The Wabash Courier, Volume 10, Number 32, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 16 April 1842 — Page 2

ym*'

AGRICULTURAL.

SUBSOIL PLOUGHING.—In a-late number of the Southern Cultivator, mention made a person who," while taking in his corn fodder, observed a great difference between two pieces which were planted the fame time and in the same soil the flfcWer in one piece of ground dried up so fast that he could scarcely got through with stripping it, before it was entirely burnt up, to use the common phrase when, on going to the other piece he found it green to the ground, and in good plight for stripping. He wns struck with this difference in the two lots of corn, and, on reflection, recollected that, on getting ready to plant his corn in the spring, he ran a furrow with a large btirshare plough, after which he followed with a small plough, called a bull-tongue, running it pretty deep in the same furrow, until he had proceeded over half the piece, when he concluded to plant the balance in the single furrow, and discontinued the use df the bull-tongue. The result was, the part planted in the opening made by the small plough, where the large one had previously run, produced a third more fodder, and of a belter quality than that planted in the shallow one made by the large plogh alone besides the great difference there must be in the weight of the corn when drying too fast, for the purj»osc of m-king bread. This iihould be remembered, and the evils of shallow planting be avoided."—Far. Cabinet•

TO MAKE HENS LAY PERPETUALLY. EM. CULTIVATOR.—1 never allow cocks to run with my bens, except whon I want to raise chickens. Hens will lay eggs perpetually if treated in the following manner. Keep no roosters, give the hens fresh meal, chopped fine like sausnge-meat, once a day, a v« ry small portion, say half an ounce a day to each ben, during winter, or from the time insects disappear in the full, till they appear again in the spring. Never allow any eggs to remain in the nest, for what is called nest eggs. When the roosters do not run with the hens, and no nest eggs are left in the nest,the hens will not cense laving after the produo tion of twelve or fifteen eggs, as they always do when roosters and nest eggs aro allowed put continue luying perpetually. My hens always lay all winter, and each from twenty-five toone hundred eggs in succcssion. There being nothing to excite the animal passions, they never attampt to set. If the above plan were generally followed, eggs would be just as plenty in the winter as summor. The only reason why hens do not lay in the winter as freely as in summer, is the wunt of animal food, which they get in summer in ubundance in the form of insects. The reason they stop laying a brood of eggs, is the continual excitoment of the animal passions by the males. I have for several winters reduced my theory to practice, and proved its entire correctness. It must be observed that the presence of the male is not necessary for the production of eggs, as they ard formed whether the male be present or not* Of course such eggs will not produce chickens. When chickens are wuntod, the roosters must*of course run with the hens.--Cultivator.

A WOOL STORY.

The following story is told of Mr. Sheathe, a grocer in Portsmouth, Now Hampshire A man had purchased a quantity of wool from him, which had been weighed and paid

ing had happened, and then under the pre-

teneo of lifting tho bag to lay it on his horse,

took hold of it on doing so, it appeired boa-

you

it—it's easily tried!' replied the bug into the scale again.

he,

iff

for, and Mr. S. hud gone to the desk to get I Another power, too, and one of infinite change for a note. Happening to

tlirn

head while there, he saw in a glass that hung,

60 as to reflect tho store, a stout arm reach with the Executive magistrate. In up and tako from the shelf a heavy white f|ie9e respects we stand upon ground cheese. Instead of appearing suddenly nnd different from that occupied by the Houses of rebuking tho man for his theft and thereby peerg of England and of France. And I relosing his custom forever, tho crafty old gen- jiat jt|j respect to tho dignitv which tloman gave tho thief his change as if noth-.

isputn about

told you so—I knew I was right—made a mistake of near 20 pounds however, if you don't want it nil, I'll take part of it out!'

•NFo, no,, said tho other, staying tbe hands of

Mr. S. on his way to the strings of the bag,«I

INDUSTRY.

Demosthenes when asked the first requisite

HOME INDUSTY IN PENNSYLVANIA. The Pennsylvania newspapers contain a call for a State Convention of the friends of

4There!*

United States Senate.

