The Wabash Courier, Volume 16, Number 22, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 29 January 1848 — Page 1

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rOBUSIIED EVERY

ynr: ami Three Dolh»r» if ptf"**1

TTPRAK WOT KIARSIILV*

IT mas nrtu FTRIOAIA.

Rp^ak not harrfilr—a»«eh of est*

1

E*ery homan hsart most Hear: Kflwfh of ahadows sadly plsf Around the wrt sanni«s way Ritottah of shsdows darkly li«* VetW within tba msrriast eft. By thy child Hood roshine tfars— By the cri«(sof after y«r»— By the angaiah tho« doat know. Add not to saotbar's woa.

£peak not harshly—n»ii«h of «n Dwelleih every heart within In iia eloeely cohered cells. Many a wayward paMon dwells. By the many boars mieapent— By the fifta to Error lout--Hy tb« wraaff tboa didst not shea— Ily ibs good tboa best not doae— With a lealsat »Thit scso The weekaesa of thy brother man. mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmsa

DEAL GEffTLV.

a* MW**O a. MTTS.

Diwl gently with tbc lowly. Kor bitter ia their loi, Wlwn by lhair frieedsdeeertsd.

And by the world forget One kindly wordfmay banish The anguish of d«spair. Ami bid forever vanish

A world of grief sod care.

Retwrnbef, oh! remember. •'It ie not elways May," The blaet of life's Oecwnber

May

driee hie frinwb a»»f!

For whrn tbeatimneof Winm In darkneee clmtd the »ky. The eatliret birds of Bummer

Are always first to t!y»

Where'er the erring brother Charts from Honor's path Reprove him not to harshly.

Nor turn away in wrath Bat point out to him kindly. The petb Iw shoeld heve tmd, And thou wilt gate bia bleenna,

Anrt 11** »pprn»»l of tt Gol. I III

CONQUEST Of MEXICO.

SPCECII OF JOIIS

c.

&

of th« fMr. will becoo«der«d new en*«*em««

Advenl«eiNeM«{i)Mri«^ tlw Dollar per aqn«re, (11 *?!f!!!ntn. n„. '^oatin««d rai«of *4 cenw t«M the nwmhw of ini"«wM 'manvteript. when h.mWlin, w.U Neoouopd till ordcroi •«», a ad cinri^ accord to* ly-

LtWral HcdoettMia will h* mad# to* •bv tlMMlumn. half eoimmn. or oliw. ior y«rly,h.lf y«rlf,or q«*rtirif «l«fHtKAf-

CAI,HOIII*.

U. S. ?KNi»TR, inn. 4, 1848.

The Senate pmceedwl to «he ronntdera. tjon of the apecial nrder of the day, being the following resolutions, submitted by Mr. CiLttotJN. on the 15th Oac.

That to conquer Mesico and to hold

it. fitber as a province or to incorporate tt in the Union, wee W be inconsistent with the avowed abjfet lor which tbe war bas been prteecated dafcrtur* from the settled policy of the Government in conflict wi»h tie character and genioe an«« in be end aubversire of oor free aad popular msttta*

'"Eio/wd. That no lias of policy In the fan Her 'prosecution of the war should he adored which may lead consequences so dqpsuaas.

But aAerYHe Irar wes declared, and hid received tbe sanction of the Government, I acquiesced in what I could not prevent, aod which it was impossible for me to ar* sftat aod I then felt it to be my doty to ilimit my course ao aa to gsve such diree* -tion to the conduct of the war as would, ins far poaatble, prevent the evil and •danger with whieb, in my opinion, it -threatened the country end its institutions. *For4hts purpose, at the lest session, I sugtgested to the Senate a defensive linn, and for tlrt purpose I now offiir tfeeae resoletiAoa. This, aod this ooly, is the motive whteh (governs aae. 1 em moved by no pereonal oor party considerstione. My 'object is neither to sustain the tiiMns loor to streagthen the oppoeitioo bot MI«ply to discharge an important duty to the country. 6st I rtuill exprese my optnioe tipoo ell poiets with botdaow *o^ indepee4eott, aoch aa beeomee Senator who has nothing to ask, either from the governmeat or from the people etnrf whose ooly aim is to diminish, to tbe sweRetl poaaibw a meant, tho evili incident to Ifcii But, Mr. President, when 1 dwhe to net** thoee which I differ ftroei the rresidtoK I sheU do it eritti all tho deeorum which ts d«« It life Q)»r Magatrava tjif

