The Wabash Courier, Volume 10, Number 4, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 2 October 1841 — Page 2

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THE WABASH COURIER.

CONARD & H^RBM) Pnblishers.

TERRE-HAUTE,

SATURDAY OCT. 2. 1841.

THE WHIG PARTY*

We Mm for the Whigs, the whole Whigs, and nothing but Ihe Whigs. We go for un. ion of ibe Whigs, the whole union and nothbut Whig union. ,We have heardf some feats expressed, and ingers apprehended on this subject.

see no reason for it. We can see nothing to justify any

wc"'

Mr. Clay in his letter to the Baltimore Committee, a short time since, says, that if all has not been accomplished at the late Session of Congress, that the public interest demanded, more, much more, was done than he anticipated—and that the whig party is stronger than ever it was. Mr. Clay is certainly a good judge of these matters,--and if more was really done than was expected, why should we complain shall we be disheartened because every possible wish was not gratified. Even Mr. Ewing, publicly declares, that the question of a Dank or no Bank, nor the refusal on the part of the President, to npppove the Bank bill, he did not consider sufficient to justify him in leaving the Cabinet. Then why did he resign Simply on account of some matters of detail in etiquette in which he alledges the President did not treat him persdnally exactly as he expected, tinder all the circumstances. What has the Whig party to do with this 1 It is a matter between the President and his Secretary. A business between these two gentlemen alone. The great and leading point, in which we differ from the President, is his refusal to sign the Bank bill, as a Bank bill. Here we think he was wrong, we say he ought to have signed the first bill. That Congress had a constitutional right to charter a bank—that the people desired it, and the President ought to have approved iho act. The President, however, thought otherwise. But still, Mr. Ewing does not leave him simply on that account. We suppose Mr. Ewing's pride is a little touch* ed, there may be some personal pique in this matter, and that he may possess sensibilities on the subject, and perhaps justly tno,—perhaps as a high minded gentleman he could not do otherwise than resign. But what have the Whigs to do with this These afiuirs of etiquette should bo settled by John Tyler and Thomas Ewing, on their own reponsibility, without reference to nrbitratioti by the Whig party.

YVc do not say that Mr. Ewing may not have good leason for complaint—but we say tho Whig tribunal is not the one to be responsible. Mr. Webster was present and knew much of the proceedings in Cabinet counsel, in refercnco to the Bank bill. He tlocs not viow matters exactly in the same light with Mr. Ewing. On the subject of these difficulties, in his letter to Mr. Ketchnm, of New-York, Mr. Webster says "I regret these diflerenccs ns deeply as ony man but I htivo not boen able to sue in what manner ihe resignation of tho Cabinet was either likely to remove or mitigate the evils produced by rhem. On the contrary my only reliance lorn remedy for these evils has been, and is, on tho union, conciliation, and preeeveranco of the whole Whiff party, and I by no means despair of seeing yet accomplished, by these means, all that we dettiro. It may render lis more pationt under disappointment, in regard to one measure, to recollect, as is justly stated by the President ir, his last message, how great number ol important measures have Been already BHCtfesflfully carried through. I hardly know when such a mass of business has been despatched in singlo session of Congress.

The nnnnnl winter session is now near at hand the same Cnngreta is again soon to assemble, and feeling as deeply as I ever did, the indispensable necessity oT some euitahls provision for tho Keeping ol the public mony, for aid to the operation of the Treasury, and lo the high public interests of currency and exchange. I am not in haste to believe that the party, which has now the predominance, will not in all these respects, yet fulfil! the expectations of tho country.

Again, we nsk, what have tho Whigs, as a party to do with these affairs.- Gentlemen have thought proper to resign their places in the Cabinet. Wo regret there should have been a cause for so doing, either real or imaginary—still, c.\n these transactions, or ought those doings, to effect the Whig cause, or the principles of tho Whig party? For twelve years wo have battled against the usurpations of tho Executive, and the ixercise of powers, which nil good citizens have believed detrimental to tno best interest of iho country.— At last wo becamo successful. Can any one find reason for regret at the overthrow of the late dominant psrty? We hear no such opinion expressed. And why?—because all aro satisfied thatxi change, a radical change was necessary.

