The Wabash Courier, Volume 10, Number 31, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 9 April 1842 — Page 2

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valornm tcr ciple uwiirn iuar me autv value of the article taxed the specific principle impnsrs equal duty on article* greaily unequal in value. Cofjee,-for example, (end it i*an article which always stiggests itself to my thought*.) i» n« of the Articles on which a specific duty has been levied. ft is perfectly well known that the Mocha eotwew -^worth nt leovt twice "as much aa the coffee ot si. ^Domingo or Cuba, yet both pay the same t»m^auiy. Jthe t.ix has no respect to the valn«. *^owevJl levied on all articl'** of a Bprctfic kim. ahk .j^ariuue and unequal may he their value* Tj 5l Jn theory, atw! according to every Wiics. the ad valarm mode of taxation is the preferpuce. There «. I aamit, one objection to it.

Sihciuioan article is a ma. l« subject to opinion, flnd m,fn?onB "vill ever rare. «iher Wsily. or fratiHolcntly. there ia some difficulty tn preventing r[„L" j2, ith the home venation proposed by mr fr£ml Yrrt'ni Rhode Island. {Mr. Simmon,) the ad valornm nstehtenn be ndop'ed with all practicable g*ft:tv. n"i

IVb" lmll'!e

frnii'l which

to th(,8s

are

chances only of

inevitable under any and every

AuaUi tVhat has been ihe fuel from the origin of t}„. (Jovernment until now} The articles from which the amount of revenue has been drawn, such us woollens, iincna, »ilkp, cottons. wnrsie«fs, and a fewfl titers, ve all be»jn taxed on the ad valornm principle, and there has been no difficulty in the operation, believe. upon the whole, that it is the best mode. I believe that if weadopt fixed rate ofad wdornm wher» ever it carl le done." the revenue will be subjected to fewer f.n'uds than the ir.jnstice and frauds incident to sperific duties. One of the most prolific sources of the violation of owr revenue laws has biv/f. a? every body knows, the ff»rt to eet in zoods of a finer quality and higher value admitted under the lower rated ditty required for ihoso of a lower value- The honorable tfentlcmntj from Ne.v Hampshire (Mr. WoodUtirv) and llieiionarsbleSenator from New York (Mr. Wright) botli mm! I know this But if the duty was la irfad valnrum fieri* could he no motive for such an effort, «ml the frAud, in its present form, would hnve no place. In England, as all who have read the able ropmtnwtUUv Mr. Hume, a Scottish member in the House oi ObrtimanK rr.ust perceive, they seem to be Btving 6p specific duties.and the tendency in the public imnd appear* to be. instead of having a variety of specific duties and a variety of ad valorum duties, to lisve one permanent fixed rate of duty for all articles. I am willing, I repeat, to adhere to this great principleas laid down in the compromise act. If there be those who suppose that, under the specific form of duty, higher degree of protection can be secured than under ihe other mode, I would observe thai the actual measure of protection does not depend upon the form but on the amount of the duty which is levied on the foreign article.

Assuming that we are to adhere to this principle, then everyone of the leading Principles of thesntneact can he adhered to and carrier! fully out for I again assort that the iden thnt duties are always to remain at precisely twenty percent, ond never to vnry from that point, be the extgenciesof Government what they may, does not belong to the language of the .act, nor is it required by any one of its provioions.

The next resolution I have proposed to the considtrillion of tlir Senate is this: Jtesolind. That the provision in the act of the extra session for the distribution of the proceeds ol the public lands, requiring the operation of that net to be suspended in the contingency of a higher rate of duty than twenty per cerft., ought to be repealed.

Now, according to 'he calculations I have made, the repeal of the clause in question and the recall of the proceeds of the sales of public lands from the States, even if inntlc, will not dispense with the necessity of a great iucreuse in the existing rate of taxation. I have shown that a duty of thirty per cent, will not be too much to furnish the requisite amount of revenue for a just and economical administration of the Government. And how much of that rate will be reduced should yon arid to the revenue trom imports the million and a half (which was the amount realized the last venr) derived from sales of the public domain? It will be but the difference between 30 and about 284. For, sinco 30 percent, yields revenue of twenty-six millions, one per cent. will bring about $900,000 and every million of dollars derived from the lands will reduce your taxation on imports only f900.000 if you get a million and half from the londs, it will reduce the taxes only from 30 to 28i per c#»nt. or if you get three millions, as some gentlemen insist will be the onw, then you will save taxes in the amount of the difference between 30 per cent, and about 27 per cent. This will he the whole extent of benefit derived from tfiis land fund, which some Senators have supposed would be so abundant ns to relieve us from all necessity of additional taxation at all. I put it, then, to everv Senator, no matter whether he was opposed to the land bill or n«t, whether he is willing, for the sake of this trifling difference, between 30 and 284 per cent, or between 30 mid 27 per cent, to disturb a great, momentous and perplexing subject of our national policy, which ia now »csetlled, and thereby show such an example of instability in legislation as will be t-x-hibited by the fact o( unsettling so great a quesijen within Ici«s than eight months after it had been fixed, on the most mature consideration? If gentlemen can, make more out of the land loud than I have here stated it likely to yield, I shall be glad to hear on what ground they rest their calculations I say that uli the difference it will produce in the amount of our increased taxation is the difference between 30 nnd 284 or between 30 an.! 27 per cent. Will you, I repeat ihe question, when it is absolutely and confessedly necessary that more revenue shall be raised, and the mode in which it may be done is fraught wiih so many nnd so great benefits to the country, os I shall presently show, will you disturb a great ami vexed national question for the sake of «'king out in so trifling a decree tlie amount to be rai:ed? But let us look at the subject in another view. The resources on which Government should depend for paying the public creditnrand maintaining inviolate the national laitbniid credit, ought to be such as to admit of soma certain estimate and calculation. Put what possible reliance can be placed on fund so fluctuating and variable as that which is derivable Irom the sales of the public lands? We have seen it rise to the extraordinary heiuht of twentysix millions in one year, nnd in less than six years afterwards fall down to the low amount of one million and a half.