Mr. C*LHourt aaid In offering to the Senate these resolutions for your consideration, I have been governed by th» rea» dollarsV"/i cannot compute which inHuc-d Tf!.

nnd by the same considerations I have Vteeo ever since guided. In allddtttg te Vny opposition te the war, I do not intend to notice the reaaons whieh govsrrted me on that occasion, farther than it is necessary to explain my motives upon the pr^b» ent. 1 opposed the war then, not only because I considered it unnecessary and that it might have been easily avofefc&l hoi only because I thought the President had no authority to order a portion of the territory in dispute and poswseioo of wo* the Maxieane, fo be occupied by oor \r0opa not only because I believed the Hllegations upon which it was sanctioned ty Congress, were unfounded in truth, %tt from high considerations of rsnaon SM4 poltey, berauae I believed it would lead tt grant and serious evils to the country and greatly endanger tea free institution*.

"rq f? :i ,^1.

•"VOL? IVI.HN0.22..-«?S#«TES2TERRE

S1T0IDAV MotniNO* Wh«o I tofsesMd lant te««ton, this cwiniry h«d in it*

f' «ON»traatt® jionrrfirti through the mMM of imarim* Two D«lliin« pm •nn*™ tmplo territory, «nd flood in eoodtlmn ^nfiihe ehrr ihereeeipi nf tbefinii I nit«m*iir hefaro tho nMMtifi Dollom Nnd riftv Cmnt* if v* ilo

force

ed aniti ib«r*mt poUioni of M«*wo and our armr h«» o»* No p*Mr d^una^ B««il •'"JJW* er tioce held 1! that i« de.lr.ble to hold

v^±::tT"~Li~.h.«

Cr Pmmc* •,"rt 'ktH't# •»«,,,I0B»J"

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Sir. I opposed this policy. I opposed tt, among other reasons, because 1 believed that if the war should be ever so successfit, there was a great hasnrd to on at least, that the object iotended to be effect, ed by it would not be accomplished. Congress thought differently ample provis* ions in men and money were granted for carrying oo the war. The campaign has terminated. It has been as successful aa the Executive of the eountry could possi« bly have expected. Victory after fictory has followed in succession, without a single reverse. Santa Anna was reposed and defeated with all hia forces. Vera Cruz and the Castle with it, the heights of Cerre Gordo and the Castle of Perote are in our possession, and after two great tri« umphs of our army, the gates of Mexico were opened to us.

Well, air, what has been afiSWjjIisbed? What has been done/ Has the avowed object of the war been attained Have we conquered peace Have we obtatrted a treaty Have wo obtained an^v indemnity I 'No, sir not a single object con. templated has been effected, and what is worse, Mr. President, our difficulties are greater now than they were ihen, and the object*, forsooth, more difficnlt to reach than they were before the campaign commerced.

Now Senators have asked what h*s cauaed this complete discomfiture of the views of the Executive for which men and money were granted 1 is ooi to b« charged to our troepa they have done all that skill and gnllantry was capable of effecting* It n»a»t be charged somewhere, and where is it to be charged, but upon th« fact that the plan of the campaign was erroneous, that the obiect purstico was a mistake. V\ aimed at indemnity in a wrong way. If we had aimed dircct* at it. *e had the means to accomplish it directly—they were in our hands. But. sir, they aimed at indamoity through a treaty. We could not reach it by a trea, tv with Mexico, and Mexico by refusiog to treat aimply, could defeat the whole object we had in view. We put out of our own power, and in her hands tp »y, when the war should terminate.

We Have, for all oor vaat expenditure of money, for all the loss of blood and men, we have oothing« but the military gSnry whieh the eampaign haa furnished.

We rannot. I presume, estimate the ex* p*»nsea of the campaign at leas than 40,*

.1

the sum with any degree of precision, but I believe I may say about that sum.) end between the sword and disease, many thousands of lives, probably fi*e, aix or seven thousand, heve been sacrificed and all this for nothing at all.

