The Wabash Courier, Volume 10, Number 50, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 20 August 1842 — Page 2

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VETO MJSSS.tGJE.

TO TUB HOUSE OF REPIU5SENTAT1YES OF TOE UNITED STATES.

i. „uh -tt-JR-. {ftJ^TSKT the necssMtjr o,

r®1

"r"'

lives.

*lh

ware

lhOnrihe«uhject

a bi|| enti,ied

adored by

"Annct to

ray «?5Ufc.nd to change and mod-

providerevenueduties on imports and for «*!*£?.• ^ffin/cJn temoreji.infal to any °Tr rTXi uSS Vfbrm Ihe chief Execute lod'^dttal «Hed W^^fiutton, than tobeeondutin under norjimiw» from on important twaat rained ^h^r!^X«re yet he would neither

bia taiin,

Inlfil thf^^^jrmn will

nor consult the

the People, the com-

inte Jtboth branches of the Government J^iS'S well-eonaidared, moat deeply fixed, and declared opinio on matters of great public •'SSSSmMt to those of a coordinate Department,

Skhout requiting that Department senoosly to reof some independence of judgment in regard to nil actaoflegWa'«on« ia plainly implied in the responsibility of approving them. At all timesa duty—it becomes a peculiarly solemn and imperative one, when the subjects pawed upon by Congress, happen to invol**.as in the present instance, the most momentous ifltuni to sflfrct variously the various parta of a great couniry. end to have given rise in all quarters to such conflict opinion, as to render it impossible to conjecture, with any certainty, on which aide tlie majority really is. Surely, if the pause for reflection, intended hy the wise authors of the Constitution, by referring the aubjcct back to Congrew for re-cinsideration be ever expedient and necessary, it ia precisely fcuch a case as

of distributing the proceeds of the sales

W the public lands, in the existing statu ot the finances, it has been my duty to make known my set tied convictions on various occasions during the present session of tigress. At the opening gf the extra session, upwards of twelve months ago, shnring full in the general hope of returning prosperity and credit, I recommended such a dittribuiion but that recommendation waseven then expressly couplcd with the comliiion that the duties on 'imports should not exceed the rate of 20 per cent proviilod by the Compromise act of 1833. These hopes ware not a little encouraged and these views strengthened by the report of Mr. Ewing, then Secretary of the Treasury, which was shortly thereafter laid before Conarea in which he recommended theTim posit ion of duties at the rate of 20 per cent,

ad valorem

on all free ar

ticles, with specified exceptions, and stated, "if this '•measure be adopted, there will be received in the "Treasury from customs, in the last quarter of the pre"sent year, (1841,) »5.300,000: in all of the year, 1842, "about $22,500,000 and in the year 1843, after the fi"nal reduction under the act of March 2, 1833, about *'$20,800,000 and adds, "it is believed that aftecjue "heavy expenditures required by the public service in the present year shall have been provided for, the rev"enue which will accrue from that or a nearly proxi"ronte rate of duty, will be sufficient to defray the ex"pensea of the Government, and leave a surplus to be "annually applied to the gradual payment of the na-j fr°ni the arena ol "lional debt-leaving the proceeds of

the public lands

Not long after the opening of the present session of Congress, the unprecedcniedand extraordinary difficulties that have recently embarrassed the finances of the country, began to assume a serious aspect. It soon became quite evident that the hopes under jvhich the act of 4th September was passed, and which alone justified it in the eyes either of Congress who imposeo, or ol the Exrcuiive who approved the first of the two conditions iun recited, were not destined to be fulfilled. Untier the premuro, therefore, of the embarrassments which had thus unexpectedly arisen, it appeared to me that the course to be pursued had been clearly marked out lor the Government by that act itself. The condition contemplated in it, as requiring a suspension of its operation, had occurred. It became noccssary, in the opinions ol all, to raise the rate of duties upon imports •Dove 20 per cent., and with a view both to provide available means to meet present exigencies, and to lay the foundation for a sucnejeful negotiation of a loan, I felt it incumbent upon mo to urge upon Congress to raise the duties accordingly, imposing them in a spirit of a wise discrimination, for the two-Told object of affording ample revenue for the Government, and incidentalprotection to fho various branches of domestic industry. 1 also pressed, in the nioet emphatic but respectful language I could employ, the necessity of malting the lnnd sales available to the Treasury as the basis of public credit. I did not think that I could stand excused, much less justified, before the People of the United States, nor could I reconcile it to myself, to recommend the imposition of additional taxes upon them, without, at the8nme time, urging the employment of all tho legitimate means of the Government towards satisfying it* wants. These opinions were communicated in advance of any definite action of Congress on the subject either of the tariff or land sales, under a high sense of public duty, and in compliance with an express injunction of ihe Constitution-so that if a collision, extremely to be deprecated as such collisions always are, has seemingly arisen between the Executive and Legislative branches ol the Government, it has assuredly not been owing lo any capricious interference, or to any want of a main and frank declaration of opinion on theprtrt of tne former/ Congress differed in its views wiili those of tho Executive, as it had undoubtedly aright to do, and passed a bill virtually for a time repealing the proviso or the act of the 4th September, 1841. The bill was returned to the House in which it originated, with my objections to its becoming a

With a view to prevent, if possible, an open Jisagreement of opinion on a point so important, I took occasion to declare that I regardd it as an indispensable prerequisite to an increase of duties above 20 per ct. that the act of the 4ih September should r«main unrepealed in its provisions. My reasons tor that opinion were elaborately set forth in the message which accompanied the return of the bill—which no Constitutional majority appears to have been found for passing into a law.