The next resolution affirms a proposition which I hope will receive ths unanimous consent of the Senate. It ts ns foliows:

Jietnlvrd, Thnt it is the duty of Government at all times, but more especially in a season snch ns now exis**, of general embarrassment and pecuniary distress, to abolish all useless institutions and officers,'to curtail all unnecessary expenses, and to practice rigid economy.

And t'*e seventh resolution declares That the contingent expense* of the two Houses of Congress ought to be greatly reduced.and ihe mileage of members of Congress ought to be tegulated and more clearly defined.

It has appeared tome that the process of retrenchment of the public expenses and refartu of existing abuses ought to begin in an especial manner here, with •mrsrlves, in Concrpss itself. wh*re is found one of the moat extravagant of all the branches of the Government. We should begin at home, and encourage the work of retrenchment by our own example I have before me ^document which exhibits the gradual progress In the contingent expensesf the two Houses of Congress from I$20 to 1340, embracing a period of twenty years, divided into terms four years apart, and it shows that the amount of the contingent luml has advanced from $86,000, which it was in 1824, to Si.000 in 1S33. a rate of increase not greater than was proper considering the progress of the country to 9.65,000 in 1836, and in 840 it amounted, under an

Administration which charged that in 1834 with extravagance, to the enormous sum of $384,333! I am jseal'y eorrv, for thmeredi*. ol Congress, to he obliged io read a statement exhibiting such shameful, such proftigat* waste- And allow me here to say, without any intention of being uukind to those a {tie and com* netent ofBeersk the Secretary of the Senate and the £lerk*ol the House of Representatives, (not the present Clerk.) ihat they ought to bear a share of tlw retponsibility for the great and sudden growth or this expenditure. How did it arise? The Clerk presents his ret una te of the sum that will be necessary, snd the1 Committee of Ways and Means, being busily occupied in matter of greater moment, take it without sufficient examination, and insert it at once in the appropriation bill. But I ipetst that it should he cut down to a sum of which mrtabet* of Congress may with some decency speak to their CMmitWRts. A salutary reform has been commenced in the House of Representative*, whirh ought to he followed up here. They have already .stricken $100,000 from the contingent fund lor l«wh Houses hut thevshould go much lower. I hoM there will be another item of retrenchment, In

(llxtnga

reasonable maximum amount to be allowed far stationery furnished to the members of Congrewu Ifthta shall he adopted.

Butch will have been done, for

this is one of th* owet fraii fa! sources of Congressional extravagance. I am told that the Stationery furnished during the 95th Congress averagea more than $100 per head to each member- Can aoy man believe that any such amount as tha can be necessary! Is it not an tos'ance of profligate waste and profusion/

Mv next resolution is directed to th* expeoaea of the Judicial department of the Government: 4£Xr»ofe«f. That the eipmsesof the Judicial depart

Went of Government have of lati* years, been greatly t&creeseri, an* ought to be diminished. In this deportment. sh», there has been a vast aofementation of the expense*, and sach an one as calls a thorough investigation The amount of the appropriation* for (he Judicial department has aprm»» $30 900. which it was in 1884, tt$471j000, at which it stood for the year 1840. Can any matt he* tieve that tftia lata all been fairlv done that depart* rncnt sctaally ntqiina tha expositors every year of

th** c®c*w

ryr?**nt.tll'fT*»

«y

tn the contingent expenses

tint!?* Panting, foe which they

I have no doubt that have great the clerks,

ought"to i» beid responsible for this enormous increase. Without any intention to indulge in any invidious diati net ions. I think I could name a district in which ereat abases prevail, and the expenditures are four or five times greater than they are in any other district through! the country. I hope this whole matter will be tborongflff'* investigated, and that some necessary restraints willbe imposed Upon this branch of the publie service, lam truly sorry thatin a branch of the Government which for iis purity and uprightness, fras*ver iKtten distinguished, mild whicfi^o well'inert'* the admiration of the whole'country, there should have occured so discredible an increase in the expense* of Me practical ndministrai ion.

The next resolutions asseris— That the diplomatic relations of the United Slates withforeicn Powers, have been unnecessarily extended during the last twelve years, and ought to be reduced.1'

I will no*, dwell long on this subject. I must remark, however, that since the days of Mr. Adams' adminifitration the number of foreign ministers of the second'' grade lias nearly tripled. VVliy, we have niinisfrs abroad

who

are seeking for the Governments

to which thev are accredited, and -the Governments are not to he found! We have ministers at Constantinople and Vienna—antf for w|jat We havean unreciprocated mission to Naples—and for what There was at the Isst session an attempt to abolish this appointment, but it- unfortunately failed. One would think that in such a one-sided, unreciprocated diplomacy. if a regard to economy did not prompt us todiscontinue the relation, national prde would. In like manner, we might look round the coasts of Europe and of ihis continent, nnd find mission afti mission which rhere seems to be no earthly utility in retaining. But I forbear.

On the subject of mileage, 1 hope there mar be an effort to equalize it justly, ond render it tmiform, and that the sa tne allowance wil4 be mads for the same distance traveled, whether by land, by water, or by steam rotite, or whether the distance be ascertained by horizontti or stgr&ee measurement. I think the former the best mWto^niucause if limits us t^a single and simple enquiry, ami leaves no open door for abuses. I hope therefore, that we shall adopt it.

