to him that he should not. If gentlemen wanted to abolish the slave irade. in the ordinary general acceptance of that term, it was very easy 10 it. When the Slates of Maryland and Virginia ceded ibis ten miles square to ihe United States for ihe purpose of a seat of Government, provision was made by the Maryland and Virginia law. that she laws of those respective Stages should prevail in ihe District of Columbia until Congress should by legislation provide other laws.

Congress in 1801 did provide that the laws of Maryland and Virginia should prevail in the District of Columbia, and immediaiely afterwards declared-by law that noshing in the act of 1801 should be so construed as to prevent the right of the master to take his slave from one county imo the other, and to bring him from Maryland within the District so thai now, while a gentleman living in Virginia could not bring his slave into the District of Columbia unless he came with illebonajide intention of becoming a citizen, or as a temporary sojourner, yet a citizen of Maryland might do so, because of the compact beiween the General Government and Maryland.— Now, all they had got to do was this just repeal the law of Congress of 1801, which mado provision fiir the right of the master to go with bisslave to amd fro, and they revived the operation of ihe Maryland law of 1796 and then if a man'brought his slave here, the momem

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District, or as a necessary sojourner, he I

held his slaves.?! lie ventured to affirm, that there was not a gentleman from ihe extreme South who would not vote 10 revive that law to-day. Here, then, was common ground on which gentlemen from ail sections of the country might stand. Let such a bill be introduced— and if no other gentleman did, he was ready to introduce it, for he had a bill drawn up for the purpose—and be passed to do this very thing, to restore ihe law of 1796, and then ihe old law of Maryland would be in force, and slaves could not be brought in here for sale.

It tnijlube well doubted, however, how far they could now complain ot the laji thai the slave trade continued to exist in that part ut the District east ol the Potomac river, wiieii it was recollected that ouiy ivvo or tlireo years had el:»,Jded since the retrocession ot the county ot Alexandria to Virginia. He could not understand how it was that gentlemen who advocated the retrocession of that county to Virginia, fixing slavery torever upon the county ot Alexaudna, unless the Legislature of Alexandria chose to abolish it. now complained ot the existence of that institution on this side of the line, it Congress hal jurisJiotion (as thev thought) 01 this question, (hey had given it up n's tar as related to the couuty ot Aloxandiia, and surrendered the power of ever disturbing the relation ol master and slave there. iiui suppose they passed this resolution—suppose they passed a hill in this goners! torm Abolishing sbveryin the District ot Columbia (—w iat next l'iii^ next p.opo,i:un which would come /ion the political Aboiiliunists ol tuelS'orih would bo to abo.isli tlio slavy trade between the States. He was 110 alarmist lie abominated these con untied threats ot dissolution he had no respect for the man who eternally talked about breaking asunder the concord and frntern.il titleetion wnicli hud so long held us together he ha I no sympathy with such movements but lie told them that just so sure as the sun ot heaven shone, just so sure as wo were now a union of States, just so certainly must that union become tiiss..vered and broken, It the municipal rights of the States were thus interfered with. 1 he South should not trample upon rights of the North, so far as he represented the rights of the North, nor would he—so help him (ioJ, he would not attempt to trample upon the rights of the South. He had spent the first one-half ot his lite south ot Mason's and Dixon's line, and the other half north ot Mason and Dixon line he thought he knew the people ol the North, and he thought he knew the people of the South and he told those gentlemen here, both from the South and from the North, who talked about disunion, that liiey did not represent the leeiings ot the American people on this great question. No they did not represent the heart of the American people. That heart was osseiv tially conservative on this and all other questions

But suppose Congress attempted to interfere with the slave trade between the States the inevitabfe, positive, direct result must be the dissolution of the Union, lie (lid not complain of the severe terms ot denunciation which southern gentlemen were^in the habit ot sometimes employing towards the North. Northern man as he was, he was compelled to admit that some ot the people of the North deserved a good deal of what was said of them by southern men. He could not imagine, lor instance, what was better calculated to arouse the feelings ol the South—their indignation, if gentlemen pleased—than an attempt 011 the part ot the Northern States of this Union to interfere wi ll and check that Congressional legislation which had been devised, under the constitution, lor the securing of the ti^hiu of the master when his slave escaped from him into another State.— He believed there were some of the States of this Union who had repealed thcii legislation 011 litis subject, and there were others who inflicted a penally upon their oflicers tor aiding the master in arresting his slave. He thanked Uod he did not come Irom such a constituency. Thepeople whom he represented,'the Stale from which became, was essentially, emphatically, conservative upon this question 01 slavery. He represented a constituency among whom the master would be just as ffccure under the law of the land, in atteinptirg to recover his fugitive slave, as ho would be in auv county of Virginia or North Carolina. He did not know a judge or a justice of the peace in his State who would not give the master every posMle aid in his power to arrest his fugitive slave, 'hey neither sympathized with the fanatical Abolitionists, nor with the ultra pro-shivery men oi the South all they said was, 1'uke care 01 the institution of slaveiy as it was loit you by your fathers it is none ot ours we will hiive nothing to do with it manage it as you please.