1841,

wra"»

••to be disposed of as Congress shall see fit." I was of the Tariff, I believe to be necessary, in order k.nnw fh.t Cnnorrf*. nt thu lima, neemfld entire- the economical expenditures of Government. 5

most "happy that Congress, at the time, seemed entire- fhe economical expenditures of Government. Such an iv to concur in the recommendations of the Executive, increase, made in thespirit of moderation and judicious and anticipating the correctness of the Secretary's con- discrimtnatmn. would, I have 110 doubt, be entijrely elusions, and iiTview of an actual surplus, pawed the satisfactory to the great majority of the American PeoDistribution act of the 4th September last, wisely lim- P'e- In the way of accomplishing a measure so salutary and so imperatively demanded bv every public interest 'of them, to a possible state of the Treasury, tlif-

Uing its operation by two conditions, having reference, both of them, to a possible state of the Treasury, dif-, ferent from that which had been anticipated by tneSe- co-operation on the part of the Executive. This is all

lhe

Irw.

The bill which is now before me proposes, in its 27th section, the total repeal of one of the provisos in theact of September, and while it increases the duties above 20 per cent., directs an unconditional distrilmtion of the land proceeds. 1 arr. therefore subjected a second time, in the period of a few days, to the necessity of either giving my approval to a measure which, in my deliberate judgment, is in conflict with great public interests, or of returning it to the House in which it originated, with my objections. With nil my anxiety for the passage of a law which would replenish an exhausted treasury, and furnish a sound and healthy encouragement to mechanical industry, I cannot consent to doso at the sacrifice of the peace and harmony of the coun try, and tl»e clearest convictions of public duty. ror some of the reasons which have brought me to this conclusion, I refer to my previous Messages to Congress, and briefly subjoin the following:— 1. The bill unites two subjects, which, so far from having any affinity to one another, are wholly incongruous in their character. It is both a revenue and an appropriation bill. It thus imposes on the Executive, the first place, tht necessity of either approving that whKjh ho would reject.or rejecting that which he might *P§TOVe* of constraint to whiw the judgment of the Executive ought not. in my opinion, to be subjected. But that is not my onlv objection to iheactin ita present form. The union of subjects wholly dissimilar their character in the same bill, »it grew into a practice, would not fail to lead to consequenccs deeirucuve of all wise and conscientious

vy "'VI, %WUOVtCIUIVUB

legislation. Various measure*, each agreeable only to a small minority, might, by being thus united, end the mwe tbe greater chance of success, lead to tlie passing ol laws, of which no single provision could, if standing

m#Jori,y

»n its favor.

Tr***ury

«ate of extreme em-

^4JT,Ui!I,n|Le,r£ry

doU*r wh'«h

can make

has not only to

J,"J*" «o borrow money to meet

§IH HinHVUI* ••••ww

h"')

Necessary to be retained io meet treat funds. Interest on public debt dee io October. Te redeem Treaeery aota aad pay tbe interest. Lead dtarifcsiioa. trader tbe act of tbe 4th September.

*360,000

80,000

100,000

640,000

Leaving Ai arailabW amemt of

•1,180,000

Tbe Navy Departhad d«wn resmeitkmeenl

mMM

the Treasury, at (bat time, (o meet debts actually due, among which are biHs under protest for $1,414,000, thus leaving an actual deficit of #444,000.

There was on hand about $100,000 of unissued Treaeory notes, aaStated by the accruing revenue, amounting to about $150,000 per week, exclusive of receipts on unpaid bonds, to meet requtaitispafbr the army, and the demands of the civil list.

The withdrawal ol the mm of $640,000 to be distributed among the States, so soon as the statements and account can lie nude up and completed, by virtue of the provisions of the act of tin 4th September last, of whioh nenrlv a moitv goes to a fewr Slates and only about $383,000 is to be divided among all the States, whiieJt adds materially to the embarrassments of the Treasury, affords to the Slates no decided relief.

No immediate relief from this state of things is anticipated, unless, what would moat deeply be deplored, the Government could be reconciled to the negotiation of loans already authorized by law, at a rate oi discount ruinous in itaetf, and calculated most seriously to affect the public credit. So great ia the depression of trade, that even if the present bill were to become a law, and prove to be productive, some time would elapse before eufficienlnsupplies would flow into the Treasury, while in the meantime, its embarrassments would be continually augmented by the semi-annual distribution of the (and proceeds.

Indeed, there is but too much ground to apprehend that even If this bill were permitted to become a law, alienating as it does the proceeds uf the land sales, an actual deficit in the,Treasury would occur, which would more than probably involve the necessity of a rrsort to direct taxation.