The next resolution of the series reads thus fiisolued. That the franking privilege ought to be further restricted, the abusive uses of it restrained and punished, the postage on letters reduced, the mode of estimating distances more clearly defined and prescribed, and a small addition to postage made on books, pamphle's, and packages transmitted by the mail, to be graduated and increased according to their respective weights.

The franking privilege has been most direfully abused We have already reached a point of abuse, not to say corruption, though the government has been in operation but about fifty years, which it has taken Great Britain centuries to attain. Blank envelopes. I have heard it said, ready franked, have been enclosed to individuals at a distance, who have openlv boasted that their "correspondence is free of charge. The limitation as to weight is now-extended tn two ounces But what of this if a man may semi under his frank a thousand of these two-ounce packages The limitation should be to the total weight included in any single mail, whether the packages be few or many. The report of the Postmaster General, at a former session, stales the astounding fact. that, the whole amount transported in the mails, ninety Jloc per cent goes free of duty, and letters of business and private correspondence have to defrav the expenses of the whole. It is monstrous, and calls loudly for some provision to equalize the charge The present postage on letters is enormously high in proportion to the other business of the country. If you will refuse to carry those packages, which are now transmitted by mail, simply because, in that mode, they can travel free of cost, you will greatly relieve the business interests of the country which now bear nearly the whole burden of all the rest. This it is your duly to do. Ket us throw at least, a fair portion of the burden on tliose who receive at present, the whole of the benefit. Again. The law is very loosi'and uncertain as to the estimation ol distances. Since the introduction of steam travel, the distance travelled has, in many cases increased, while the time consumed has been shortened. Take as an illustration, case near at hand. The nearest distance from hear to Frederick city, in Marylaud, is forty-four miles but il you go hence to the Depot on the Baltimore road, and thence take the train to Frederick, you arrivy sooner, but the distance is increased by one hundred iniles. Now, as letters are charged according to the miles traveled, I hold it very wrong to subject a letter to more than double charge in consequence of adopting a longer route in distance, though a a shorter in time. Such cases ought to be provided against by scecific rules.

I come now to ihe last resolution offered, which is as follows Ranolvtd, That the Secretaries of State, or the Treasury, of War, and of the Navv Departments, and the Postmaster General, b« severally directed,as soon ns practicable, to report what offices can be abolished, and what retrenchments of public expenditure can be made without ptihllc detriment, in the respective branches of the public service under their charge.

We all know that if the heads of Departments will not go to work with us honestly and faithfullr.in truth and sincerely, Congress, thus unaided, can effect comparatively but little. I hope they will enter with us on this good work of retrenchment and reform. I shall be the last to express in advance nnv distrust ol their upright Intentions in Ihis respect The only thing that alarms me is, that two ol these departments have come to us asking lor impropriations far beyond any that Imve heretofore been demanded in time of peace, and that with a full knowledge of the fact of an empty Treasury. But I still hope, when, tiiey shall see Congress heartily, in earnest, engaged in retrenching unless expenditure, and reducing estimates that cannot be cotnplie I with, that they will boldly bring out to view all abuses which exist in theirsevernl spheres of action, and let ns apply the priming-knife so as to reduce the national expenditure within some proper and reason* able amount. At all events, they are, ol course, most familiar whh the details of the subject as it relates to their several branches ol the Administration. Among other items there are several useless mints which onlv operate to waste the money. A friend, occupied in investigating this subject, has told me that the mint in New Orleans has already cost the country half a million of dollars for getting ready to coin bullion not yet due out of the mine [Mr. Berriin here spoke something not heard by the Reporter in relation to the mint at Dalilonega, which excited much mirth in the neighboring part of the Chamber.]

While every piece of coin made by these useless establishments could just as well be coined by the central mint at Philadelphia.

And now, having gone through with all the details of this series of resolutions, which I thought it my duty to notice, allow me. in drawing to a conclusion of these remarks, to present some of the advantages which il appears to me should urge us to adopt the system of financial arrangement contemplated in the resolutions.

Ami first. The Government will, in this way, wcure to itself an adequate amount of revenue, without being obliged to depend on temporary and disreputable expedients. and thus preserve the public credit unsullied— which I deem a great advantage of the plan. Credit is Of incalculable value, whether to a nation or an individual. England, proud England, country with which we may one day again come in conflict—though il gives me pleasure to say that I cagnot perceive at present the least "speck of war" in the political horizon—owes her greatness, her vastness of power .pervading the habitable globe, maitij^r to her stricl&nd unilonn attention to the preservation of the national credit.

S. Tito next thing recommended is retrenchment in the national expenditure, and greater economy in the administration ol the Government. And do we not owe to this bleeding country, to oursdvw, and the unparalleled condition of the times, to exhibit to tie world a fixed, resolute, and patriotic purpose to reduce the public expenditure to an economical standard. 3. But mftch more important advantage than either of those I have vet adverted to is to be found in the check which the adoption of this plan will impose on the efflux of the precipes metals from this country foretgn emntri»s. shall not now go into the causes by which the country hasbe^n brought down from the elevated eondition of prosperity it once enjoyed to its present state ol general embarrassment and distress. I think that those causes are as distinctly in my understanding and memory as any subjects were ever impressed there but I have no desire to go inro a diwtneion which can only revive the remembrance of unpleoaint topic*. My purpose, my fixed purpose on th« necawo*, has been to appeal to all gentlemen on all political sides of this Chamber to come out and make a aacrificv of all leaner differences in a patriotic, generous, and general effort for the relief of their coamry. I shail not open those bleeding wooods which havct in too manr instances, been inflicted by brotheiV hands—especially will I not do so at this time, and on this occasion. I shall look merely at facta as they are. shall not ask what have been the remote csosea of the dfpeeesion and wretchedness of oar once ytarioosand happy country. will turn mv view only oncett*r« which are proximate, indisputable and int* mediately W«r- oa.