?r~

wasrn

rather guess 1H tako the whole. And this conclusion of the political struggle which he did, paying for his rascality bv receiving

price

skim milk cheese at the price of fine wool. goon, what my own reflections indeed prompted me to suppose would take place,that there would be an extra session and being desirous, of elMiience, replied. "nction"—when asked I prior to my retirement, to co-operate with my the second, ho replied, "action"—and the friends in the Senato in restoring, by the third, ho still replied, "action." Industry, adoption of measures best calculated to acbears the same relation to agriculture that complish that purpose, that degree of prosperi"aciion" did to eloquence in the estimation of, *y the country, which hud been, for a time, tho Athenian orntor. With industry the far- destroyed, I determined upon attending the mer may accomplish every thing,and without! extra session, which was called, as was well it he can do nothing. Let him then study the known, by tho lamented Harrison. His de ith, value of time. Time is his groat capital,and nn^ 'he succession which took place in conshould be well invested. The wealth of the sequence or it, produced a new aspect in the world, its high civilization, all its magnificent I affairs of the country. Had he lived, I do not improvements, have been created and fash- entertain a particle of doubt that those measioned by the labor and industry of man. The

Home Industry" to be held at Harrisburg on the second Wednesday (13th day) of April instant. The call is signed by tbe State Committee on the subject* We observe the Mines of Hon* WILLIAM Wintiw, Hon. CAC- ^poutd be equivalent. rts BLITHE, IAMBS M. POSTER, AND other prominent members of tbe late Van Buren party, as part of the committee. There does not seem to be, as yet least, any party diviaioo on the Tariff question is Pennsylvania. In the annual

message

of Gor. PoantR tbe im

portance of domestic man facta res was strongly pressed upon the attention of the Legislature. PEXXSTLVANtA contains within her borders all th« resources of a great empire, andtbeyoogbt not to be overlooked in the sebey the Gorernment.—fnief.

j&t "f

JtfA«cn 31ST.

(^|R. CLAY'S VALEDICTORY. Mr. CLAY rose and said, before offering the motion which it was his intention to submit to the Senate, he desired to make a single ob^ servation with regard to a subject which he was about to leave unfinished—he meant the resolutions which he nad submitted, proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States. It had been his wish, prior to his retirement, to have obtained a vote upon these resolutions", and also to have replied to tlie arguments which have been advanced by their opponents but owing to the feeble s: ate of his health, he had been unable to enter upon a reply, and owing to the absence of! several of his friends, he had come to the conelusion that it would be better to commit the subject into the hands of the Senate, to be disposed of according to their judgment and discretion whenever it might come up and- he would dismiss this subject with a simple remark in reference to the conviction which he entertained of the propriety of the different amendments which he had suggested, those convictions he still deliberately entertained, notwithstanding all that had been heard u,on the subject.

And now, continued Mr. CLAY,allow me to announce, formally and officially, my retirement from the Senate of the United States, and to present the last motion which I shall ever make within this body but, before making that motion, I trust I shall be pardoned for availing myself of this occasion to make a few observations. At the time of my entry into this body, which took place in December, 1806, I regarded it, and still regard it, as a body which may be compared, without disadvantage, to any of a similar character which has existed in ancient or modern times whether we look at it in reference to its dignity, its powers, or the mode of its constitution and 1 will also add, whether it be regarded in reference to the amount of ability which I shall leave behind me when I retire from thi-» chamber. In instituting a comparison between the Senate of the United States and similar political institutions, of other countries, of France and England for example, he was sure the comparison might be made without disadvantage to the American Senate. In respect to the constitution of these bodies: in England, with only the exception of the peers from Ireland and Scotland, and in France with no exception, the component parts, the members of these bodies, held their places by virtue of no delegated authority, but derive their powers from the crown, either by ancient creation of nobility transmitted by force of hereditary descent, or by new patents as occasion required an increase of their numbers. But here, Mr. President, we have the proud title of being the representatives of sovereign States or Commonwealths. If we look at the powers of these bodies in Franco and England, and the powers of this Senate, we shall find that the latter are far greater than the former. In both those countries they have the legislative power, in both the judicial with some modifications, and in both perhaps a more extensive prejudicial power than is possessed by the Senate but then the vast and undefined and undefinable power, the treaty making power, or at least a participation in the conclusions of treaties with foreign powers, is possessed by this Se-