Let it be also remarked, that $5,500,000, of the public debt becomes redeemable in about two years and a half, which, at any sacrifice, must be met, while the Treasury is always liable to demands for the payment of outstanding Treasury notes. Such is the gloomy picture which our financial Department jiow presents and which calls lor the exercise of a rigid economy in the public expenditures, and the rendering available of all the means within the control of the Go7ernment.— I most respectfully submit whether this is a time to give away the proceeds of the land sales, when the public lands constitute a fund which, of all others, may be made most uscfpl in sustaining the public credit. Can the Government be generous and munificent tp others when every dollar it can command is necessary to supply its own wants? And if Congress would not hesitaie to suffer the provisions of the act of 4ih of September last to remain unrepealed in case the country was involved in war, is not the necessity for such a course now just as imperative as it would he then? 3. A third objection remains to be urged, which would be sufficient, in itself, to induce me to return the bill to the House with my objections. By uniting two subjects so incongruous as Tariff and Distribution it inevitably makes the fate of the one dependent upon that of the other in future contests of party. C»n any thing be more fatal to the merchant or manufacturer than such an alliance? What they most of all require is a system of moderate duties, so arranged as to withdraw the Tariff question, as far as possible, completely )f political contention. Their chief

Pe™?anency and stability. Such an

Legislative Department will

crctary of the Treasury, and to the paramount necessi- jhat ties ol tho public service. It ordained that "if at any burden readily borne by the people. But I cannot too lime during the existence of that act, there should be earnestly repeat, that in order to be beneficial it must an imposition of duties on imports inconsistent with the provision of the act of the 2d March, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties fixed by ihat act, to-wit, 20 perct. on the value of such imports or any of them, then the distribution should be suspended and should continue so suspended, until that cause should be removed." By a previous clause it had, in a like spirit of wise and cautious patriotsm. provided for another case in which all

are even now agreed that the proceeds of the sales of measure which, warring upon itself, gives away a the public lands should be used for the defence of the fruitful Bource of revenue at the moment it proposes a large increase of taxes on tne people? Is the manufaccountry. It was enacted that the act should continue and be in force until otherwise provided by law, unless the United Slates should become involved in war with any foreign power, in which event, from the commencement of hostilities, the,Act should be suspended until the cessation of hostilities.

meet with a cordial ecutive. This is all

the manufacturer can desire, and it would he a

be permanent, and in order to be permanent, it must command general acquiescence. But ennsuch permanency be justly hoped for if the Tariff quest ion be coupled with that of Distribution, as to which a serious conflict of opinion exists among the States and ihe People. which enlists in its support a bare majority, if indeed there be a majority, oi the two Houses of Congress? What permanency or stability can attach to a

turer prepared to stake himself and his interests upon such an issue? I I know that it is urged, but most erroneously, in my opinion, that instability is just as apt to be produced by retaining the public lands as a source of revenue as from any other cause, and this is ascribed to a constant I fluctuation, as it iasaid, in the amount of sales. If there were any thing in thisobjection it equally applies to every imposition of duties. The amount of revenue annually derived from duties

constantly liable to

change. The regulations of foreign governments, the varying productiveness of other countries, periods of excitement in trade, and a great variety of other circumstances are constantly arising to affect the state of commerce, foretgfi and domestic, and of consequenco the revenue levied upon it. The sales of the public domain in ordinary limes are regulated by fixed laws, which have U}eir basis in a demand increasing only in the ralio increase of population. In recurring to the statistics connected with this subject, it will be pe.rceived that .for a period of ten years preceding 1834, the average amount of land sales did not cxceed $2,000,000.

For the increase which took place in 1834-1 and 6, we are to look to that peculiar condition of the country which grew out of one of the most extraordinary excitements in business and speculation that have ever occurred in the history of commerce and currency. It was the fruit of a wild spirit of adventure engendered by a vicious system of credits, under the evils of which the country is still laboring, and which it is fondly hoped will not soon recur. Considering the vast amount of investments made by private individuals in the public lands, during those three years, and which equalled $43,000,000, equal to more than twenty years purchase, taking the average of sales of the ten preceding years, it may be safely asserted ihat the result of the public land sales can hold out nothing to alarm the manufacturer with the idea of instability in the revemles, and consequently in the course of the Government.

Under what appears to me, therefore, the soundest considerations of public policy, and in view of the interests of every branch of domestic industry, I return you the bill with these my objections to its becoming a law.

I take occasion emphatically to repeat my anxious desire to co-operate with Congress, in the passing of a law, which, while it shall assist insupplying the wants of the Treasury and re-establish public credit, shall afford to the manufacturing interests of the conntry all the incidental protection they require.

After all, tho effect of what I do is substantially to call on Congress to re-consider the subject. If, on such re-consideration, a majority of two-thirds of both houses should be in favor of this measure, it will become a law notwiths!anding my objections In a case of clear and manifest error on the part of the President, the presumption of the Constitution is that such majorities will be found. Should they be so found in this case, having conscientiously discharged my own duty, I shall cheerfully acquiesce in the result.

Washington, August 9th, 1S42.

It gives'tis pleasure to learn that nil pnrlies in this country generally approve of the terms of the adjustment between the negociators of the northeastern boundary question. To this effect, so far as concerns the minority or opposition party in the General Government* we have the following testimony from one of the strongest journals of the party :—National Intelligencer.

From the Portland Argus, tmtamt. The BoundaryTreaty.—We have already stated that the treaty, so far as ilis terms are understood, is, on the whole, a good one for Maine, and we may add, for the Union. We learn that, in addition to the equivalents already stated to have been given by the British, Lord Ash burton pledges his Government to pay for the timber stopped by ther yarious booms on the waters of the St. John.