On* great, if not sole, canst is to be foamf%t the withdrawal of coin from the country to pay debts accrued at accruing abroad for foreign imports or debts contracted during former periods of prosperity, and ami hanging over tip couetrv. How thai withdrawal «ea in practice is not difficult to be understood, ai the nks country, when thev are in a ammd

operate Theba state, act upon this coin as the bains of their circulation and discounts the withdrawal of it not only •bltgea the banks to withhold disemmtaand occommodattoos. bat to draw what is due from their defeat*, si the precsne time when they, sharintr in the general stricture, are least able to meet the call*. Propimv ia then thrown into the market to raiae meana to comply with those demands, depremion ensnes,ai»d, asia invariably the case wheat there is downward tendency in us vatu*. it felts below ita rest srarib. Batdnfanwa demand (or specie te pay commercial and tuber p«Mie

§88

debts operates directly upon the precious metals them* selves, which are gathered up by bankers and brokers and others, obtained from these depositories, and thence exported. Thus this foreiga demand has a double operation, one upon the banks, and through them upon the community, and the other sptm tw cnjftf the country. Gcntb-men, in mvjamble optairfn, utterly derive themselves in a«tri'ju'the MRiltlivg umi. tiitMoa alf the dmresacf the country. D.«ubtleas the ftrronenusaird Kkatfarcirnt administration of sutne of ihem has occasioned much local and individual distress. But this would be temporary and limited, whilst the other cnuse-^the conti*tjcd efflux ofcjgx^ie from theConintry—if not airesrcH, would peracit trees. Could you annihilate every herix in the Union, and barn every bank note, and sitbs'ituie in their place a circulation of nothing but the precious metals, as long as such a tariff continues as now exists, two years would not elapse till you would find, the imperative necessity of some proper medium for conducting the domestic exchange.

I announce only an historical truth when declare, that during, and ever since our colonial existent^, necessity has given rise to the existence of a paper circulation of s»me form in every colony on this continent and there woe a perpetual struggle between the Crown and Royal Governors on one hand, and the colonial Legislatures on :he other, on this very subject of paper money. No if you had to-morrowa circulation consisting of nothing but the precious metals, thev would leave youjte-tho morning dew leaves the fields, and yhu would he left under the necessity of devising a mode to fill thechasm produced by their abscnce 1 am ready to make one concession to the gentlemen on the otherside. I admir that, if the circulation were in coin alone, the thermometer of our monetary fluctuations would not rise aahigh or fall as low as when the circulation is of a mixed character, consisting partly of coin and 'partly-of paper. But then the fluctuations 'hemselves, within a more circumscribed range, would

va*T£?,ur,conn.'ry*

What, then, is to be done to check this foreign tradef -We hove tried free trade. We have had of free trade over-rated on more than half the tota mount of our comforts for the greater part of nine years past. Thnt will not do it, wesee^ Do let mlT recall to the recollection of the Senate, the period when the protective system was thoaght about to be permanently established. What was the great argument then urged against its establishment It was this, that, if duties duties were laid directly for protection. then we most resort to direct taxation to meet the wants of the Government—every body mns: make up their minds to a svBtem of internal taxation. Look at the debate in the House of Representatives of 1821, and you will find that that was the point on which the great stress was laid. Well it turned out as the friends of protection told vou it would. We said that snch would not be the effeci. True, it would diminish importation, as it did but the augmented amount of taxes would more than compensate for the reduced aniount of goods—this we told you and we were right.

How has free trade operated on other great interests? I well remember that, fen yearsago, one of the most gifted sons of Sonili Carolina. (Mr. Hayne.) after drawing a most vivid and frightful picture of the south —of fields abandoned—houses dilopidated—overseers becoming masters, and masters overseers-^general stagnation nnd approaching ruin—a picture, which I confess, filled me with dismay—cried out to us abolish your tariff— reduce our revenue to the standard of an economical Government—and once more the fields of bonth Carolina will smile with beauty—her embarrassments will vanish—commerce will return to her harbors, labor IO her plantations, augmented prices for her staple, and contentment and prosperity and universal happiness to her oppressed people. Well, we did reduce the inriff. and after nine years of protection, we have had nine years of a descending tariff dnd of free trade Nine years, [from 1833 to 184?,J we have had the full operation of free trade on more than a moiety of the whole amount of our imports, a descending tariff on the residue. And what is the condition of South Carolina at this dayT Has she regained her lost prosperity? Has Bhe recovered from the desolation and ruin so confidently impnted to the existence of a high tariff? I believe if the gentleman from South Carolina could be interogaied here, and would respond in candor, unbiased bv the delusions engendered by a favorite but a delusive theory, he would tell us that she has not experienced the promised prosperity which was dwelt upon with so much eloquence by his fellow-citizen. How is it in regard io the great staple of the South'.' How stand the prices of cotton during these nine years of the descending tariff and the prevalence of free trade. How do these years compare with the nine years ol protect tion ond high tariff? Hus the price of cotton increased, as we were told it would, by the talented South Carolinian 1 It has happened thnt during the nine

lo 1833, higher thqji during the nine year ing mriff nnd free rrftile and a' the

speaking. I understand that cotton issellingat lower rates than has ever been realized sincc the war With Great Britain. I know wiih what tenacity thecrist adhere to a favorite theory, and search out for imagin' ry causes of results before their eyesand deny theiruth I am not going into the land ol abstractions and of metaphisics. There are two great, leading, incontesoble facts, which gentlemen must admit: First* that a high tarifTdid not put down the prices of staple commodities antl, second, that a low tariff and free trade have not been able to save them from depression.— These are the facts. Let casuists and theorists, and the advocates of a one sided paralytic free trade, in which we turn our sound side to the world, and our biyghted and paralixed and dead side towards our own people, make of them what they can. At the very moment that England is pushing ihe resources of Asia, culiiyating the fields ol India, and even contemplating the subsidizing of Airicn, for the supply of her factorirs. with cotton, and when tha importation from India ho v^ swelled from 200.000 bales t«» 580,000, we are told there are to be no restrictions on free trade.