We

grounded apprehensions.—

We bc.ieve Whig principle are the same they used to be, ant! that whigsareasjfirm, and decidedly determined tp sustain those principles as they ever were.

Gen. Harrison, it is true, is no more—but, tho principles, upon which he*was elevated to olfice, still remain, and are still the same.— Shall they bo abandoned?—On what grounds, and for what purpose, we would ask?

Will President Tyler carry out thess principles so far as belongs to him to act I We hope he. will in the main. But suppose he does not, still, are not the principles the same, and should they He abandoned? We arc at a loss to imagine any system of logic, or principles of action, that can justify Whigs in deviating from the even tenor of their way, in that which was right, and the reasons of which, are in no manner changed. What good can arise from denunciation? Keproachful epithets do not change the nature of things.— Facts, princi^las, reason, propriety and policy will still remain the same, and cannot be altered by repineings or reproaches.

President Tyler has promised, in his last veto, or at hast* intimated, that some measure of finance may yet be adopted by the Executive and Congress, promotive of the good of our cowman country—he certainly means something by this and we hare a right to -take him at his word. If he does recom mend as4 approve some bill for the relief of the country.*!! will be well. If he does not, all we have to do i?#quietly and calmly to roll on the *Vhtg ball, until two thirds of both Houses of Congress will take the matter into their own consideration.

(£rWc have two well wHtten lions on hand.relative to the late transactions at Washington, one keenly censuring President Tyler, the other tome what apftlogetical erf" his course. Although not exactly agree* ing in sentiment with either, we shall endeavour to publish them both next week.

AS83RY CHAPEL.

The new Aabury Chapel is so nearly com* pit' !, as to be in a condition suitable fof worship, and we understand will be ondl for Divine service on Sunday djst— service* on the occasion wilt be perform* ed by Pres. Simpson auJ" the Rev. E. K. A me*.

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The

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RETIREING CABINET.

These gentlemen must have been governed by conscientious motives of pure patriotism. They leave their places at much sacrifice. Having left their homes and business at the call of President Harrison, it is impossible to believe they could have established themselves at Washington without great cost and expense. An expense, no doubt, commensurate with an anticipation, and calculation of several years residence. Their mere salary for the lime must be trifling and inconsiderable. If selfish motives had been the ruling passion, tbey would have compromised conscicnce to circumstances, and remained in office- But it would seem there is a high feeling of honor still extant. And that men will not sacrifice principle and honor, even to ambition, wordly aggrandizement, or consideration of pecuniary profit.

POLITICS.

Our paper has been «ll politics, and nothing but politics. This is a state of affairs we desire to change. It is abominable that President Tyler should have written two vetoes, on purpose, we believe, to turn all heads upon politics. If he had written a decent Novel, and sent it forth to the world instead of vetoes and in the mean time, permitted the bank bill to take care of itself, wc think the community would have been better satisfied.

Some eastern papers are censuring Mr. Ewing for divulging secrets, and disclosing cabinet corftultations, &c. We cannot see any just grounds for such charge on the contrary, the course of Mr. Ewing seems to have been open, honorable and manly. Even Mr. Tyler, we think, would not complain of any thing but mistatements, and that charge we have not yet seen made.

We publish to day the letter of Mr. Badger directed to the National Intelligencer, and also one from Mr. Webster to Mr. Ketchurn of New York.

Mr. Badger seems to sustain Mr. Ewing in all essential points. Mr. Webster could not partake in the movement of resignation regrets other members of the Cabinet should have thought it necessary, and is unable to see, how these resignations can remove the difficulties between the President and Congress on the subject of a Fiscal Bank. He thinks the remedy for these evils lies in the union of the whole Whig party.