te,and is possessed by neither of the others,

bis magnitude, that of distributing the patronage

grea( nation, which is shared by this

dinarilv prevails in this body, nnd with re-

pect to the ability of its members during the

iod of acquninla

out arr0

nce with it, witli-

gnnce or presumption, we may say,

limes* ©!r» I liavc H/Iig——lull UI aiua^uutia

pU»,| service in the Senate of tho United

Mr. S., putting Stntea is—a service which might fill the nspirations of the most ambitious heart—I have nevertheless long desired to seek that repose which is only to be found in the bosom of one's ...» family—in private life—in one's home. It

said

torin ca

purpose to have terminated my Sena-

^er

Novem

characterize

ures

poorost soil, and tho most unfavorable climate plished at that session, would have been con are scarce impediments to an industrious and summated by a candid co-operation energetic peop'e. Look at Holland, reclaimed from the ocean, fenced in by her embankments and mud walls, literally a smiling garden, where once there was nothing but bogs and the ocean's ware. Look at Switzerland, whore an industrious and hardy peasantry, contending against avalanches of snow and ice, and the emboulinent of mouotaiu masses of rock, falling and crushing for miles square every thing before them, have cut the hills and mountains in terra cos, and planted them in vines. Lands which, before were worth nothing, by this improvement, sell for ten thousand francs por ac re. —Exchange paper,

ber, 1840, after the

that year. But I learned very

which, it was hoped, might be accom-

between

the Executive branch of the Government and Congress and, sir, allow me to say, (and it is only with respect to tho extra session) that I believe if there be anyone free from party feelings, and free from bias and from prejudice, who will {ook at its transactions in a spirit of candor and of justice, but must come to the conclusion to which, think, the country generally will come, that if there be any thing to complain of in connection with that session, it is not as to what was done and concluded, but as to that which was left unfinished and unaccomplished. After the termination of that session, had Harrison lived, and had the measures which it appeared to me it was desirable to accomplish, been carried, it was my intention to have retijed but I reconsidered that determination, with the vain hope that, at the regular session of Congress, what had been unaccomplished at the extra session, might then be effected, either upon the terms proposed or in some manner which

But events were an

nounced after the extra session—events resulting, I believe, in the failure to accomplish certain object* at the extra session—events which seemed to throw upon our friends every where present defeat—this hope, and the occurrence of these events, induced me to attend tbe regular sosskm, and whether in adversity or in prosperity, to share in the fortunes of my friends. But I came here with the purpose, which am now about to effectuate, of retiring as

soon as I thought I couM retire with projyrjetjrand decency, from the public oouncHs.:

Prom tbe year 1806 tbe period of my entering upon this noble theatre of my public service, with but short intervals, down to tbe present time,l have h**»n engagtAjft vice, of my country. Of the nature IWyw of those services which 1 may ha*e re during my long career of public life*'1 ®?e8 become m6 to speak. History, if j? to notice me, and posterity—if recollection of any humble service which 1 may hav* rendered shall be transacted to posteritywill be the best, I trust, and most impartial judges and to them I defer for a decision upon their value.