Let me no* be misunderstood, and let me entreat that I may not be misrepresented. I am not adv6eating the revival of a high protective tariff I am for abiding by the principles of the comrpomise act. I am for doing what tio Somhern man of a fair or candid mind hos ever yet denied—giving to the country a revenue which moy provide for the economicle wants of the Government, and at the same time give an incidental protection to our home industry. If there be here a single gentleman who will deny the lairncee and propriety of this, I shall be glad to see and hear who he is.

To this check on the flow of specie abroad, to pay either a commercial or a public debt, will operate by the impoaition of duties to meet the wants of ihe Gov-ernment-!—will keep the precious metal at home to a much greater extent than is now possible. I hope we shall learn to live within our own means, and not remain so dependent as we now are on the mere good pleasure ana domestic policy of foreign Governments We go for revenue,—for an amount of revenue adequate loan economical administration of the Government. We can get such revenue noWhere else than from a tariff on importations. No man in his senses will propose a resort io direct or in»ernal taxes. And this arrangement of the tariff, while it answers this end, will at the same time oporate as a check on the efflux of the preciousmeial, and retain what ia necessary for the purpose of exchange and circulation.

The fourth advantage attending ihe adoption of the system proposed, will i»e, that the State* will be left in the undisturbed possession of the land fund secured to ihem by the act of the last aeasion, and which waa intended to aid them in tha emparrassments under which some of them are now laboring.

And the last is that to which I havealrcatfy adverted, via: that it will aflord^ indirectly, protection to the interests of American industry. And the most bitter and persevering opponent 10 the protective policy I ever met with, has never denied that it both the right and duty of Government so to lay the taxes necessary 10 the public services aa to afford incidental tecticn to our own home industry.

But it is said that, by the adopt 00 of one fixed arbitrary maximum of atlvalorem duty we shall not derive that measure of protection which is expected, and 1 admit that there may be cectain articles, the product of the mechanic arts—such, for instance, aa shoes, hsts, and ready-made clothing, and sugar, iron and papersome or all of which may not derive the protection they neen under the plan I propose. On that subject I can only say, what 1 said at the time of the passage of the compromise act, if some lew articles shall not prove to be sufficiently protected beneath the established maximum rate, 1* should hope that, in the spirit of harmony ard conipromsse. additional duties, shove that rate, sufficient afford reasonable protection tn those few articles, by general consent, would be imposed. I am not at present, prepared to say whether tlie rale I have suggested will afferd adeouaie protection to these particular interest or not I fear i» mar not- But it the subject shall be looked at in the spirit of patriotism, without party bias or local influence*, it will he found that the few an ides alluded to are so diet ribs ted or are of such a nature as to furnish the grounds of fnendly adjustment. The interest of the soger of ths South may beset against the iron of the centre, and the productions of the mechanic arts, which, although prevailing every where, are mostly concentrated at the North. With respect 10 these, witeout reference to eny system of proteetiee, they have bet* at ail times protected. And who that baa a been or the sympathies of a man. can sa or fed 1 baiters, tailors, snd shoemakers, should not be protected againat the rival productions of other eoontrrst Who would not my that the sboefltaker, who mesea the shoes of his wife— his own wife according to the proverb, being the la* woman in the partab that is supplied with hers—shall no* be protected Thet the tailor, who furnishes Inn w.ih new east, er the hatter, that makes htm anew bet. to go to church, to attend a wydding or christening, or to visit bis neighbor, ahali not be adequately protected

Than there io the saaiiatial article of iron—tbet is* greet cennmi interest. Wbstberitwill repairs a high-

.t»

:smL

te qurte as numerous, and they will and must exwt so1 ~Tf the nation does not want protection I certainly tong as such a tariff remains as forcee the precious metals abroad. again repeat the osaertion that, could you annihilate lo*morro4rtvety bank in the country. the very same deaeripiion of embarrassment, if not itil sive "ground of expediency," to give my assent to tftfcpame degree, woald atill be found which apw pfep* suitable measures proposed with-* viewto tha»«nd.

tariff wars the avar»fe price-of tfMrotrwtfa, front 182T "^otlf. With one tftnind theTittle fellow caught

rte

ears of des end instant »m

er degree of protection than it wift derive from eucb a system as I have sketched, I have not sufficient information to decide, but this I am prepared to

I* be-1

matter up and make out tbeir case to be an exception to the general arrangmeut. When I speak of the rep. resentatives of these States, I mean-their entire delegation, without regard to political denominationa or distinction. They muM look into the matter, and as they take It upantf bring forward their propositions, and make out a clear cawvof exception to the general

ic the riis- rule, 1 shall be an bumble follower of their lead, but miii not liavself take the lead in any such Case. If thesw Stjtes want certain interests protected, they must send deflfeeatce here who are prepared to protect them.