We have entered heartily into the work of bringing about an honorable settlement of this long-pending and vexatious question, from the time it was known the Legislature would be called together to appoint commissioners, or otherwise act in the premises, to this moment. So far as we are able to judge, Maine would be much better off under the present arrange ment than with the award of the Dutch King, or even the line of 1783. We consider the acknowledgment of our right to the whole territory, and yielding the free navigation of the St. John, and the free trade in the products of the fine forests of its tributaries, and the agri cultural products of their rich valleys, as a

fs.iso^ooo fR,r equivalent for the jurisdiction surrenderjed. There is no business man that would 1 hesitate a moment to make the trade for himself.

New Corkescy.—The

ceivea from the State in payment of its own debt*. The scrip issued by the Lawrenceburg book taken, we see, at tbe Mechanics and TradeiV Bank, at 8 per cent discount

till

•£r om tie Albany Evening Jowmml/THE HOUSE TARIFF BOX.

A Comparative Statement of die most important}« clos bearing Specific Duties, as imposed in the KP jnst p*«aed W the House of Representatives, agdf by the Act of 1832.

'V leather "V

JOHN TYLER.

Fellow-Citizen*:

you requ of that oei

Bank of Indiana is

issuing a new species of scrip, which it re-

LpmisriVe Jeumml,

Dutiesk/ Mouse BUI

Names qf Articles. Act 1

W 63 85 43 121

Flannelsand baizes, Mpiare yd. Carpeting, Brussels, &e. do

do do do do

Do. Venetian fee. Do. Floor cloth pat.' Oilcloth furniture Cotton bagging Vinegar Beer in casks bottiles Oil, fish.

.40 35 10

gallon? do do i* do do do do do ponnd do do

So.

olive castor linseed

15 20 15 20

26 40 22 25 21, 3i 12 10 12 '2* 4 9 5 3 2 3 5 3

ipeseed brown whitp clayed loaf'

Sugaj

lumb and other ref. do do do do do dols do do do do

candy syrup'

Chocolate

Tallow Candles Lard Beef and pork Bacon Butter Saltpetre refined Oil of vitroi Dry ochre •-T" Ochre in oil Red and white lead Whiting Litharge Sugar of lead Lead, pig &c pipes old scrap Cordage, tarred untarred Twine, pack thread £c. do Corks do Copper rods and bolts do nails and spikes do Wire cap or bonnet do iron&steel novadv 14 above No 14 Iron nails do spikes, do cables, chains&parts do

23 25 2ft 4 6 6 4 5

4 3 2 3 5 2 1 1

do do do do do do do do do do

Such an increase to meet

"1 1ft 5 1 5 5 3 5 2 4 5 5 12 4 5 12 4 2 5 4 3 2

anchors ,. do anvils do blacksmith's ham'rs do

casting vessels &c. do all other do round & braziers rods 3 10a8-16 dia. do sheet or hoop do r5 band, ,$•«. do in pigs cw:. old scrap do bar rolled do hammered?* 'do.""' Hemp do»*i Alum *-do Copperas

4 1ft

ido do do

1* '5 6 6 30 pre :4 4 12 5 8a 11 3 2ft 2ft

2ft 2ft lft 1

2ft

.!*

3 3 3

2ft 2ft 2ft

^0 62ft

v. do

Oats

Greek and Latin b'nd do -r' unb'nd do all other bound do '*,30 unbound do C'V"*??26 Aptlfs vials under 6 oz. 6 to 16 oz. no Demijohns No.dt$ Gla68 bottles to 1 qt. do over dowK Playing cards packs Window glassnot over 8 by 10, per 100, Window glass over 8 by 10 and not over 10 by 12, 100..,, square ft. Ml over 10 by 12 do. Fish, dried or smoked, quintal salmon bbl mackerel do all other .^v. do Slioeaand dippers, silk, pair

50 50

160 90 300 260 200 50 10 6 25 10 10 20 ,17 10 3 sil5 4 4

137 85 200 150 200 70

^do

Wheat flour **1 do Salt jtush* Coal do Wheafr~«V *$•'

175 25 10 10 17 16 10ft 3 15 4 4 15 13

Potatoes do Paper folio and qr. pr'pst lb. foolscap &.c. do printing copperplate do sheathing &c. do all other do«»« Books prior to 177 Vol. other than English do«%a

175 225 25 "J 200

children-™

Boots and Bootees Wool over 8 cts.

171 225 15a20 300 400 25

225 30

*4$

300

250

350 400 100 200 150 100 30

prunolla

350 600 100

apo 150 100

do doe dodosj

25 30 IS

55 15

*80*

150

lb.

Woolen yarn, Merino shawls per ct Cloths and Cassimeres do^v^'Other woolen man. T: Clothes ready made do Glass, cut^*^\i» 4,1b. fel.

Glass plain and other do

120 30 pr a 3 pre 30 pre

40 pr ct and 4 cts 50 pr ct. and 4 cts.

40 40 30 50 25 4

per

id 3

and 3 cts. 20 per ct and 2 cts.

It is very evident, if the present bill should becomea law, that we should soon be as well ofT as we were in 1832. The bill of that year was prepared by J. Q. Adams the bill of this, has his entire concurrence, under

thai

we were prosperous, having a sound currency, good wages, a good market, and a happy people. But the dominant party determined in 1833 to chang^ it, and to make war upon the currency they succeeded, •, and now we are bankrupt aa to means, with all tbe leading interests of thecouniry prostrate. But a return to the policy of 1832—(the policy alike oltur country under Washington and J. Q. Adams)—in adopting the tariff bill pending at this time, before Congress—is all that is necessary lo save the country, land restore it back again to its wonted prosperity.