In our columns of to day will be found the proceedings and address of the Whig members of Congress. It is an expose of the times—past, present, and to come. In speaking of tho remaining duties of the Whigs.— This meeting recommends a reduction of the Executive power—a single term for the President—a separation of the purse from the sword—subjecting the power of dismissals from office to just restrictions. The establishment by Congress, of a fiscal agent, for the safe keeping of the public money, and restoring the currency—introduction of economy in the administration of the Government dtc. &c.

The harvest prospects somewhat more favorable in consequence of good weather at the latest dates, and a little decline in the price of wheat followed.

O^RE. M. HUNTINGTON.—This

Col. Thos.

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FOREIGN INTELIGEXCE.

Our Foreign news is prepared from intelligence brought by the Great Western, which brings London files of the 31st ult. and Liverpool of the 1st inst. The Caledonia has sinco arrived at Boston, with Liverpool advi ces to the 4th inst. inclusive. There is no material variation, however, in tho news brought by the two vessels, although one is four days later than the other.

The British Parliament assembled on the 19th but not much business done, as the new ministry was not completed. The old ministry had resigned, and anew Cabinet about being formed, at the head of which is Sir Robert Peel.

In respect to McLeod, tho news may be considered pacific, and calculated to remove suspicions of war-like movements, tho' the mind of Sir Robert Peel seemed not fully settled on the subject.

gentleman,

now Commissioner of the General Land Office at Washington, is expected to return to otir town on a visit, in the course of a few days.

Blake has again returned to

our town, after a recreative visit, of several weeks to the Virginia Springs, and the District of Columbia.

ANNUAL CONFERENCE.

The Indiana Annual Conference of Methodist E. Church will hold its session on the 6th of October in the new \sbury Chapel of this place. Bishop Roberts to preside.

JAMES WHITCOMB.

The late Commissioner of the General Land Office has just arriVted in our place with the view of making Terre-Haute his permanent residence. ""CLAY CLUBS.

A meeting was held in Philadelphia on the evening of the 18th ult. for the purposo*of establishing a Clay Club. The meeting was numerously attended. Joseph R. Chandler, Editor of the U. S. Gazette, was called to the Chair, and Richard Penn Smith, appointed Secretary. Proceedings in our next.

CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH.

One of the prominent buildings, which strikes the eye of the visiter, on entering our town, is the Congregational Church, standing in bold relief on the Prairie, near half a mile from the river. During the Summer, while the Methodist Asbury Chapel, has been in the cottrse of building, the Congregatiooalists and Methodists, in the true spirit of christian feeling, have worshipped together in the Congregational Church The Pastor of one and Preacher of the other, officiating alternately, one in the forenoon, the other io the after* noon of Mich Sunday. Several gentlemen of some distinction, from abroad, have attended during the season Pros. Simpson, Elder Wiley, Dr. Elliot, &c- &c.

The Rev. Mr. Jewitt. Pastor of the Con* grega6onal Church, is a fin« speaker, and a man of decided talents. His manner is modest and unassuming. H« mind both philosophical and imaginative is highly interesting in the pulpit—tho' sometimes we have thought rather desultory uot exhibiting, at all times, as much connexion in his discourse as could be desirable.

The Rev. Mr. Bayless, the stationed Methodist Preacher, is a gentleman of souad plain and practical in his well to his text, aud at all times edifying a instructing to his hearer?.

!p AUTUMN. Autumn is coming—we feel it in the breeze. The passing zephyr whispers it in the ear—we see it in the clouds—in the melowed and softened sky. All tiature assumes the tinge.^There is to us something peculiar in the firsibudding in of the fall. A quiet, chastened melancholy, steals upon the feelings and wraps one, as it were, if not in poetry, at last in the mantle of poetry* Perhaps the Spring may be considered as more appropriate to the inspiration of poetic thoughts. The imagination may be brighter, and fancy more vivid, at that season of the year but give us the sweet, delightful, soothing melancholy, always called up by some mysterious, physical, mental, or moral association, as fall approaches. Perhaps we have loved, or been loved in the fall. Perhaps been happier at that time, in some few of the ten thousand positions of circumstances, In which mortals are doomed to be placed in this vale of tears, and state of probation. At all events, we know the fact, tho'not the cause, that autumn is to us, more peculiarly,that one of the four seasons, in which we should like to be mar-ried—-or to live single—with a friend of without one—and if east of the mountains, to sit under an apple tree—lounge on the sunny side of a hedge, or dream on the brink of a little pearling rill, with the leaves of autumn falling around us. ,..Wj