Such a State cannot reasonably expect Senators from other Suites, having no direct, local, or particular concern in «ich interests, to force on her the protection of her own. interests and against her own will, as that will is of officially expressed by her Representatives in Congress I apin say, I am ready to fellow, hut will not lead.

With me, from the firs! moment I conceived the idea of creating, at home, a protection for the production of whatever is needed to supply the wants of man, up to this moment, it has always beta purely a question of expediency. I never could comprehend the constitutional objections which to some gentlemen seem so extremely obvious. I could comprehend to be sure, what these gentlemen mean to argue, hut I never had the least belief in the constitutional objection which slept from 1789, Tor rather, which reverses the doctrine of 1789J till it suddenly waked up in 182&. Then, for the first time since the existence of the Constitution, was the doctrine -advanced that we could not legitimately afford any protection to our own home industry against foreign and adverse industry. I say that with me it always was a question ol"expmiiency only.

upoi

viewing it as a question of expediency wholly I have not hesitated heretofore, on the broad and comprehenall

The dentfte will p« rceive that I have forborne to

into detail^espgpialjy in regard to the urgency of re-

le#-" form and retrenchment, wi thxwe or two exceptions.

I have presented to it a system of policy embodied hi these resolutions containing those grcar~principles in 1 believe that the interest, prosperity and happiness of the offlriitry are deeply involved—principles adoption of .which alone can place the finances of ihegowmmenttipon a respectable fooling, and free us from a condition of servile dependence on the legislation of foreign nations. I have persuaded myself that the system now brought forward will be met in a spirit of candor and patriotism, and in the hope that whatever

ttle best mode of relieving the public distress. It is in this spirit that I have brought forward my proposed

on all sides of the Chamber, will lay aside all party feelings, and more especially that habitual suspicion to which we are all more or less prone, [and Irom which I-profess not to be exempted more than other men,] that impels us to reject without examination, and to distrust whatever proceeds from a quarter we have been in the. habit ot opposing. Let us lay aaide prejudice let us look at the distresses of our country, and these alone- I trust that in this spirit we ahall examine these resolutions, and decide upon them according to the dictaiea of our consciences, and in a pure and patriotic regard to the welfare of our country-.

THE DRUMMER BOV OF LUNDY'S LANE.— Major Gen. Winfield Scott, while on the frontier during the late border difficulties, at a complimentary dinner given him by ihe citizens of Cleaveland, related the following characteristic anecdote that occurred during the battle of Lundy's Lane in the last war: In the very midst of the battlo his attention was arrested by observingat little distance whereat whole compauy of riflemen hadt just been cut down by the terrible fire of the enefliy, three drummer boys quarrreling for a single drum, all that was left to them. Soon the two strongor ones went to "fisticuffs," ^hile the third quietly folded his arms, awaiting the issue of the contest. At thet moment a connon ball struck the boys and killed them iefttl

the drum from be ween them ancT with a shout of triumph and loud "tattoo," dashed forward to the "thickest of the fight." Said the General, "I so admired the little soldier that I rode after him and enquired his name, which was ,and directed him to find meat close of the battle, but I never saw him aftervards At this moment, Mr. ,one of the most respectable merchants in Cleavland arose, and with a smile and bow, informed the company, that he was the "Drummer Boy of Lundy's Lane."

DON'T DANCE WITH GENTLEMEN.—Dr. flfott, in his new book of travels, states thnt while at a ball in Greece' he was introduced to a beautiful girl, the daughter of the cele« bated Marco Bozzaris. She was studying English, She said, that she might read in our own tongue, the spirit-stirring lines of HalJlck addressed lo her father. The Doctor asked her to dance, and she replied, "that a true Greek girl never danced except with her own sex"

From the Auburn (N. Ki Journal of Wednetday. A PAIXFUL TRANSITION. On Monday last the term of service of one of the convicts in the Auburn State Prison, named Philip Crater, came to an end. But before he had been suffered to taste for a moment thte breath of freedom in the open air, an officer was ready to take him again into custody* It seems that he was sent here four years ago from Tioga county, having been found guilty of theft and during his term of service, he had told three of the other convicts, either by way confession or braggadocio, we know not which, but likely the latter, that he had, while keeping a tavern about twelve years since, murdered a pesdlar—that his body had been deposited under his wood house, but tiras a/Wward buried naar the Susquehnpnnh river, about six miles from Oswego. And that thepedtar's waggon had been by bim broken to pieces, and the iron worked up for him by a blacksmith in the vicinity.

These circumstances were soon related by the convicts lo the keeper, who thereupon took MOrtfrc pains to inquire into their truth. On searching on the spot designated as the one on which the corpse had been buried, the shin bones of a man were found, the river having so far washed away the bank as to exhibit them about fifteen inches below the surface,— the feet bones were washed

forget our prejudices and agree to bury our transient Governments^! r-urope—in reference to Enganrmosiiiesdeepat thealiarofourcommon country,and Jand* who had heaped outrage upon outrage come together as an assemblage of friends and brothers „,i,Lk and compatriots met in common consultation to devise

off

and gone, and

inquiring of the blacksmith, it was ascertained that he had, not far from the time designated, worked up old waggon iron for this individual.

Tbe corporation being thus strong, the sheriff ol that county waa here, and by a tittle after eight on the morning of his release be was moviog oat of the village in the Ithaca stage towards the place of hia former residence, as a murderer!

This same being boasts (to the convicts) also of having knock'd over" a fellow in the AfW-gany Mountains and robbed him of 9400 or $1400—says the4chap'said be had 93000 with him, but after killing him be found, one convic( says 9400, another says 91400.— Crater at this time owns a km farm, worbt from ,97,000 to 910,000.