And

this

bill wiil be adopted if one man does not pre

vent it? Can this bet Can John Tyler thus destroy the hopo, or defy the will of i!ie people' Weighty, indeed, will be the responsibility which he will take upon himself, if he does so! And bold, too, his assumption of power Let us hope tha' he wijl .ncit yeqture so far!

LETTER OF MR. FILLMORE, OF NKF YORK, TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.

To the Hectors of tie Connl# qf Erie:

Washington, July 18,1W0.

Having long since determine not

to be a candidate for re-election, I have felt that my duty to you required that I should give you seasonable notice

i„#1IW termination. The chief causes which have brought me to this resolution being mostly of a personal character are unimportant, and would be uninteresting to you or the public It is sufficient to say that I am not prompted to this course by anv thing in tbe present aspect of polities! affairs. Many of yon know that I desired to withdraw before the last Congressional elec tion, but owing to the importance of that contest, the desire tor unanimity, and the hope m*t •he administration were changed, I might render some essential local service to mv district and those generous friends who had so nobly sustained our cease, I was induced to stand another canvass. But how sadly have all been disappointed How has that sun that rose in snch joyous brightness to millions been shadowed in gloom and sorrow. Tbe lamented HAittisow, around whom clustered a nation's prayers snd blessings. is now no more. For reasons inscrutable to us, and known only to an all-wise Providence, he was cut down in a moment of triumph, and in hie grave he burned the long cherished hopes of a suffering fatioa.

The veneration which every trne patriot mart feel for tbe high office that has been filled by a ^v»s^ngton and a Madison, forbids that I should speak harriily of the present incumbent. Yet it is deeply to beoeplored that Mr. Tyler seems to labor under a mental hallucination—as unfounded in fact as it is miscsievoos its consequences— that tbe great majonty of

of Uie patient? *Bat I doubt not,If itaaoureeceuld be ascertained, it would be found in that cores of all governments, the artful and unprincipled eourtter, who instdnoosly worma bis way into the affections aad confidence

patronage and power, for no other parpees but to wieldU to subserve his own edfah amtwtionjcn-gri-tifv his personal and vindictive feeling.. I «o not believe that the acte of the picsent Chtef^Maystrate, which have overwhelmed h«a former friends wuh ^tame end forraw, and filled ihem with mdjrnauoo, have readied from the unaided promptings o*^ received the ajwebationefliwwsw^^^^JW in mv ApjnioQ tf ?oq could ftwotng perwiiw tbaT'taS him to flatter Ws vanity, and the •»fcWa%Fe"thatdistil the ousy into his uiiswpectmg eaf.wr tsttf "T rR li poses, all would be ea^amed. T^e aee that a breach has been made becwee* tneneaiaeat and his former frieode, and that the eoeeery fcae beea broesM to tbe brink of ran to mimeier to tbe mjif nentapleea ef ^'2! fame or togtatify the coboly amtaiMW ofafcrwto have nothing to hope bet a atate of awarchy aod ceofoekm. These qeaiwee have aueprrtif "dun rnnl ^e ee«e in every fneoa a foe.

luailncie from aecret mioW7 to open befravai. aod at test ia a fit of iaeene noatrtity to h»tmser frssfc. ekvated him to power, end the ilsapirati bat

Um If

hope of securing a re-election, lie has been induced to throw himself uato the treacberooa arms of Us former enemies. What may be the remit of thia new coali.tioh, time alone can determine. I foar-it had its oiigin ta jrestaeas, wickedness and perfidy, and that its eomwmokation will produce the bitter fruits of disappointment to those who now glory in their shame.

Tims yon see the origin, progress and consummation of all oar difficulties we haveatruggled bard under every discouragement to carry out the true Whig principles of 1840, and give reliefto the coun try. Our progress has been opposed and our efforts thwarted at eve* rv step bv the peculiar friends of the Executive on the floor of Congress. The wees under his control haa poared out its malicious libels upon our devoted heads until every jwtriot is sick at bean and when all these have faravedand overcome, then the

veto

at a sin

gle blow strikes to the ground oar labors, and the revenues and credit of the nation. But I am unwilling to dwell apon a subject so painful and humiliating. I speak of it now "more in sorrow than in anger and cannot but regard it as an awfnl warning to select no man, even for a contingent station of each vast power and responsibility, whoee talents and integrity are not equal toft andl regad it as an additional proof that our only security fegatnst treachery and inordinate ambition is brand in the one term principle, that takes away al! inducement in the Executive to use hit power secure a re-election. Still I would not despair but hope for the beet. Our Constitution contemplated the possibility of such an infliction, and therefore hat wise* Iv provided against ita duration by limiting the Presidential term to four years. It is true that much evil -may be done in that time, but there is consolation in the thought that we can say to tbe desolating flood of tyrannical usurpation ana folly that sweeps over the land, "thus fepabalt thou go and no farther.*1

My time will not permit me to touch upon the general subjects of legislation or policy, or even to hint at the threatening aspect of political events. A devoted and patriotic majority in Congress has struggled hard against every embarrassment for more than seven months. A Tariff Bill has just passed the House, tint would at once restore credit to the Government and bring relief to the community, but the prospect now ia thnt all our anxious toils are to end in naught, unless we submit to the will of a angle dictator and consent to record his edicts. Whatever sacrifices a suffering country may demand, patriotism requires us to make —everv thing may be yielded but principle to an honest difference of opinion, but nothing to a tyrannical exaction, and I trust we shall not be driven to the dan* gerons extremity of yielding all power to the caprice of one man, or of bringing utter bankruptcy and ruin upon our common country. It is a dreadful alternative, but if presented I also trust thai the conatitution will be maintained at every hazard, regardless of all consequences.