But, upon one subject, I may be allowed to speak. As to my public acts and public conduct, they are subjects for the jugment of my fellow-citizens but my private motives of action—that which prompted me to take the part which 1 may have done, upon great measures during their progress in the national councils, can be known only to tbe Great Searcher of the human heart and myself and 1 trust I shall be pardoned for repenting again a declaration which I mad-'thirty years ago, that whatever error I may have committed—and doubtless I have committed ma-*, ny during my public service—1 may appeal to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the truth of the declaration which I now make with pride and confidence, that 1 have been actuaed by no personal motives—that I have sought no personal aggrandizement—no promotion from the advocacy of those various measures on which I have been called to act—that I had an eye, a single eye, a heart, a tfngte heart, ever devoted to what appeared to be the best interests of the country. Yet, sir, during the this long period, I have not escaped the fate of other public men, in this nnd other countries. I have been often, Mr. President, the object of bitter and unmeasured detraction and calumny. 1 have borne it.l will not say always with composure, but I have borne without crentingany dsiturbance. I have borne it, waiting in unshaken and undoubting confidence, that the triumphs of truth nnd justice would settle all things as they ought to be settled. 1 have borne them under the conviction, of which no injustice, no wrong, no injury could deprive me that I did not deserve them, and that He to whom we are all to be finally and ultimately responsible, would acquit, me whatever injustice 1 might experiance at the hands of my fellow-men.

But I have not been unsustained during this long course of public service. Every where on this wide-spread continent have 1 enjoyed the benefit of possessing warm-heart-ed, and enihusiastic, and devoted friends— friends who knew me. nnd appreciated justly* the motives by which I have been actuated. To them, if 1 had language to make suituble acknowledgements, 1 would now take leave to present them as being all the offering that I can make for long continued persevering and devoted friendship. But, sir, if I have a difficulty-ill giving utterance to an expression of the feelings of gratitude which fill my heart towards my friends,dispersed throughout this continent, what shall 1 say—what can 1 say—at all commensurate with my feelings of gratitude towards that Statewhoaebumble, survitor I am I emigrated to tho State ofr Kentucky nearly foty-five years ago. I went there as an orphan, who had not yet attained his majority—who had never recognised a* father's smile—poor, penniless, without the favor of the great—with an imperfect and inadequate education, limited to the means applicable to such a boy —bu: scarcely had 1 set foot upon the generous soil, pefore I was caressed with parental fondness—patronized with bountiful munificence—and I may add to this, that her choisost honors often unsolicited,. had been freely showered upon me and when I stood, as it were, in the darkest moment* of human existence—abandoned by the world, calumniated by a large portion of my countrymen, she threw around me her impenetrable shield, and bore me aloft, and repelled the attacks ofmalignity arid calumuny, by which I wns assailed. Sir, it is to me aqj unspeakable pleasure that I am shortly to return to her friendly limits and that I shall finally deposit (and it will not be long before that day arrives) my last remains under he* generous soil, with the remains of her gallant and patriotic sons who have preceded me.

Mr. President, a recent epithet, (I d? not know whether for the purpose of honor or of degradation,) has been applied tome and I have been held up to the country as a dictator Dictator! The idea of dictatorship is drawn from Roman institutions and there, when it was created, the person who was invested with this tremendous outhorily, concentrated in his own person the whole powetf of the Stale. He exercised unlimited control over the property and lives of the citizens of the Commonwealth. He had the power of raising armies and of raising revenue by taxing the people. If I have be*'n a dictator, what have been the powers with which I have been clothed Have I had the distribution of the patronage of Government Have I, in short passed any power whatever? Sir if I have been a dictator, I think those whospply the epithet to me must at least admit two things. In the first place, that my dictatorship has been distinguished by no cruel executions, stained by no deeds of blood, soiled, by no act of dishonor. And they must no less acknowledge in the second place, (though I do not know when its commencement bears date, but 1 suppose, however, that it is intended to be averred from the commencement of the extra session,) that I have been invested with, or have usurped the dictatorship, I have at least voluntarily surreoderd tbe power within a shorter period than was assigned tnf by the Roman laws for its continuace.

Mr. President, if to have sought, at the extra session and at this, by co-oporation with my friends, to carry out those great measures which the majority of 1840 desiied to see adopted and executed—if to have desired to see the currency and exchange of this country once more regulated—if to have destsed to replenish tbeemty coffers of the Treasury, bv an imposition of suitable duties if to have desired to extend relief to the unfortunate bankrupts of the country, rained, in a great measure, by the operation of the previous policy of the Government—it to have desired, by co-operation with my friends, to limit and restrain and regulate the Executive action, because it become dangerous towards tbe other departments of the Government in my opinion, and in tbe opinion of the majority of 1840— if to have desired to preserve the booor and credit of the country untarnished by adequate and suitable provisions for revenue, sufficient for filling all ibe public engagements—if tbe faithful perposes of excutingall these measures —if an ardent desire to carry out and redeem every pledge which was fbirly made by my friends when struggling for the acquisition of

oower if I say these eflorta and this co-ope-ration constitute my dictatorship, then I sap--poss I must bear the odium or the honor ot the epithet whichever it may be considered.