He was inclined to think that a very largeproportion. if not a very large majority of ihe negroes ol the South were quite as well 6tt'. il not better lfl in bondage, as far

physical comforts were

concerned, ttian they would be if they were fr e. 1 ake, for instance, tiie legislation ot his State in cference to free negroes their law required thai vhen they came into that State they should «ive secuiit.y never to become a town or county charge and if any person harbored hired or concealed heto s, who had come into the State without giving ueh security, they were liable to indictment he iniself, since lie had Oeen a member of Congress, had defended four or live of his constituents upon actions ot this nature brought against them, in his State, and he believed in the Itdrdrriiig State ot Illinois, this thing of political abolitionism had never found a foothold, and lie did not believe it ever would in either of these States of the Northwest. If ttie feeling which there existed should prevail all over the Union, we should have no nioieaiii'aiion about the settlement of thequesiion ot slavery bttiCongress would come up and set tie it like men.

As respected the institution of slavery in the Territories which we had acquired by our war with Mexico, lie did not propose t» discuss this question, any more than to say, that il it had not been tor thai same viloation of law to which he had reb-rred -if ii had not been for this disregard of constitutional checks and balances to which the Abolition party owed its po'iticni exi stence, we should have had no .Mexican war anil 110 Mexican tfnitory. But we had got it, and Wore he would endanger the union ot tin-se States by the determination of any question which might ise in the settlement ot Uie controversy between the North an the South, in reference to New Mexico an I California, he would vote deliberately in his p.ace 10 give it ail back, gold mines und all. Yes although the i^jhl mines were ten u'ntes richer than tliey were, tliey should not weigh a feather in the scale compared with the integtiiy ol the union of these Slates. But if we would not give back the«? Tenito:ie«, for one, he was in no great hurry to orig«nizj governments for iheni. lie believed gentleinen from all sections had belter get cooi upon this question before they undertook to do great deal about it they were too excited now tliere was not nougli conservatism either in the North or the South. A portion of the North said rhey would dissolve the to ion unless Congress inhibited slavery in these Territories portion of the South said th"y would dissolve the Union if ongresa did inhibit slavery there. Which of theee two extremes should yhld Should moderate counselspn-vail He beii^vod that the calm, deliberate, motlcrafe, conservative spiiit of the peopleof this Union would prevail in th« settlement of all these que,Hons, and that in it would be found that dsep, earnest, fixed devotion to ibis Union w.uch was the strongest impulse ol the Amer. lan heart.

He wu-fied it were true—he wished he could say ''"A'

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much of that calm, deliberate conservatism as existel in the minds o, tiie great boty of the American -ople. ut there was often to be found 0 ditt-rence beiween the repres ati mi his conr'it ient while (lie ennstitu m, at hrtn\ was steadi:y,calmly, cooll and earnest, luoMng and praying for the preservation of the welfare of the Government, they iu this hall, too often prompted bv considerations of faction and party, were disturbing the peace nod repose of the Union, an I were agitating and exciting for their own tiiiste rods mtd selfish purposes. There was cominj time, he believed—and he thankrd Gwd il was so —when there should come out from the Fe lernl Executive of Utie Union ihiaepirit of popular conservatism, and it should be poured like oil upon the waters of party wbeu, ia the Settlement of

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he came within the limits of the District of Columbia for the purpose of carrying on the illegal traffic of buying and selling slaves, that momem his slaves were ft ce but it he came with the bonn fide ,I(a,integrity mcir oian-?. ine iniumioii of becoming, nsideni of .he

Spatjiatitmn) questions, fhershoiifd neither know' he name of hiff nor Democrat, but should be fL»T '^os* h'tfh, holy, elevated considera-

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«he heart ot the iruo

11J! T. whose every pulsation beats for tlw of ihe unu ut ihene State*. The

Par,y- He held thauthi'u man was an enemv '!'e**?ce ®f

RfpuWic who. upon this floor

dedicated to Rational snoold seek to

to the peace of this RepuWic whoVp^n ihis' dedicated to Rational legation, should seek to atray the North against {he South. ijflMr T» was a northern man in sympathy and feelingi but he loved the South. The South was the houie of his earliest and dearest recollections there were vet eft the playmates of fit ear boyhood, but his home was at the North his interests were there his affections were there his sympathies were there. But should he like the North more than the South Kr the East more than the West Should his patriotism be circumscribed by the little spot of earth where he happened to hate Iteert born or to live No, no he trusted in God that the time should never come when he should not feel an equal devotion in the sterile hills of New England and the sunny plains of the South. It was all his country. Ana though he represented a constituency who had confided important trusts to him, he declared here, in the Hall of this National Legislature, that he would give no vote which should not look 10 the rights, the interests, and ihe prosperity of the whble Union—the North as well as the South, the East a3 well ds the Wegt.