But, fellow-citiaens, I have said more than I intended, and regret that I have not time to say it more briefly. I cannot, however consent to bring this hasty letter to a close without expressing the deep emotions of gratitude that filled my neart when I look back upon your kindness anti devotion. Pardon the personal vanity, though :t be a weakness that induces me to recur for a moment to the cherished recollections of your early friendehip and abiding confidence. I cannot give vent to'the feelings of my heart without it.

Ii is now nearly fourteen years since you did me the unsolicited honor to nominate me to represent you in |he State Legislature. Seven times have I received regtwed evidence of your confidence by as many elections, with constantly increasing majorities and at the expiration of mv present Congressional term, I shall have served you nhree years in the State and eight years in the National Councils. I cannot call to mind the thousand acte of generous devotion from so many friends who will ever be dear to my heart, without feeling the deepest emotion of gratitude- I came a* mong you a poor and friendless buy. You kindly took me by the hand and gave me your confidence and sup-

Eonor

ort. You have conforrcd upon me the distinction and for which I could make no adequate return but by an honest and untiring effort faithfully to discharge the high trusts which you have confided to my keeping. If my humble efforts have met your approbation I freely admit that next to the approval of my own conscience, it is the highest reward I could receive for days of unceasing toil ar.d nights of sleepless anxiety.

I profess not to be above or below the common frailties of our nature. I will therefore not disguise the fact thatl was highly gratified al my first election to Congress, yet I can truly say that my utmost ambition has been satisfied. I aspire to nothing more, and shall retire from the exciting scenes of political strife to the quirt enjoyments of my own family and fireside with still more satisfaction than that which I felt when fint elevated to thia distinguished station.

In conclusion, permit me again to return yob my warmest thanks for your kindness, which is deeply cngravedon my heart.

X""-? I remain sincerely and truly, .Your friend and fellow-citizen, "X MILLARD FILLMORE.

Honor to Congress. v- A Corretpondtnet of the Baltimore Tutrix

Washington, August

18^.

The Revenue Bill passed the Senate last evening nt 5 o'clock, by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three—three of the so called Whig Senators voting against the bill, one not voting, and one absent. The^hree Senators who voted against the bill were Messrs. Graham, Preston and Rives. Mr. Berrien declined voting, and Mr. Henderson, of Miss, was absent. This makes up the fifty Senators, the whole number of the body while Tennessee is unrepresented. "A short horse is soon curried/'and &o enough of ihe measure. The bill passed ihe Senute as it passed the House, and has only to be examined by the Committee of Enrolled Bills, before presentation to the President for his approval and signature. This will be done this day, and it is probable that Monday will make kaown the intentions of the Executive. There are some faint hopes thut the bill will be approved, but they are fuint, and the chances are as ten to one for a veto. In the mean time, it is not possible to foresee what Congress will do in the event of a veto." *. ,£The discussion yesterday upon the Revenue bill, closed, except a brief rejoinder from Mr. Woodbury, with the speech of Mr. Evans. It was a speech universally commended, and has won for the Chairman of the Committee of Finance a higher reputation thati he enjoyed before. In the way of demonstration and direct application, Mr. Evans is remarkable for the pungency of his answers. There is no escaping from him, and he dealt severe and heavy blows against the four quarters whence the Revenue measure had received the most severe attacks. I am too much elated at the conclusion of this vexed question, to say more of it at present. The bill has finally passed, and that is glory enough for one day.

The House have done wonders, also, and in the history of the Government not one day can be found where so much has been done as there was yesterday. Nearly two hundred bills were considered in committee of the whole, and reported to the House from the committee. About sixty of these were bills which had passed the Seuate, and between forty and fifty of these were concurred in and are ready for approval. A large number were ordered to a third reading and then laid aside. In addition to all this, one hundred and seventeen biHs prepared in the House, were favorably considered in committee of tbe whole, reported to the House, read a third time, and ordered to an engrossment. This is a glorious, wonderful day*s work,and does great honor fo the House, and to the locomotive business-like member hi the Chair—Mr. Boardman, from Connecticut. It is to be hoped :hat these bills may be passed in both Houses, before the adjournment. Congress having done so well, and at both wings of the Capitol, those who hare beep kxidest in their denunciations should remember this, in contrast with much that has gone before and which has not given so much salisfactioa. The present Congress, but for the many and extraordinary obstructions which have thwarted their eftbrte, would have been enabled to adjourn six weeks sinre, with more business done than by any other Congress for a score of years. With the Loco Fooo party in tbe Capitol, and the collisions with the President at the White House, it is a matter of amassment that any thing has been brought to pass.,

v« W

THE BOtmDARY QUESTION. The Portland Argus, a leading State Administration paper in Maine, haa the following article respecting tbe recent Boundary arrangement, the particulars of which were doubtless furnished by Mr. Preble, ope of the Maine Commissioners:

The boundary is to be substantially the one fixed by the King of the Netherlands. It includes, we believe, a small strip of barren territory at the extreme north, in the Canadas, not given in the award. For the claim of the territory ceded to Great Britain, tbe disputed grounds in New Hampshire, also a strip about three quaters of a mile wide, the whole distance of the line of Vermont bordering on the British possessions,, and Rouse's Point in New York*. .,

Massachusetts gets 9150,000, and Maine $n equal sum, as the value, in part, of the land surrendered. Maine also gets the expenses of the Aroostook War, aad tbe Civil Pbsse, amounting to about ah lf million in all. She also gets the free navigation of the St. John to the mouth: and all its tributaries, with the right of exporting all the lumber and produce in British vessels, to England and her dependencies, on the same terms and conditions that they would be entitled to if the products of the Colonies. This arrangement gives the whole valley of the St. John, on the American side, including the Aroostook and its tributaries, the choice of Markets. It is easy to see, therefore, that the products of the whole region will be shipped to the West Indies and other British ports. f-s'

Under these circumstances it is but reasonable to suppose tjiat noWonly will tlie timber be rapidly stripped off and carried to a good market, but that the fertile lands in that section will soon fill up with hardy yeoman.— As a matter of dollars and cents, we do not hesitate to say that Maine will make a capital bargain, if the treaty shall be ratified. Nor are we prepared to say that the equivalents in the lands ceded in New Hampshire, Vermont and New York, together with the free navigation of the St, John, and the free trade in the lumber and products of its fertile valley, are not a full compensation for the territory surrendeted. On the contrary, we think it is.

The United States gets less territory, in quantity, than they surrender, to be sure, but it is more valuable in quality, and if it really lacks anything in value, which is a question, it is much more than made up in the free navigation of the St. John, and Ihe free trade in the products of Us valley.

The question of State pride, in parting with almost a valueless strip of territory forequivalents, we leave for others to discuss. On thaLsubject there are various honest opinions. '1 he South has no good ground of complaint, because the United States undertake to pay Maine $500,000, and Massachusetts 150,000 —nor has the West. The Florida war cost immense sums io comparison.

'If4 From the St. Louis Jfcpubttcon.

THE UNION.

It is every day becoming more and more manifest that there is, or will be a union between Mr. Tyler and the Locofoco party, or at least a large portion of that party. The signs indicate that the contract has been arranged and only awaits the happening of events to be consummated. All over the country the Locofoco press is either directly or indirectly supporting tbe President, and the recent debates in the Senate confirm the belief, that the Locofoco members'believe it subservient to their interests to sustain him also We have no idea that the Locos intend to give Mr. Tyler any thing more than a support for the present. They will use him to carry out their party purposes, and when he can be no longer serviceable, they will cast him off. There is trouble in fixing on the Locofoco candidate for President. Col, Benton and other influential men in the party, go for Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Buchanan has a desire for the station, and has his backers. Mr. Calhoun cluims it, and has a strong party to support him. Between these rivals, Mr. Tyler may prove a convenient tool to elevate the prospects of one, and depress the others. His administration may be used for the purpose of filling the various offices throughout the country with the partizans of the favorite claimant, and thus secure, as in days past, an organized band all over the country, to give tone and direction, or, mpre properly speaking, manufacture public sentiment.

It is reported that Mr. Cathoun is Mr. Tyler's choice, and that tbe patronage of the President has already been bestowed with a view to -advance Mr. C's pretensions. It is even reported that when the negotiations with England, (which alone detain Mr. Webster in the Cabinet,) are brought to a close, Mr. Calhoun himself will take charge of the Department of State. Such are the current of the rumors, and so far as "coming events cast their shadows before," they are not without circumstances to justify, at least a degree of confidence in their correctness.

The alliance of Mr. Tyler and Mr. Calhoun is not without its difficulties and drawbacks. First, Colonel Benton, as the especial advocate of Mr. Van Buren, is alive to the consequences but more than this, he is desperately hostile to a portion of Mr. Tyler's cabinet, for instance, Mr. Wickliflfe, tbe Post Master Genera! yet Mr. Wickliflfe and Mr. Calhoun are as thick as bedfellows, and Mr. Wicklifie is entirely devoted to Mr. Calhoun's advancement. Col. Benton will not willingly come into the support of Mr. Tyler's administration if Mr. Wicklifie is retained in office, and Mr. Calhoun is not likely to consent to his removal.

These are some of the movements going on at Washington, and we doubt not, that by the close of the present session of Congress, or, at farthest, soon after the adjournment, there will be'some strange manoevres performed in and about the White House. The nation has already witnessed Mr. Tyler's treachery: they will yet see to what extremes he will go to consummate that deception, defeat the purposes of those who elected him, and gratify his noalignat personal feelings.

(ttrThe Washington correspondent of the New York American says that a Whig Senator some days ago had business with the President, and in the course of the interview incidental reference was made to the state of public opinion. Mr. Tyler said: Sir, you know nothing about public opinion. You are deceived by the papers you read. Mead the Madisonian, and there you will sofr what tbe people think of my Administration!"

Caft.Ttler

iji CowascTKnrT—Maj. Noah's

paper has been for sale for a few days in this city, and tbe people have so great a veneration for it that they will not tooch it. Michael disposed of one copy yesterday on 'change it sold for one cent and six months' credit. [New-Haven Herald*

RIOT AND BLOODSHED 111 PHILADELPHIA* A serous riot occurred in this city on last Monday.