But it is said that the occupancy of a defensive line would have been as expensive as the csmpaign itself. The Prest* dent has assigned many reasons for that opinion, and the Secretary of War has have examined these reasons with carre. This Is not the proper occasion to discuss them: but I must say, wiih all possible deference, they are to my mind utterly fallacious. 1 wiR put the question in a general point of view, and satisfy the minds of Sella tors that such is the cese.*

Tbe line proposed ^y myielC weHding from the Pacific Ocean to th# Paso del Norte, would have been covered by the Gulf of California, and wilderness peopled by hostile tribes of Indians and for tta defence nothing would have been heeded beyond a few vessels of war add a single regifeent. Prom the Paso del Norte »o its fifcfeth, we can readily estimate the amotftt of force necessary for its defence. It we# a frontier between Texei and Mex* co when Te*as had not more thafi one handrlSd and fifty thousand of a pe^ulatioo—withtout any atanding srirty whatever, end ¥ery few troops. Ys for ievon years Tvkas maintained thtt fHfnfitot lif* and '.hat, too, when Mexico wai far rhore consolidated than aha ia now, iirfitH h€f revolotiotis were hot so frequeht, her sources IU mOftet tnuch greetef, and Texaa herCttiy opponent. Oen any mart believe thet Mexico, exhausted at she fiow is—prostrated as the haa been—defeated —can afiy man believe that Will cost as much to defend that frontiW as thW last campaign has colt No, »ir. 1 wfll Hexard nothing in iNeertmg that IIM eery interest of the mdfldy epent in the last campaign **nld havd secared thet line for an

bav« tctf tfcehr lives would hsjt been more tlN« »u#etfpt to g?fen4 ft. ®.ft

dcf«BMV« line «t

inwmaiiy, oeio«»

TOC€

of our »rmv hod goiord oil the eontifOOiM

Mn]

ponK» -b». -P.-

00 th»l »C

iceooat more dmirable to be

receive territorial indemnity it "hall be unoccupied territory. in offering a defensive lino. I did it ho* came 1 believed that in the first place it was tho ooly certain mode of terminating tbe war aucceaafully. I did it also because believed that it would be a vaat saving of the sacrifice of human life but above all. I did so because 1 saw that any other line of policy would ekpoee us to treaneudoua eviU. which these resolutions were ini*n. I ded to guard against. Sir. the President I took a different course. He recommend, ed a vigorous proaecutioo of the wnr—not foe conqueet —that was disavowed—but for the purpose of eonquerin* a peace ihat t«, to compel Mexico fo sign a treaty fOtakinga suflicient cession of territory to indemnify this Government both for the claims of its citizens and for the expenses of the war.

held. For I hold tt in reference to this President is aa emphatic in the expression wat a fundamental principle that when we of his desire to maintain he nationality of

=======

8o much for the paat we now come to the commencement of another campaign and tho question i», what ah* 11 be done? The tamo meaaurea are proposed. It i* atitl **m vigorous proseculioo of »he war.** The measures are identically the same.— It is not for the conquest—that is now a* emphatically di*»wned as it wns in the first instance. The object is not iu blot Mexico out of tho list of nation* for the

Mexico aa ever. He desires to aee hsr as aa independent and ffourishing community, and assigns strong and cogent reaaons for all that. Well, air, the question is now, what ought to be done 1 We are now coating to the practical question.--Shall we aim at carrying on another vig. orooa campaign under present ci reams

Now, sir. what is the condition of the money market at present Last year it was most flourishing, Ao unfortunate famine in Europe created a great demand for our agricultural products. The balance of trade was in our favor. If money poured out alone end of theSub*Treasury poured io at the ether* But how atands the case now We stand now with a drain both ways. The exchanges are in our favor, and therefore, instead of gold and silver, drafts founded on exports will be remitted. The exchanges in Mexico mast be met either by remittances in gold and silver or by drafts drawn in favor of British merchants, or other capitalists there, which must be cashed here and also transmitted abroad. Now, sir, what will be the operation ofthisstnte of things? Hnw long can this continue What ia the present price of treasury notes and of stocks io the mnrket Are they above part No, sir. 1 aee them quoted below par. I understand the treasury notes are sensibly below par and stocks mill lower. Now what ia 'to be the result So long as treasury notes are below par, so long aa they are the chief medium, the end of it will be, that treasury notes will go into the treasury and specie come out of it.— TheVe is very great danger that nt last your treasury will be drained to the bottom.

Now, sir, in this state of tilings, what can possibly follow A great commercial crisis—a great financial crisis—even possibly, a suspension of the bnnks. 1 do not pretend to deal in the language of pAntc. But there is danger of all tins, of which there was not the slightest apprehension at the commencement of last session. At present, there is great danger. The great difficulty in prosecuting your campaign will be to obtain money. Men you may raise, but money it will be difficult to get. 1 lajfely conversed with a genypman who ought :o know these ttiinge better than myself, aod he sop posed that forty millions of dollars would be required either io the shape of treaaury notes or stocks to carry on the campaign. I asked at what price money could be had and the reply was, that it would be at the1 rate of ninety for one hundred, which would be rather more than seven per cent. I believe.