NEW ORLEANS, .,,'S

The yellow fever continues to increase. The papers of the 10th announce thirty-Jivt deaths by yellow fever on the preceding day, and those of the 11th ticenfy-five deaths.

The Merchants Exchauge of New Orleans was struck by lightning about two o'clock, A. M. on the 10th inst. The building took fire on the roof, but the flames were arrested after a loss of about 84000 to $6000 had been sustained.

LECTURES IN THE COURT-HOUSE By reference to the communication of Amicus Veretatis it will be seen that lectures will be delivered in the Court-Housa, by William Begg, from Kentucky, on the subject of Christianity, on the evenings of the 1st, 2d, and 3d Oct. inst.

The Addisonian, with the view of softening down public feeling, and reconciling the community in relation to President Tyler's 2d Veto, says: "There is one view of this matter touched upon, with much feeling, by the President, to which the attention of the American people will be particularly called. When Mr. Tyler was summoned, in April last, to the Chief Magistracy, it was with emotisns of mingled grief and surprise- He fonnd himself, without a moments time for preparation, translated from the simple occupation of a farmer in Virginia, to the weiglitjr and almost infinite cares of the Presidency of a proud and mighty Empire. The events of the period immediate' ly succeeding his accession crowded thick and fast upon hiin. The whole country was excited by the Iaaugu* ration and the unexpected death of General Harrison. The confusion of the day necessarily invaded the Executive mansion. The city was crowded with people— the Executive overrun with visiters. The Extra Session C8me,and people and events crowded and hurried on. With all the multifarious businessand responsibilities of this comprehensive Government, an unheardof number of personal calls and importunities, with loud clamors for reform on ono side, and pathetic appeals and remonstrances on the other, various important subjects before Congress demanding his attention, all pressing at once, were enough to overwhelm any common man.

We commend the following from the Carroll Express, ns containing the geo.uijjt? sentiments and recommending the proper course, and true policy of all good Whigs.

THfe COUNTRY-DUTY OF THE WHIGS. We have arrived at an important crisis in the history of our Government. Within a year past an entire revolution has taken place in its administration, and the people who have been groaning and suffering under the ruinous measures of past legislation, now look with a wakeful interest to tho action or the present Congress: they find hoped that the outburst of public opinion, which so universally overwhelmed the late administration with defeat and disgrace, would have operated as a warning to those who should succeed incm in power. In this, so far as the two houses of Congress are concerned, the country lins not been disappointed. With a zeal and energy hitherto unparalleled in the history of our national legislature, the esent Congress has, in a spirit of devoted patriotism and compromise conceived, passed aud presented for the approval of the Executive, many beneficent and wholesome measures, such as the interests of the country required and the voice of the people demanded. I/et the opponents of Van Burenism be wakeful, energetic and united we have a wiley and insidious foe to contend against no effort will he spared on the part of our enemies to sow the seeds of discord amonc us, and to create schism in our ranks: They desire oniy to weaken dur strength, that thereby they mav snatch the victory from us ever watchful and on tne akrt, they will seize all occosions'to pour into the bosom of every Whig the spirit of discord, distrust and disaffection: Routed, defeated and diygraccd, they have no other means of retreiving their fallen fortunes and restoring themselves to the ascendency than by a resort to subtle artifice and thread bare cunning. Let the Whigs therefore look to their interests and stand, to their posts. Discretion, union and decision, should at this time eppecially, mark every action.

CANADA.