It appears thai an association of colorea persons bad made arrangements to celebrate the emancipation of slaves in the West India Islands, by Great Britain. They were marching in procession with banners, numbering near 2,000, when in Shippen. between Fifth and Sixth streets, they were interrupted by some lads. This led to violence, and it ended in a general assault by tbe rioters upon the negroes and their dwellings.

Two blacks discharged guns at a crowd of boys, wounding one mortally, and another badly. A rush was immediately made upon the houae into which they bad escaped, and both the negroes were taken, after being severely beaten. Several negro houses were broken iu and demolished—nail the colored people that could get away, made their escape into Delaware. .'Smith's Beneficial Hall,' a large but unfinished building erected by a wealthy colored man, was burned as, was also, a church belongidg to the colored people. After this the mob dispersed,and order was restored. And so ended this disgraceful riot—a riot marked by the worst spirit of lawlessness—the spirit of incendiarism and blood.—Ctn. Gaz.

Later.—The

Several of the soldiers at litis time roshed upon the boys, and were beating them with their fists, when Mr. Jones, one of our constables, happening to pass, commanded the peace. He had no sooner uttered the words, than Lieut. Heckle, the proprietorof tho Sans Souci House, rushed upon him with his sword, cutting a piece out of his right wrist and horribly bruising and mangling his hand. This caused great excitement among the men who had, by this time, assembled in large numbers, and there was a general rush to the scene. Several others were severely injured among them was a German, who received a stab in the neck, just below the ear. His wound is supposed to be mortal. The crowd around the house had by this time greatly increased, and were fired upon by three or four of the Germans, from the second story windows.

The City Marshal, with his posse, now entered the bouse to secure the rioters, when the Lieutenant recommended his company to "form a line," buckle on their rapiers, and not surrender while one remained alive to defend the house. The crowd without now commenced throwing stones and clubs at the house—the windows of which were all broken in a few minutes—and several of the inmates considerably injured. Fifteen or sixtoen of the German company, among whom was Lieut. Heckle, were now arrested and taken into the custody of (ho police—they will be examined before the Mayor this morning.

Mr. Jones, we understand, suffered severely during the night from tbe wounds in his hands, arid has entirely lost the use of hisarm.

PRICES OF

WHEAT AT TUB

ilii

Philadelphia correspondent

of the Baltimore American, under date of Tuesday evening, says-—" I regret to state that about noon to day another disturbance commenced on the Schuylkill, which has continued toincrease tosuch an extent that the first brigade of volunteers have been ordered out, and are now under arms. The rioters are almost all of them men, and are very numerousrand the aspect of nffiiirs is far more threatening than yesterday. The number of the rioters is between 900 and 900 persons. At a spechl meeting of the City council to day, the sum of 85000 was placed at the disposition of the Mayor to quell the disturbance.

We foar great additional troubles to night." «. .. The number of persons arrested during the late riots in Philadelphia is thirty-eight. One of these, identified as an active participant in the disturbances, had a hearing on Thursday last before the Mayor, on a writ of habeas corpus for a reduction of bail, which had been fixed at $5,000. The mayor, after hearing the argument of council refused to reduce the amount of bail, and the prisoner was recommilted*

From the Cincinnati Daily Message, Aug.

iN fc*

9. If

ANOTHER RIOT—BLQOD8HED—AND PROBABLE LOSS OF LIFE.

Our city was last evening the scene of another disgraceful mob. Yesterday, the German Company, commanded by Lieutenant Michael Heckle, were on parade, when tlie boys, as is usual, were following close upon them. During the day, Lieutenant Heckle 1 struck several of the boys with hissword, not injuring them seriously, but with sufficient force to cause the blood to flow pretty freely from the heads of two or three of them. At this the £fowd of boj became much enraged, and after the company had been dismissed, and retired to the SansSouci House, the boys, in large numbers, collected there, and comfenced throwing stones and missiles at the house and tauntingly threatened to demolish the house and the company.

LATEST

DATES.

It may interest some of our business readers to know the price of Wheat at the latest dates. It may be remarked that the price of, the new crop is not at all determined, because very little of it is brought in.—There is strong reason to believe, the prices will be considerably lower than they are. 4 Philadelphia, Baltimore, Rochester, Buffalo, Zanesville,y Portsmouth, Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, Springfield,

July 39th, 30th, 25tb,

•1,21 1,30 JfiO 1JOO 60 40 60 43 46 90

29th,

ft *4

Augt. 2nd, July, 90th, 25th, (III.)

These are mostly the prices of old wheat. It was understood, at Rochester, that tbe price of new wheat would open at from 75cts. to §1. If so, the price in Ohio will be from 40 to 60 cents* according to locality. But the probability is, that it wilt not maiotaiu even that price.—Chronicle.

RACE OF PIGMIES—At a meeting of the Royal Geographical Society in London recently, the chairman stated some interesting facts on a subject which would probably soon, be brought before tbe notice of tbe aoeiety. It was, that a gentleman, employed by government, had, in ascending the river Juba,in Africa, from east to west, fallen in with a considerable tract of country inhabited by a curious race of pigmies, not exceeding four feet in height, with very curious views of religion and government, and exactly resembling the type of Herodotus, which singularly confirmed some opinions

the subject recently

brought before the notice of the Aborigines Protection Society*