Tbe Outwitted iitisbnndsi A few monthssincea fun-lovingfriend related to us the following amusing anecdote, which wo have never seen in print. Last spring two steamboat, agents In Buffalo occupied a double house, rtnd their families were on very intimate terms. One morning, when ihey wer6 all together, their wives asked ihem for a little spending money, which they provokingly, yet good naturedly, withheld. The women resolved 10 accomplish their object, and threatened in the event of a continued refusal. 10 sell paper-rags,and thus buy what ihev desired. The husbands sneered, and lold ihem to do so if ihey dared. Soon after ihe men wdnt out to aticnd to business, and the women were left to mature their plans. Mr. had almost forgotten the morning's threat, when, while eating his dinner, he was reminded of it by overhearing his wife directing a servant lb wait until the gentlemen returned to their offices, and then goto a closet in a certain room, get the bags belonging to herself una Mrs., VV., carry them as privately as possible to Haywood's store, sell the contents, and bring back the money immediately. All this amused Mr. G. c.\c6cdingl v. He managed to gain the £ar of his crony Wj and informing of what he had heard, suggested the propriety of appropriating he rags and drinking 10 their wives' healths from ihe avails of ihe plunder.— The latter approved ihe plan, ahd ihev1 instantly entered upon its accomplishment. Stealthily approaching the important closet, each of the %t/nis seized a bag, and slipping quietly out of the back door, by dodging around out-houses and skulking along fences, ihev succeeded reaching ihe streets unperceived.

They ihen repaired to the paper store where ihev disposed of their burdens, one receiving 60,and the oiher69 cents: In fine glee at ihe success of their undertaking. the hopefufchusbands ihen resorted to the Mansion House, and proceeded 10 spend ihe avails of ihe rags, for sundry "creature cornforts." Ail went on merrily, and the fund was al most exhausted, when, as ihey were leaning back in their chairs, sipping each a glass of good wine—indulging in jokes nd refreshments at the expense of their wives—an acquaintance camo in, and addressing ihe clerk, sttid,

Sam. have you heard what fine haul Haywood made this afternoon?" "No," replied tho clerk, "what wns it "Why," said the firmer speaker, "fie' bought two bugs of paper rags and paid abont ten shillings for iherrf, and when he opened them what do you suppose hd found? Two new drnss cortis, latest fashion, worth forty dollars apiece, half a dozen pairs of fine broadcloth' pants, lod satin vests, and lots of other first rale clpihing, worth at least one hundred and fifty dollars. His boy don't remember of whom he bought them.— Pretty good afternoon's trude, isn't it And oft ho went.

In the menniime t!»e husbands had been far from innnentivc listeners.— Dropping his wine glass, nnd starling to his feet, ono of them exclaimed to his equally agitated accomplice "By heavens those women have made us sell all our best clothes I D—n it, frhat a pretty fix we are in."

How the clothes were returned \vtf kn »w not, but we have hoard that the husbands expressed a lively anxiety that ihe afTtiir might be forgotten, and that he wives soon after appeared in new bonneis nnd shawls^and have neversincO asked in vain forspending money.

St. Paul,

The character of St. Paul, as we gather it from Iris biographer, St. Luke, and from his otfn correspondence, is one of' the most complete in history, and affords to "bishops, priests and deacons," as fine a panern of manners, as it docs 10 nil men of ardor, his courtly bearing has often commanded respect, where his arguments have failed to convert. Some one asked the late Mr. Joe Dennie, who was not particularly conversant with religious manors, "whrft he thought of Si. Paul."' "St. Pitul!" quoth Dcrmie: "oh! a genilenrrtn! thorough gentleman! a cavalier, sir! none of vtfur stupid roundheads!*' Coleridge said the only difference beiween Luther and St. Paul was, that the former "was not quite so great a gentleman and Collins, a noted infidol, declared that if St Paul had related any rrrir*' acle on his own authority, he would uMiesiiatingly have believed him "such a perfect genilemun and man of honor wasSt. f^tul."

Tn the Space of 713 years England and Franc® were ai uvar 262^years.