But, sir, these are not the only objections, formidable a* they are. The farther you proceed the difficulties will increaae. I do not see the slightest chanco that can tend to the realization of what it is avowed the prosecution of the war is intended to accomplish. The object is to obtain a treaty. We no longer hear of conquering a peace, but oI obtaining an honorable treaty the meaning of which ia neither more nor less thsn Ihat we are to obtain a treaty from Mexico's giving us a cession of land equal to the whole indemnity already stated in the former part of my remarks. Well, sir, as it strikes me, whether the war is successful or unsuc* cessful, it must certainly end in the defeat of the object, for the attainment of which it ia avowedly prosecuted. If the war be onsucceMful, I need not argue the point. If we shout be baffled in our arms—aa I trust we will not be, and I think it not very likely to lie the case—but if eiroim Stances should prove unfortunate for ua, and we should not be able lo accomplish, in a military point of view, what is characterised as a vigorous prosecution of the war, then certainly there will be no treaty. 1 take higher pround, insist upon it that tbe more successfully this w«r is ^loaecnied, the more certain will be the defeat of the object designed to be accomplished, while the objects disavowed^wjU be accomplished. %s

How i« a rucceMful war to be carried on What ie the object of it What is it intended to effect 1 can aee but one thing io be effected, it is to suppress all resists nee in Mexico, to overpower and disperse her ermy, without any farther pdvtfcr Of resistance* Well, Mr. President, jfthat be done, #bat id the reeult. Ho# are yoe to get eft honoTtible peace! ntaked

but one pkrty tdmalte wer--t*o Wmake peace. If a

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fW(| WWIQ II1VQ VOVUt «U Ilia I Kiss? fWI SB SS I indefMte period, end that tbe mto who thrown, if tKere be «o fegnimat* power ... ........ ..iUI. mi%H la „ith whom to negotiate, bow rfrn yocf te accomplish the* object# which it t» pft*

ill authority in Medkro tfc over-

.{.^ 9r a to politico, %(t rr^it rt. & ».* 11«I *u r*. Comtttytf /em a I &t\oti, &t.*> -."••-»L'*'Jv.'.| 1- ».••' r.1.1 .. ..

1X?J 4\

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ces 1 -""rutti: Mr. President, 1 have examined thia question with care, and I repeat, that I cannot support the recommendations of the President. There are many and pow. erful reasons, stronger than thos« which existed at the commencement of the Inst campaign, to justify my opposition now. The cost io money will be vastly greater. There is a bill for ten addition*! regi ments now before the Senate, and another bill providing for twenty regiments of volunteers has been reported, making in all, not less, 1 suppose, than twenty-five thou* sand troops, raising the number ot troops in the service—as. I presume, the Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs can inform you—to not much less than seventy thousand in the whole. Well, sir, the expense will be much more than that of the last campaign. It will cost not much short of sixty millions of dollars.

claimed this vigorou* prosecution of tbe war ia intended to efiectl^ Sir, you are defeated by your success. That witl be t'hl rlear and inevitnble result. But wfia'l du you accomplish The very object which you disavow For if the wnr should be so proemited, where will be the nationality of Mexico? Where Iter aepara'e existence? Where this free Republic with whom you desired to treat 1 Gone! We have blotted her out from the list of nationa., She haa become a mere mass of ipdividu'n'li without any political existence, and the aovereignty of the country, at least for the time being is transferred to us. Now, Mr. President, this is not only a conclusion from reason* ing upon this subject but it is one io which, if I understand the President aright, he comes, wtth a single exception, and that a mere contingency not likely to tafc'e place. The President has very much the same conception of tho object of a *igwr. ous war os have presented. He says that the great difficulty of getting peace, results from this, that the people of Mexico are divided under factious chieftains and that the chieftain in power dare not give peace because his rival would then be able to turn him out and that the only way to remedy thia evil and obtain a treaty, is to put down the whole of them. Wall, what ia to he done then Is the thing to stop there 1 No. Wo are then to build up again aod establish under our power and protection republican form of gov. ernment from the citixens who are well* disposed, who he says, are numerous, and are prevented from attaining it only by fear of those military chiefs. And it is with this govorninent.sir, which isto grow up under the encouragement and protection of our army—to be established by their authority—thai it ia proposed to treat in order to obtain a peace.