Mr. President, that my nature is warm, my temper ardent, my disposition in the public service enthusiastic, I am ready to own. But those who suppose they may have seen any proof of dictation in my conduct, have only mistaken that ardor for what I at least supposed to be patriotic exertions for fulfilling the wishes and expectations by which I hold this seat they have only mistaken the one for the other.

Mr. President, during my longand arduous services in the pdblic counsils and especially during the last eleven years, in the Senate, tbe same a ardor of temperament had characterized my actions, and has no doubt led me, in -the heat of debate, in endeavoring to maintain my opinions in reference to the best course to be persued in the conduct of public affairs, I have often used language offensive and susceptible of ungracious interpretation towards my brother Senators.

If there be any who entertain a feeling of dissatisfaction resulting from any circumstance of this kind, I beg to assure them that I now make the amplest apology. And, on the other hand, I assure tnS Senate, one and all, without exception and without reserve, that I leave the Senate Chamber without carrying with me to my retirement a single feeling pf dissatisfaction towards the Senate itself or any one of its members. 1 go from it un--der the hope that we shall naturally consign to perpetual oblivion whatever of personal animosities or jealousies may have risen between us during the repeated collisions of mind with mind. jij/tr 'f1 tt

And nowj allow me to submit the motion which is the object that induced me to arise upou this occasion. It is to present the credentials of my friend and successor, who is present to take my place. If Mr. President, any void could be created by my withdrawal from the Senate of the United State, it will be filled to overflowing by my worthy successor, whose urbanity, gallant bearing, steady adhereance to principle, rare and uncommon powers of debate, are well known already in advance to the whole Senate. I move that the credential be received, and at the proper moment that the oath required be administered. And now, in retiring as I am about to do from the Senate, 1 beg leave to deposite with it my fervent wishes that all the great and patriotic objects for which it was instituted, may be accomplish—that the destiny designed for it by the framers of the Constitution may be fulfilled—that the deliberations now and hereafter, in which it may engage for the good of our common country may eventuate in the restoration of its prosperity, and in the preservation and maintenance of her honor abroad and her best interests at home. I-retire from you, Mr. President, I know, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. I wish I could have taken leave of tho public councils under more favorable auspieces but without meaning to say at this time, upon whom reproaches should fall on account of that unfortunate condition, 1 think I may appeal to the Senate and the country for the truth of what I say, when I declare that at least no blame on account of these embarrassments and distresses can jus.ly rest at my door. May the blessing of Heaven rest upon the heads of the whole Senate, and every member of it and may every member of it advance still more in fame, and when they shall retire to the bosom of their respective constituencies, may they all meet there that mo-it joyous and grateful of all human rewards, the exclamation of their countrymen,44 well done thou good and faithful servants." Mr. Presdent, and Messeurs Senators, I bid you, one and all, a long, a last, a friendly farewell.

From tie Virginia Advocate (Charlottesville.) THE CREOLE AFFAIR-WAR WITH ENGLAND.