Infinite goodness is of so communicative a nature that it seems to delight in conferring of eariitanoe upon every degreo of perUfitiwi being* is$ a,

-v

'p»

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27th CONGRESS. SENATE. MARCH 38TH. General Reports were mnde from the S|and-

Committees, when Mr. King,of AtefcsJttw, red a resolution, calling on the President of the United Slates for information in relation to our affairs with Mexico. Th© correspondence feetwrcii the American Minister at Mexico, Arid all the Diplomatic correspondence is called for, if not incompatible with the public interest. The resolution, as was expected, led to a debate 1\4r. King took occasion to refer to the rumors which were put afloat in reference to the American Minister at Mexico. These rumors all reprcs3nt the Minister as defiiect to the performance of hi*" duty. He thought, that official information would disprove all such suggestions, and to that end be had drawn up a resolution calling for information, if not incompatible with the public interest by which the country would*be placed in possession of the correspondence between the public agents of the two countries*

Mr. Preston suggested that the resolution should not be acted upon until to-morrow. He had received despatches in twenty-one days, which contained importnnt information. It was voluminous, and would take some time to spread il before the people when it should have been digested, he would have the resolution adopted, and the call answered. It was due to the American Minister and to the Ortion that the conduct of the official minister of the Government should be known. The charges preferred against Mr. Ellis were of a grave character. He did not know whether it was true or not, but, whether itwastrueor not, il was a piece of information which all of us should know. 1

Mr. Sevier was glnd the ^Solution had been adopted, and he hoped it would be followed up

UP°® us* a°d

to which we had most shume

upon us, fully submitted for so many years. He hop*

.. ,. .1. ed, reference to England, that less would be

plan and 1 trust in God—invoking as I humbly dp the ., r« i_- ir aid and blessing of his Providence—that the Senators Said and more done, ror himself, he was .. fJ

./• rendy to vote, and not disposed to talk. The resolution was then laid upon the table until to morow.

Mr. Preston in a short time called for the consideration of his resolution submitted on Wednesday Inst nnd in relation to the finances of the Government.

Mr. Linn, of Missouri, submitted an amendment to the resolution in reference to the necessity of securing the public ci$dit by pledging the public domain for that purpose.

Mr. Preston regretted that the amendment had been introduced as it would deluy action upon his resolution. He designed in his resolve only to shew and arouse the action of Congress in reference to the existing disgraceful state of things. The amendment would call forth party feeling and create a party debate. In times like these there should be no

aers

feeling. We should be friends and as we were fellow countrymen.— Tha present were peculiar times. The country was dishonored at home nnd abroad. Tho paper of the Government was dishonored everywhere—selling at a disgraceful reduction here. Drafts upon the Treasury from abroad had been protected day by day. Disgrace met os every Where, and it vf.a* time to act and not fib talk.

Mr. Linn concurred in the last amendment and was ready to act at any moment that a measure was submitted. He wished to commence by repealing the said bill.? :s-ns-^Km

Mr. Barrow followed in the debate arTd mainly in reference to the Land measure,sent to the House on Saturday last. The Senator reflected with a good deal of severity upon the conduct of the President. His message of June last was compared with the message of last week for the purpose of provingthe gross inconsistency on the part of the President.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

MORNING BUSINESS. GSNW

The Journal having bee# read, it was proposed to have some actioif%pon the resolutions, which hid been submitted on Saturday evening, at the conclusion of the speech of Mr. Wise. The resolutions were in refemnce to the "one hour rule,*' nnd the proposed reconsideration of the resolution relating to the Loan bill, nnd under the operation of which the bill will come from the Committee on Wednesday at 2 o'clock. Tho last named subject was not referred to, and action upon the former wns postponed. i/. v? W

Mr. Morgan, the mover, withdrew tlie resolution and will pass it to a vote at a day as early as expedient.

Mr. Black, of Georgia, last proposed a novel amendment to the end that the Speaker call upon tfye members to speak if they wish to do so, going thiwugh the various alphabetical.

Mr. Gentry occupied agoodpartof the day in discussing men and things. Most of that relating to them was in reference to the Land Bill, aod as such it was an able defence of the measure

Mr. Rajrucr 4f North Carolina, "continued the debate and spoke with a great deal of feeling in reference to the President and the President's friends.

The member from North Carolma in his reply to Mr. Proffitand Mr. Wise called forth both gentleman in explanation. The depate is going on as I close, with a good deal of feeling

RIGHTS or A BANXATRRR's WIFE.—The

cision of Judge Story in a recent case of bankruptcy, touching the claims of a bankrupt's creditors over the personal property of the wife, has only been partially stated in several papers. The case and opinion as we find them noted in* the Boston Atlas, are substantially these:—The petition of a bankrapt set forth that be bad given his wife some years ago a watch, and that her friends had given her other articles of jewelry.ff All these articles the assignation claimed forareditors. Judge Story declined that the watch having been bought with the husband's money, formed a part of the personal estate, like any personal estate, she may have had previous to her marriage, and the creditors were entitled to it. But the gifts of friends for her own use or ornament, could not be attached by creditors. In the case also of the sons of a bankrupt having watches for which be had paid in part only, Judge Story decided that creditors had a claim upon them to the amount so paid by the father, and on proper notice they might sell their interest..—North American.

'The Democratic party were also exposed I a year, and h« two Associat 95200. for their conduct with '"e Attorney General of th© decisions of the and held up to scorn the President. It was charged that they had seduced him for fhe purpose of betraying bim.

v* Ftom tU Ohio Slate Journal. KR* ADAKI&. It is a commoatrick with small demagogues to endeavor to make themslves conspicuous by assailing and denouncing truly great men. S a in an of is so ha re fallen under our observation in this State. Men of very narorw pretensions or acquirenieuts, good sense, morality and decency, have^ fl been engaged in vain efforts to impugn Mr.