I must confess I am little at a loss to see how a free and independent Republic, can grow up under the protection and authority of ils conqueror* I do not see how such a government can bees'ablished under his authority. 1 COn rendily understand how an aristocracy—how kingly government—a despotism, mi^ht be estab* liehed by a conqueror. But how a free and independant Republic can grow up unde* such circurmtnnces if to me incomprehensible. I had always supposed that republican government WDM tho spontaneous work of the people—that it came from the people—from the heurts of the people —that it was supported by the hearts of the people,* and that it required no other support whatever. But sir. it seems that these nre antiquated notions— obsolete ideas—and that we may now manufacture Republics to order, by authority of conquering government.

But suppose, sir, nli these difficulties surmounted. How crtn you malm a froe government in Mexicd. Where are your materials It to be I presume, a confederated government I'lRe our own.— Where is the intelligence In Mexico ade* quale to the construction of 4uch a government 1 That is what she has been aiming at for twenty odd years, bUt so utterly incompotent are her people for tbe work, that it has been a complete failure from beginning to end. Tho great iiody of intelligence and wealth in Mrrfibo is concentrated in the priesthood, whet are altogether disinclined to that form of gov. ernment. Then theowners of the haciendas—the large planters of the country, who comprise almost all the remnining mass of intelligence, aro without opportunities of cnncrrt and destitute of the means of forming such a goyernment. Sir, such a government would he impossible*—and if put up would tumble down the very next day after our protection was withdrawn.

It appears to me a far more plausible plan, if it is determined to have |wnce, to sustain the government that now exists in Mexico or rather to refrain from putting it down. Let it grow up aod mature itself. have conversed with several officers of the army—nrlert bf intelligence— on this subject, add all agree in the opinion that the mere shadow of a Government which now remains at Queretaro, will have no authority whatever, and that if we were tn make a peace in any degree conformatory to our view of what a peace ought to be, the very moment we withdraw, it would all be overthrown and what then? The very country assigned to us by the peace for an indemnity, we must either hold defensively and be brought beck ultimately to be de fa naive line, which would be the end of the wholo of it or, return aod renew this war till it terminates in the conquest of the country,

I protest utterly against this Government undertaking to build tin any govern* ment in Mexico with the pledge of protee* tion.if^The party placed in pO#er must be inevitably overthrown, and we will be under ihe solemn obligation to return and reinstate them in power and that wouid occur agam and again, till the country would fall into our hands precisely as lltodoslaa fell into the hands of the English. This very conquest of Hindo* stan which we have been censuring for years and years, ever since I recollect, was the result of a mistaken policy, leading on from step to step, each one deeper snd deeper—*scarcely any design of com quest being entertained, but ultimately conquest became Unavoidable, and it was necessary not only tn hold the country, but to conquer the adjacent territory.

Well, air, if this contingency follows— if tbe Eieculire fails in establishing another government there under oor eneouragrmeotaodpfoteciHttiand if the Gov* ernment itself shall refuse id make a treaty wiib u« on such terms as uta wjll accept in regartl to indemnity, then the President htraueif agrees that he mwit take Ihe very course 4hid» I ha#e aaid ^otilcf be tbe irf* avitable conseqvfnce of a vigorods prose* eoiioitf tff the waf. Tffe Pfestderft *a^r« id

-f ilB «l'll.! i»1 «t ,V Kitii tf 1:. *MUtll

=======

The President talka, sir, of taking in* domnity into our hnndf, then but, why not take indemnity now We are much nearer indemnity now than we will be at the end of next campaign, when we shall have sixty millions added to the expenditure of the last forty. What will you then have to indemnify you Nothing bula Mexican population, on whom you are to im* pone taxation in all forma and shapes, and among which you will have to maiotain an army of at least forty thousand men according to the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. DAVIS.] not a very largo number, for he says that the thirty«three thousand men now there are in danger. That is no indemnity at all. You will never get enough in that way to meet your expenditures. It will all have to Come out *f the pockets of the people of the United States and after all the talk of indemnity, you will have a heavy pecuniary burden imposed upon the present and succeeding generations.

Well, Mr. President, we have now come the solemn question proposed by these resolutions. I have shown where this line of policy will in all probability, lead you unless some unexpected contingency should prevent. It will lead to the blotting out of the nationality of Mexico, and tbe throwing of eight or nine millions of peo' pie without a govenrment on your hands It will compel vou in ell probability, to assume the government for, I think, there tVill be very little prospect of your retiring. You must either hold the country as a province, or incorporate it into your Unioh. Shall we do either? That's the questiriu. Far from us be such an act, aHd fdr ihe reasons contained in tho resol utidni, jIis".)