Our Readers will find in another column some account of the debate in the British Parliament on the Creole affair, from which it seems the English Government have no idea of giving up the mutineers of Nassau, in compliance with the demand of our Government, but on the contrary, have actually ordered their release from captivity. The question now arises whether their refusal to surrender these criminals and failure to make indemnity to the owners of the slaves for their loss, will constiute just ground for war, if (as is probable they should persdvere in their refusal. This is a grave question, and should be maturely weighted, for the consequence of such conflict would deeply affect all the interests of humanity. The spirit of the American People will not brook any invasion of their rights by a foreign Power, and if such a case can be made out, we should apprehend war as the only sad alternative. Is this that case

It seems to be conceded on both sides that no treaty stipulations exist on the subject, and this circumstance appears to excite regret in Parliiment. The question must stand, then, upon the broad basis of the Law of Nations, and as this code does not regulate or even recognise the existence of a right of property in slaves, it follows that all we can charge upon England in the premises is a failure to observe and respect those rules of national community which are recognised between civilized and friendly nations. Of this we have just right to complain, and acting upon the principle of the lex talionis, to visit the consequence of ber impoliteness upon herself in her future intercourse with us. But this gives us no ground of war, any more than the failure of a neighbor in private life to return visits and requite civilities would con-

stitute just cause for an assault. We do not suppose that our government would go to war upon intangible abstraction—or upon a question of politeness or oational etiquette. The calamities of war are too vHst in tbe estimation of an enlightened and christianised age, like the present, to justify any nation at the tribunal of public opinion in embroiling its citizens in a contest which did not involve questioos of sound subtance and vital importance. Besides, for reasons which will appear sufficiently obvious, we would rather take issue with England in tbe field on any other of the questions of national debate between us than the case of the Creole: for, through the particular circumstances of our own position in regard to slavery would place us upon perfectly justifiable ground in a contest involving this right, if a proper case were made oat, it would be exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to make those circumstances understood or appreciated abroad. If we are to have war, whk^i every friend to humanity in both countries would deprecate, let our Government take circ to plaon tbe grounds of it anon tbe right of search, or some other ground of the strongest and clearest propriety.

base

-v

Frmm tie BuMsm* Patriat.

ODD! AND BUBS AT "WASHINGTON® Washington, Friday Evening, April 1. The Senate Chamber presented a strange contrast to-day with the appearance of things yesterday. There was a beggarly account of empty boxes above, and below stairs.

The Globe of this morning has a queer article in regard to the late Senator from Kentucky. There is one word of praise to five of censure, and this feeling precisely revers ed, is the prevailing feeling it» Congress and out of Congress among those who have been the most bittlr and personal of Mr. Clay's opponents.

You have Mr. Clay's address in the Intelligencer of this morning. Though a good report, it wants the fire and spirit of the original performance. It varies from the orator as the marble differs from the living soul though beautiful, it wants the divine afflatus which gives to feeling and opinion

the thoughts

that breath and tbe words that burn." Mr. Clay will remain here for two weeks at least before returning to his

beloved Ash

land." The Congressional Dinner will be succeedded by the Bull, which is4io come off" on the 12th inst. being the anniversary of his birth-day.

Mr. C'ittenden, of Kentucky, this morning took the seat which Mr. Clay has occupied for so many years upon the right of the Chamber. The new Senator returns to his old post universally popular. His resignation in the Cabinet was offensive to no one, and it commanded the respect at least of those most opposed to the movement of the late Cabinet. In the Senate Chamber he was distinguished for his intelligence, his eloquence and his urbanity, and ail, therefore, welcome him back. Mr. Crittenden*s public life gives the most unquestioned evidence of the fact, that a man may be an ardent partizan, and unwavering in the maintenance of all his political principies. J"- i&r

Mr. Southard resumed his seat in the Senate Chamber this morning as the Presiding Officer, for tbe first timo since his indisposition.

The Loan Bill was reported from the House to the Senate this morning, and after going through the preliminary form?, was referred to the Committee of Finance. I-, THE DEPARTMENTS FROM 1837 TO 1841.