It would seem there are still apprehensions in relation to the tranquility of the Canadian frontier. We extract the following from the Bu.letin, which strongly indicates, that there are uneasy spirits still in the world aud that the gunpowder, which produced the .wvful calanuty at Syracuse, New York, had been secretly stored away with a view to some movement in the British provinces.

The probability of an outbreak in Canada seems to d. The gunpowder which produced tfuTdestructive explosion at Syracuse, New York, a few days ago, is supposed to have been amunition, secretly storm away, preparatory to a patriot movement in the British provinces. This circumstance, connected with others of a similar character, such, for instance,ss the mysterious disappearance of several pieces of artillery belonging to the State of NewY ork. goes to shew that mischief brewing. The American Government we understand, have already taken the alarm, and is concerting measures to prevent our citizens from taking part in the anticipated rebellion. General Scott i« despatched on a toar of observation upon the Northern frontier, and an addition to our military force in that quarter is anticipated. Whether the apprehension is well founded or not. remain as ret a matter of uncertainty. If such a plot be actually on foot, the recent devefopemenis will be very apt to suppress for tbe present its further progress. Tne vigilance of the British authorities will be at once awakened, and no doubt the influence of the American Executive will be exerted to the utmost, to coerce the neutrality of our ritisena. As to the disposition among oar border population, to make common cause with the Canadians, and ia eoaseqoence the necessary of a powerful restraint upon the popular feeling by the Government, there can be bat little doubt.

The burniag of the Caroline sad the McLeod sfiair have crested imp and wide-spread feelings of exasperation on the American side of the Canada frontier, sad thousands would embrace ibe opportunities pretested by a provincial insurrection to talcs their rtvoafle oa the British. The antuelty fate of the sympathisers, ia the former rebellion, might be supposed to be cak»latMi to cheek the vehemence of audi feelings- Bat the fact is, that raah, hot, and impatient ^Hrits abound in that quarter, who ia a time of excitement will not stop to measure conseqnences. Tbe erentsof tbe winter of 1837, and 1838. sbow bow feeble and ineffectual are the restraint* of law, or the suggestions of pradeaee, against the (ores of a blind enthwRaSBi and delusion.— It ia to be hoped, therefore, oar Government till qws no pains ia sa booest endeaver. to enforce the neutrality of American citiaeas.' Besides the manifest folly of participatiag in an adventure that is sure to and in disaster, a demist regard to the faith of treaties, sad the national bono?, calk Sir, oa ear pert,a totalabetidenee from say inter meddling with the iatcsuos^aattcbaad dissensions of oar British

m*

Mr." WEBSTER.—The /ollowing gentleman is published in the New York papers

Easte

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WASHINGTON, Sept. 11,1841.

Ms &or thank you for yoor kind and friend-

have learned that Messrs. Ewing, Bell,

Badger and Crittenden have resigned their respective office*. Probably Mr. Granger may feel bound to follow the example. This occurrence can hardly cause you tho same degree of regret which it has occasioned to roe as they are not only friends, but persons with whom I hare had. for some time, a daily official intercourse. iI could not partake in this movement.

It is supposed to be justified, I presume, by the differences which huve arisen between the President and Congress, upon the means of establishing a fiscal agency, and restoring a sound state of the cunrencv and cuU*Ural matters, growing out of these differences. I secret these differences as deeply as any man but I "have not been able to see in what manner the resignation of the Cabinet was likely either to remove or mitigate the evils produced by them. On the contrary, my. only reliance for a remedy for those evils ha6 been, and is. on the union, conciliation and perseverance of the whole Whig party, and I by no means despair of seeing yet accomplished, by these means, all that we desire. It may render us more patient under disappointment in regard to one measure, to recollect, as is justly stated by the President in his lost message^ how great a number of important measures have been already successful)/ carried through. I hardly know when such a mass of busines has been despatched in a single session of Congress. -The annual winter session is now near at hand the same Congress is soon to assemble, and feeling as deeply as I ever did, the indespensible necessity of some suitable provisions for the keeping of the public money, lor aid to the operation of tho Treasury, and to the high

ublic interests of currency and exchange, I am rot in to believe that the party, which has now the predominance, will not, in all these respects, yet fulfil the expectations of the country. If it shall not, then our condition is forlorn indeed. But for one, I will not give up the hope.