The lirst of these reasons is this: it tirduld be inconsistent with the avowed ob jecti for which the war has been prosecuted. I^hat needs no argument after what has bebh said. Since the commencement of War till this moment, every rrtan has disavowed the intention of conqoest—of extinguishing the rxisteHce of Mexicoas a people. It ai been continually proclaimed that the only object was indemnity. And yet, sir, as events nre moving on what we disavodr maybe accomplished, and what we have avowed Hiiy be defeated. Sir, this result will be a dark and lasting imputation on either the sincerity or the intelligence of this country on its Amceri* ty, because so opposite to your own avowals on yourintelligence, for tbe want of a clear foresight in so plain %$$$*» not to discern the consequences.

Sir, we have heard how much glorv our eountry has acquired in this war. I acknowledge it to the f«ill amount, Mr. President, so far as military glory is coocerned. The army hasdone nobly—chivalrously—they have conferred honor on the country for which I sincerely thank them. Mr. President, I believe all our thanks will be confined to our army. So far as I know in the civlixed world, there is no approbation of the conduct of theeiv. 11 portion of our power. On the contra* ry. everywhere the declaration is made, thai we are an ambitious, unjust, hard people, itlore given to war than any people of modern lirtfes.

Whether this be tnie nr not. it not for me to inquire. I am speaking now merely of tbe reputation which we bear nbrdad. Evferywhere. I believe, for as much as we have gained in military reputation abroad.! regret topercieve we have lost in our political and ci«H reputation. No#, sir. much as I regard military glo-ry«*-mucb as 1 rejoice to behold our peop'e in possession of ths indomitable energy and courage which sdrrfiount all difficuU ties, «nd which class them artiong rhe first military people of the age. I woold Im very sorry indeed that our Govern* ment should lose any reputation for wisdo'm. moderation, discretion. |uitice, and tho*e other high qualities which have distinguished us io the early stages of our h'rtftory. »T 'fhe next reason rfhich rrfy faMtftien'f atfigni* ibis, that it is wfthdet stamp** tfr preea*!*, tftlfe* If hol^ M«li»COTS*

Vi

aubsiance. after having attempted to build up auch a government—after bsvtng employed tba beat efforts to secure peace up on tho most liberal terms, if all lail I now give bis own words—if all fail we must hold on to the occupation of the country, we must take the measure of indemnity into oor own hands, and enforce auch terms as the bonor of the conntry de* mands. Now, sir what is this? Is it not an acknowledgement that if this factious government which is aimed at cannot he built up, we must make a conqoeat of the whote eountry and occupy it?—can words be stonger ••Occupy the country Take the full measure of indemnity —no defensive line—no treaty j—and enforce terms —terma on whom? on the Government?—No—no—no. ft is to enforce the terms on the people Individually that is to say, to establish a government over them in the form of provincea.

Well, the President is right, if, in the vigorous prosecution of the war, as the President proposes, the contingency should fail, and the chances of its failure are many, there will be no retreating. Eve. ry argument against calling back the army, as they designate it. against faking a defensive line, which is now advanced, will have double force after you have apent sixty millions of dollars, and have acquired poaaeasion of the whole of Mex* icoi 'i he interests in favor of keeping us there will be much more influential then than now. The army itself will be larger. Thoee who live by the war*—a large and powerful body—the numerous contractors the sutlers, the merchants, ihe speculators in the lands and minea of Mexico, and all engaged every way, directly or indirectly, in the progress of the war. and absorbing the whole expenditures, will be all averse 10 retiring, and will awell ihe cry in favor of continuing and extending conquest.

province or to incorporate he/ into our Union, No eAMmpie of such a line of policy can be found. We have conquer* ed many of the neighbor ing tribes of Indians. hut we never thought of holding them in subjectioo—nevenof incorporating them into our Union. Thev have either been left as an independent people arrong os or bsve been driven inio tbe forests.— I know further, sir. that we have never dreamed nf incorporating into our Union aoy but tbe Caucausian mee-the free white race. Toincorporate Mexico would be the very first instance of tba kind of incorporation an Indian rac*. for more than half the Mexicans are Indians—and the other is composed chiefly of mixed tribes.