The Committee on Public Expenditures have improved much of tbe time of the present session of Congress, in examining into the administration of the several Departments under the late Administration. Some extraordinary developemeuts have been made, and if the prominent details could meet the public eye, they would much amaze every one. One of the reports from one of the Committee on Public Expenditures has just come out—let me give you a brief specimen of its contents. In 1837, Congress appropriated two hundred and ten thousand dollars to remove obstructions from the mouth of the Mississippi River. The work was well enough designed, hut so poorly executed, as to create not only long and provoking delay, nnd in the end more money was expended than the large amount appropriated. The expenditure went beyond the appropriation to $2^3,231 and here are some of the details as furnished by the Committee on Public Expenditures: Silver itches, 0386 00 Repairing do, 45 50 Muslin, Musquito bars, 120 00 Dry goods, Carving, 20 00 Painting office sign,, 900 Diving, tt'' I. 10 00 Mess beef,

106 00

Omnibus tickets, 9 75 Hire of carriage at different times, 58 25 Hosiery, 23 00 Refreshments for mien, 25 00 Port wine, 59 25 Oysters, 5 50 Fines to she iff of Charleston, S. C. 14 10 Glass funnels, 5 50 Glass jars,!'" '. 1,r.. 3 50 Hardware, §,$£2 00

THE LAND DI8TRIBUTIOX BILL* It is now contended by the advocates of a repeal of this Bill, that the revenue of the public lands has become indispensible to the General Government. As if some new, unanticipated discovery On the subject, had just been made, when there is not a feature in our present condition that was not distinctly seen when the Bill was passed. This new discovery is all a pretence, got up to cover the awkwardness of backward steps in legislation —steps which we trust no Whig will in this instance consent to take.

It would be parting with the results of*even years of legislative effort rather to lightly. Jacob worked seven years for a wife, and though he got the wrong one, he did not petishly give her up but worked patienty seven years more and then got the right one. We have got the principle of the Distribution Bill and now we will go to work and get tbe thing itself. We will hold on to the principle till we reach nil that lies beyond. No relaxing one's hold, no backstops, no turning to the right or left. Steady and firm and straight ahead is the only course ieft us compatible with consistency, interest, or honor. If Virginia and South Carolina are disposed to throw away their share in the public lands let them do it. Children, in a pet, often throw their "bread and butter" on tbe floor, and then when they get over it, go and pick it up again even with tbe sand of the floor on it. '-.T'V" North American.

IB. CLAY IN NOBTH CAROLINA The Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer writes "An important political movmsnt is about beiug made in North Carolina, which will probably be only the first of a series of similar demonstration to be made in every State of the Unioo. A convention of tbe Whigs of the Old North State will be held at Raleigh, on the 4th day of April next, ^the anniversary of the death of tbe lamented Hirrison,) for the purpose of unconditionally nominating Henry Clay, of Kentucky, for as tbe candidate for tbe Presidency in 1844, and to take into consideration the subject of tbe Vice Presidency with a view to further conference and action on that point. This convention will be held at a season of tbe year rather inconvenient for planters and agriculturists. From fifty to sixty counties will be represented, however—and represented, too, by stern, unflinching, uncompromising patriots, who will not suffer the man who really combines more of tbe love, gratitude ami respect of his country-men than other liviog, to be again sacrifioed to tbe

selfish

practices of few

cunning

and

designing demagogues."

J-

flTwirti.'

MR. W1QR.

Washington, Jtfnrdias, 1843.

GENTLEMAN -Mr. Wiae has occupied the whole day in a speech which, if reported, must disgrace him. fh

It was curious to hear him charge upon the Whigs all the fault of delay, dto., when be himself, and the little clique who follow him, have been principally to blame. I wish jrou would copy a full article of the "Whig" on this subject. It places the Whigs of the House where they ought to be placed—if not doing what they might, by the adoption of the one hour rule, and such a measure as Mr. Stanly proposed, least doing all they could to carry forward the bussiness of the country.

But this same will be blocked. We Whigs are resolvedto put a stop to long, windy speeches and interminable debates. The adoption of Mr. Stanly's measures Will accomplish the latter the one hour rule the former, and when the Tariff*committee report you will find the Houfee ready enough to labor. So cheer up.

Mr. Tyler's message is rcga rded simply as a political move. He wants to break down Congress, and destroy their character bofore the people, and so have a better opportunity to form a third party, and run for the second term. It will not do. The people cannot fail to blame Congress for not aot. ing, that the distress of this land was brought to a focus by him.