Adams' claims to the respect and veneration^1 of his countrymen^ We doubt abudantly^ whether their successes have been commensurate with their- efforts. piv

Public opinion, we think,*"^111 jurn|l?T^lfti the conclusion of ihe following paragraph,! from a southern print. Pr,

MR. TYLEIJ--MR. WFBSTICR—THE LOCOFOCO PRESS. The Richmond Enqui^r one of the leading locofoco organs in the Union, has been made an official paper oy Mr. Tyler's administration. So has Bennett's Herald, New York city. So has the Nashville Union, another ultra locofoco paper. So has the Natchez Free Trader, another do. In almost every instance, whore a Tyler papor— a scarce article now-a-days—cannot be procured to print the laws, &c. the job is unhesitatingly given to the locofoco press. Is it for this that the whig pr«ss so strongly and gallantly contended for a change of the administration in the last canvass-—that no sooner is the change made, than the whole whig party is insulted, by a universal proscription of their press, by an administration whom they had placed in power 1

What sort of a whig must Mr. Webster be, to allow President Tyler to use him as an instrument in proscribing newspaper editors*! The truth is, the Whigs have been as greatly deceived in Mr. Webster as in Mr. Tyler. They supposed him made of "sterner stuff" than to be used as an instrument by any dody.

Tho locofoco press have no reason to complain of this administration. They are enjoying the results of the harvest sowed by tho whigs. Van Buren was true to his followers. They had all the patronage which his administration could bestow,and they are receiving tho same favors at the hands of the present— we will not call it whig—administration. Who would have thought fourteen months ago, that such papers as the Richmond Enquirer, NashviPe Uniom Natchez Freo Trader, Bennett's Herald, Illinois State .R^gitter, 5ec. &c., would have been the recipients of tho patronage of a whig administration 1 But so it is,uad can there be stronger evideuce of the fact, that the whigs havo been betrayed by John Tyler & Co. I—Quincy whig.

DISSOLUTION OF TUB UNION.—The Quebcc Gazette says the odo mftde about the petition presented by Mr. Adams for a dissolution of ihe Union, "leaves it to he inferred that there is greater dangnrof that event than is generally believed to exist,." The dissolution of the Union is an event which has been predicted from the first but as time advances, the probability of such a catastrophe recedes. Men sometimes, in a fit ot spleen and vexation, because they cannot have every thing thsir own way, speak lightly of the Union but their hearts do not mean so. Even Abolitionist nnd Nullifiers would if need bo, stand shoulder to shoulder in dufence of our glorious Unions-Journal of Commerce.

Well nnd truly spoken.—Nat. Intel.

QUESTION—Who is in fault for the present distress of tho country ANSWER—That destructive dynasty which ended the 4th of March, 1841. Tho effectual putting down the United States Bank by Gen. Jackson, was an increase of 348 banks, and of $268,000,000 of capital before 1840— whereasthe increase of hanksin an equul period previous, WM, only 22, ond of capital only, $8,000,000. Moreover these old banks were SOUND, whereas, those which sprung up under a locofoco dynasty, like tho locust of Egypt for number,and like Jonah's gourd in a night, have nearly nil of them proved rot* ten and fraudulent I Like Jonah's gourd, they are perishing before the rising sun.

THE UNITED STATESJtmiotABr—TheChief Justice of the Sup emo Cojirt receives a salary of 95000 and the eight- Associate Judges 94,500 ench. The District: Judges range from 91200 to 93,000. In Pennsylvania the Judges of the Eastern District rccdve 92500 each of the Western District 91800. The

Chief Justices of the District of Columbia has

Supreme Court, 91000. the Courts 96r2,416.

STEREOTYPE IT.—That

IS:

Most of the papers that havo noticed tho presentation by Mr Adams of the Haverhill petition, have done great injustice to that venerable Statesman. They havo noticed tho presentation of the petition and have denounced him as a traitor and disunionist, but they have failed to add, that when the petition was presented, Mr. Adams declaired his opposition to its prayer, and asked for the appointment of a committee with instructions, not only to report against it, bui^to embody all the reasous that could be Wxkicdf Ugaihst dissoltion. In this tteiyftfeC A^jras acted acceding to his views rigfcpaf 'petUion, and for discharging what $ to be his duty^ho has been most violently and unjustly assatim^-butkin ad out of Congress. Men may doubt his discretion, but no man can doubt his patriotism, his love of country, and his devotion to our institutions, ]|F Nmihville Whig.

Gross expenses of

in the ten years

previous to General Jackson's war on our currency system, the number of banks created was22, with a capital of 98,000,000: that in the next two years, the number of tanks created was 268, with capital or 368,000,000: that the former banks were generally sound and the latter have been generally proved unitouod and that the Locofocos are now breaking down the very currency they gave us, bad as it is, and are fast reducing us to the condition of no, currency at all.—True Whig* -i

CAM if on BPLLETS PROM OLD FORT PITT.—In company with our friend C. Cist of Cincinna* ti, we this week visited the sito of old Duquesne' and Fort Pitt, and whilst examining in an aHey a stone block on the south face of the only remaining building, where is to be seen this inscription*Col. Boquette, AD. 1764,' see Harris' new Directory p. 5,) a young man living in the house, showed us 4 Cannon bullets just dug up in a new cellar, and gave us 2—one of which is be seen by

the

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\:b:

J*****

curious and

the antiquary in our office, the other Mr. Cist took for the Cincinnati Museum.