I protest against auch a Union aa thatl Ours, sir, is the government of the white man. The greatest misfortune* of Span* ish America are to be traced to the fatal erior of placing these colored races on an equality with the white race. That error destroyed the social arrangement which formed the basis of aoriety. The Portuguese and ouraelves have escaped—the Portuguese at least to some extent,and we are the only people on (hia continent who have made revolutions without being followed by anarchy. And yet it is profes« sed and talked about to erect these Mexicans into a territorial government, and place them on an equality with the people of the United Stateni^l protest utterly a* gainst auch a projectT

Sir, it is a remarkable fact that in the whole history of Man, as far a* my knowledge extends, there is no instance whatever of any civilized colored racee being found equal to the establishment of freo popular government, although by far tho largest portion of the human family is composed of these races. And even in the savage state we scaicely find them anywhere wiih such government, except it be our noble savages—for noble I will call them. They for the most part had free institulioos, but they are enmty eumained among a ssvage people. Are we to overlook this fact? Are we to associate with ourselves as equals, companions, and tcllow-eiti zens, the Indian ajid mixed race of Mexi: co? Sir, I should consider such a thing as fatal to our free institutions.

Tbe next two reason? which I assigned were, that it would be in conflict with the genius and charatflcr of our institutions and sohvervise of our free government.— 1 lake these two together as thev are so intimately connected: and now ihe first— to hold Mexico in subjection. 4

Mr. President, there are Aome propositions too clear for argument and before such a body as the Sen ile I should consider it a lo«s of time to uudeftako to prove that to hold Mexico as a subjugated province, would be hostile to it lid iri coriflict with ourTree popular institutions, and in the end subversive of them.

Sir. he who knows tHe Amerksarf con

But the evil will not end there. The process will go on. The name process by which the fiower would be transferred from the States to ihe Union, will transfer the whrile frem this department of the Governmedt\ 1 speak of the Legislature) to the Executive, All the added power and added patronage which conquest will create. Will piss to the executive. In the end yoo fiut into the hands of the Executive the jiower of conquering you. You give to it,, air. such splendor, such ample means, with the principle of prescription, which unfortunately prevails in our country, ihat the struggle will be greater at every Prelidential election than .our insti. tutkfriscan possible endure. The end of it will be that that branch of the Government will become all«powerful»and the re* suit is inevitable—anarchy and despotism.. It is as certain as that I am this day ad» aw^ia «»:s mm- um dressing the Senate.

slitution well he who has duly studied its ernors, judges, and magistrates, you can character, he who bus looked ui ({istory and knows what has been the effect of conquest of free States invariably, will re quire no proof at my hands lo show that it would be entirely hostile to the instinilinn« nf the rnuntry, to hold Mexico as a province. There is not an example on record of anv free slate even having at* tempted tho conquest of anv territory nppropching tho extent of M»-xiro without disastrous con«"feqtl*ncea. Ttte nations conquared, have, in length of lime con* qiiered the conquerors hy destroying their liberty. Thit will be our case, sir. The conrjneat of Mexico would add no vast an amriunt to the patronage nf this government that it would absorb the whole pow* erof the States in the Union. This Union would become imperial, and the Stales mere subordinate corporations.

Sir, let it not be aaid that Great Brtfaic furnishes sn example f» tbe contrsry— that she holos provinces of vast extent of population without„ materially impairing the liberty of the citizen, or 6xpo-ung her to nnarchv, confusion, or cofrupuin. It js so. But what is the explanation? Of all governments that ever existed, affording any protection whatever 'o liberty.ihe English Government far transcends them all in that respect. S.ie can bear more patronage, in proportion to her population and wealth the* any government of that form that ever existed nay. to go farther, than can despotism in its lowest form. 1 will not go into the philosophy of thii.— That would take mo farther from the track than I desire.

But 1 witl s»y, in a very few words, it result# from the fact that bar Executive arid the House of Peers—her government —are both hereditary. The Roman Government may have exceeded and did exceed the British Government in its power for conquest but no people ever did exist and probably never will exist. With such a

Fcapaciiy

for conquest as tbtl peo­

ple. But the capacity of Rome to hold tfubjected provinces' was aa nothing com pared ief G^eat Britairft and hence, an itioti itf the Korfmn power passed from Ira* ly beyood Uia 4Jnat# U»e 009

"WHOLE

mm:

aod tbe Alpaon the other, and the M*di*

terranean. their liberty fell prostrate—tho Roman people became a rabble—corruption penetrated every where/vd violeace and anarchy ruled the day. w^see England whh dependent provfewes or *nratly greater territorial exten! and pmbably not less io population—»i have not examtoed—we seo her goipg pn, without im* pairing personal liberty or exposing the Government to violence os anarchy.