My particular connection with the Administration, however, is with another Department. 1 think very humbly—none can think more humbly-of the value of the services which I am able to render to tho public, in that post. But as there is, so farj as I know, on all subjects affecting our foreign relations, 4 concurrence in opinion between the President and myself and as there is nothing to disturb the harmony of our intercourse, 1 have not felt it consistent with the duty which I owe to the country, to run the risk, by any sudden or abrupt proceeding, of embarrassing the Executive, in regard to subjects now immediately pending, and which intimately affect the preservation of the of the country.

I am, dear sir, with constant regard, Yourls. &c. &c. DANL. WEBSTER. W. KETCBOM, Esq. New York.

In consequence of wnat passed at this meeting, I sow surh friends in Congress as I deemed it proper to approach, and urged upon them the paisage of a bill to establish such »n institution, assuring them that I udid not doubt it would receive the approbation of the Tresidcn^.

The bill was passed, as the public know, and was met by the Veto. Now, if the President, after the -jkapreting of the 18th August, had changed his mind as "to ihe constitutional power of Congress, and had come to doubt or deny what he had admitted in that meeting, (which is the most favorable interpretation that can bo put upon his conduct,) it was, in my opinion, a plain duty on his past to have made known to the genilemen concerned this change of sentiment—to nave offered them an apologv for the unpleasant situation in which they were placed by his agency—or, at least, to have softened, by a full explanation of his motives, his intended Veto of a measure in promoting the success 6f which thev, at his request, had rendered their assistance. But this the President did not do. Never, from the moment of my leaving his house on the 18th, did he open his lips to me on Hie subject. It was only from tho newspapers, from rumor, from hearsay, I learned {hat he had denied the constitutionality of the proposed institution, and had rcmdc the most solemn asseverations that he would never approve a measure which I knew was suggested by himself, and which had been, at his own instance, introduced into Congress. It was still in the President's power, by a proper statement in the

DK-ssnge containing his objections to the bill, to have supplied these omissions, arid in some degree at least to have repaired his former neglect but when that paper came to be read, it was found that so far from saying frankly that he once favored and had been willing to Sanction the bill, but had been led (if such was the fact) by subsequent reflection to adopt different views upon the subject, he treated the measure as one evidently Inconsistent with his previously expressed opinions, and which it ought not to have been suppose for a pioment lie could approve.

Whether this conduct of the President is susceptible of just defence or reasonable excuse it is not necessary now to inquire. I have not heard, nor can I imagine

ny ground for either. Whether an explanation ol it been offered to any one of the gentlemen concerned I know not. hut none was at any time offered to me and while I forbear to make the remarks, obvious and painful as they are, which the transaction suggests, I declare the conviction that this conduct of tne President, standing without known defence, excuse, er explanation, constituted (if no other reason had existed) ample ground for a withdrawal from his Cabinet without delay.

It is scarcely necessary to say that I have not supsed, end do not now suppose, that a difference merely tween the President and his Cabinet, either as to the constitutionality or the expediency of a bank, necessarily interposes any obstacles to a full and cordial cooperation between them in the general conduct of his Administration and therefore, deeply as I regretted the Veto of the first bill, I did not feel myself at liberty to retire on that account from my situation. But the facts attending the initiation and disapproval the last bill mnde a case totally different from that—one it is believed without a parallel in the history of our Cal-inets: presenting, tossy nothing more, a measure embraced and then repudiated—efforts prompted and then disowned—services rendered and then treated with scorn or neglect. Such' a case required, in my judgment, upon considerations, private and public, that the official relations subsisting between the President tnd myself should be immediately dissolved.

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Washington^ Sept. 18, 1840.