As for the Exchequer not a word is said, not even its advoctes pretend to. say that it will answer.*%s*A.D.,

1 THE SPECIAL MESSAGE

Of the fallacy of the President's views, as to the repeal of the Land Bill, we need hardly speak. Stability in legislation is essential to stability in Government. No people can secure general confidence, or maintain steady prosperity, where such stability is wanting. Neither the capitalist, nor foreign power, its own citizens, could feel safe under a government which this year settles a great principle, and the next abandons it, which now avows to tbe world a particular policy, and to-morrow declares it, void. The repeal of the Land Bill, therefore, so far from strengthening the general confidence in our republic, would weaken it.'

T,.

But there are graver objections to the Message. The purposese of repealing the land bill, Mr. Tyler declares to be, to put in pledge the public dominion, so that money lenders may feel safe in loaning ihe Government! What a thought I As if any American, chary of the name he bears, and proud of the honor of his country,could think it necessary to do more for home or foreign capitalist, than to pledge the word of the nation. The moment that more is required, that moment our character is sacrificed. And yet, as if this mighty nation were a bank corporation or a petty broker, its head talks of offering security! The public domain is to be mortgaged to the public creditor A rotten parchment it will prove whenever we feel obliged to give, or a creditor to ask, for such security, and we are mortified that our President should, for a moment, urge such a proposition.

Cin. Gat.

PRESIDENT TYLERT

It will be seen, has transmitted to Congtt&i a Special Message, redommed ing among many suggestions, which we heartly approve, a Repeul of the Distribution Law. We most ardently hope that this suggestion will not be carried into effect. Such a step, once taken, can never be retraced for the now apportionment under the census of the 1840 will give so overwhelming an increase of strength in the House to the new States, that the Public Lands, will by Graduation, Cession, or still looser Pre-emption Laws, bo wrested entirely froitt the old States within five years, and given up to those in which they severally lie. Regarding this as a question of securing to or alieanting from old States a vast domain uhich is justly their own~-theirs by trial, suffering, blood and victory—we cannot concur in any measure which shall operate to weaken the tenure by which they now hold them.

This is but one of many objections to tho Repeal of the Distribution Law. We object, at the outset, to any system of Finance which shall leave the Government to subsist out of of its property—to live like a spendthrift by cutting down his timber and selling ucre after acre of his estate. This policy we can never concur in. There is no need of it. Put up the Tariff, so as to afford adequate protection to our Home Industry, aud there will be no need of recalling the. Land Distribution. Let Congress but do this, and the dishonest Stntes will be deprived of the argument of necessity for the disgraceful Repudiation of their heavy responsibilities.*—N. Y. Tribune, IV, ri *s5 ...

WAR WITH ENGLAND.

The Tyler presses from the Madisonian down to tho Old School Republican, are anxious to embroil tho United States in a war with England. At all events, they would be glad to handle about fifty millions of dollars in pretending to put tbe country in a state of

W at an ad

When tbe people of the United States fesl in the humor of forcing Great Britain to a settlement of our outstanding subject* of complaint, it can be done in six months, without the expense of a dollar, or the waste of a drop of blood. How? Starve her to it I 8fop trading with her Don't let a ship come into our ports, with a pickayune's value of her fabrics! In three months, five millions of ber subjects would be out of employment and destitute of bread, and revolution at home, or an arrangement with us would be the issue. In tho meantime we should make fifty million* of dollars by not purchasing that amount of good* from ber manufactures. Talk of WAR under such oircumstaooes*

-4

It is ft

perfect Virginia abstraction!—O. State Jour.

Item.

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wss is company with aim when be rode by himself. Comae!: Tos may eland aside, air. The Pbiaddptes Gasette ear*.—Hons*- kreprrs are breaking up and removtag into amaller apartments all over the eity. 80 much furniture aa ia daily sow. woald supply 1 be demands of new hooss-keskers for n»any yeers. Many people ore takinc board enatnf* a generally laadaaey in mw piwrisioiie. bwreins, Ilc. tadinllt in decline. We notiea ia New-York Ac. cfadttally to decline. We noiiea tfca: targe a umber* of people are ,oit