Yet the Fnglish have not wholly escnp* ed. Although they have retained their liberty and havanot fallen into anarchy I and despotism, yet we behold the popula* tion of England crushed to the earth by the superincumbent weight of debt- Refleeting on that Government, I haib oftett' thought that there was only .one way in which it would come to an end—that the weight of the superstructure would crush the foundation—that the wealth accumulated in part by these very ednqiftsts. by the higher classes, would crash the labor* ing masses below. But has she obtained indemnity for sll hfcr subjected provit^cesf On the contrary, instead of drawing the means of supporting herself from them has she not been compelled to resort it tbe labor of her own population to hold them in subjection? And has sbe not thrown a burden upon them, tvhicjn with all their industry snd skill—w^tth aTl their, vast accumulation of capital and power 6? machinery, they are ineapable of.bea,rin£ without being reduced to poverty? Tako even her earliest ann nearest conquest the neighboring island of Ireland—is it not to this day a source of heavy expense, and a' burden to her, instead of a source of rev* enue, PHJ

But while the English government Kap such vast power of holding subjected provitices in subjection without impairing her liberty—without the evMs incident to 1t, our Government, of ali the governments that ever existed, has the least the least capacity lo bear patronage in proportion to its wealth and power. In thia respect the genius of the governments is precisely apposite, however much alike in tMfr exterior forms, and their laws and customs. Thecsuseof this difference I cannot undertake to explain on the present occasion, but must content myself by say. ing that it results from its federal character and the nature of ils conservative principles. Shall we then,with these certain and inevitable consequences, in a government better calculated to resist

them than any dther,adopt duch a ruiootfr policy, and reject the lessons of expei#ence? So much, then, Mr. Pretid*al» fet holding Mexico as a province, 1 come now to the proposition of incor* pora'ing her into Our Union.4'Well, as far as law is concerned, that is lis try. Ytit' jean establish territorial government tf every slate in Mexico, and there aresom6 twenty of them. Yoiif can appoint gov-

give them subordinate government, nllo^tog them to legislate for themselves while you defray the cost. So far as the law goes the thing is done. There is no analogy between this and1 bur territorial governments. i3ur territories are only an offset of 6'dr own people,or foreigner* from* the same regions from which we earner They are small in number. They are incapable of forming a government. It woulJ be inconvenient fur them to sustain a government, if it were formed and they are very much obliged lothe United Sipies for undertaking the trouble, knowing that on the attainment of their majority—irhen" they come to manhood—at twenty ohe— they will be introduced to an eqiAility with th£ other members of the Union.

It is ehti/cly different with Mexic6'. You have no heed of arfnies to keep y6ur territories in subjection. But when yna ie» corporate Mexico, you must have powerful armies to keep them ih subjection.— tou may call it abnegation, but it is forced annexation',which is contradiction in terms according to' my conception.-^

You will be involved, io one word.ta all the evils which 1 attribute to holding Mexico as a province, ^n fuel, it will bebut a pf&'vintial govelhment, under the name of a territorial government. How tong will that last? How long wiX it bo before Mexico will be capableof mcarpo^ ration into our Union? Why, if we judge from the examples before us, ft Will be a very long time. Ireland has beetf Held int subjection by England for deven of eight, hundred years, and yet still remains host tile, although her people are of a kindred race with tbe conquerors.

A few French Canadian^ nn this continent yet maintain the altitude of a ho^iilb people and never, will the time come, in my opinion. Mr. President, that the M6xi cuos will be heartily reconciled 10 your authority* They have fcastillian blooJ in their vbfns— fhe old Gothic, quite equal to the Anglo Stxon in fnotiyrespscis—ill some respects superior. Of all nations of the earth, they are '.be most pertinacious —have the highest sense of nationality-— hold out longest nHd ofien without tfufr least prtfspect of uffectiftg their object. thia stfhject aluo, I fiave converged #itH officers of itfo army, and they all enter* tain the saftie opinion that ipcse j*eopl«t 'A are hostile and will continue so,

But. Mr. President, suppose nil Inese difficulties removed.. Suppose U*se peo*r pie attached lo oor Union, and desirnus of incorporating with ti. ought we to bring them in? Are ibey fU lo be connected with us? Are they fit

ftf.

»elf goverpawHtV

and for governing you? Are you*any oft yotx willing that your Stales should be verned by these twenty sdd Mexico rv States, with a population of about onlyone million of your blood, three millions of mixed blood* batter in*^ formed, all ihe rest pure Indian, a mixed?, a no an a it or ty, impure raess, not as goa&ai the Che*' *f

rokees Cr Choetaws. [eonpippiip OJf ?A«*]