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BoosaaSY.—Ths Baagor Wkf of

tits 3d instaat states that tbs Uaited States troops Udt Hoaltoa for tiw Aroostook sad E^sh rivsr Wa Tuesday. with a heavy team of oxen, sad all the accessary oapltattats for dtaring the roads sad erecting sahabls fcarnrtta

GEO. E- BADGER.

letter from this What effect will the vetohaveP' land. nearest the Capitol and the first to be tried, true, as of old, to the Whig spirit. Do her People quail! Is there a want of spirit there! All accounts, private and public assure us that the canvass was never more animatediand the union and harmony of our friends never so great. And this the mass meetings prove. Where could there be more spirit sad enthusiasm than was manifested by the Whigs at the great meeting at Baltimore? Depend upon it oil is right, and when our opponents ask what is the effect of the veto upon the

peace

From the National Intelligencer.

Messrs. GALES & SEATON I deem it proper to offer a public explanation of some of the reasons which led to my resignation, on the 11th instant, of the office of Secretary of the Navy, and, for that purpose, ask a amall space in the National Intelligencer.

At the Cabinet meeting held on the 13th of August last, (the Attorney General and the Postmaster General being absent,) the subject of an Exchange Bank, or institution, wns brought forward by the President himself, and was fully considered. Into the particulars of what passed I do not propose now to enter. It will be sufficient to say that it was then distinctly stated and understood that such an institution met the approbation of the President, and was deemed by him free of constitutional objections: that he desired (if Congress 6hould deem it necessary to act upon the subject during the session) that such an institution should be adopted by that body, and that the members of his Cabinet should aid in bringing about that result and Messrs. Webster and Ewing were specially requested by the President to have a communication upon the subject with certain members of Congress The institution then spoken of was to he located in the District of Columbia io be authorized to establish agencies in the States and Territories with power to deal in bills of exchange between the Unitea States and foreign countries, and in bills of exchange drawn in one Slate or Territory and payable in another State or Territory and the exercise of this power was not to depend on any assent, expressed or implied, of the States witbin which such agencies might be established.

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From tie Baltimore Patriot.

THS RIGHT SPIRIT.—We cannot say when we came •crojsaa srticle. the temper snd manner of which we hhed more than the following, which we extract from Ihe Cincinnati Republican. We believe that it faithfully represents the feelings of ibe mass of the Whig P*rty throughout the country. We have evidence enough to convince as, that, let what disasters come apoa us tint may in the shape of vetoes, the defection

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a.teniion of every true Whig, and-enjoin it upon bios, tl be has at heart the character and glory of ihe party, as well the interest and prosperity of the country, yo* tske a step or utter a sentiment calcnlated to fal-

Jhe spirit which is so honorably ascribed to the party of such be is a member: ans can reed tin Whig press, or know any tbing of its spirit, and not honor it. It ia braver now than ever, and there is not over this broad lead a paper that daabts or quails before real or seeming diJBcauies. Need we beiier proof of the temper and eoorap al o«r People? Shall wo ask mors animating deaf the unity of our oartv. aud the oower

Whigs, tell them that it has awakened a spirit that will render them as irresistible as an srniy of gtania.

CONGRESSIONAL' WHIG MEETING. At a meeting of the Whig members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the 37th Congress of the United States, held in the City of Washington on the 11th September 1841.

The Hon. NATHAN F. DIXON, of Rhode Island, on the part of the Senate, and the Hon. JERKSIAB MORROW, of Ohio, on the part of -she House, were called to the chair, and KENNETH RAYNER, of North Carolina, CHRISTOPHER MORGAN, of New York, and RICHARD W. THOMPSON, of Indiana, were appointed Secretaries.

Mr. Mangum, of North Carolina, offered the following resolutions: Resolved, That it is expedient for the Whigs of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, to publish an Address to the People of the Uniteu States containing a succinct exposition of the prominent proceedings at the extra session of Congrep, on he measures that nave beeu adopted, and those in which they have failed, and the causes of such failure: together with such other matters as mav exhibit truly the condition of the Whig party and Whig prospects.

Xesclcfd, That a coniaiiitee of three on the part of the Senate, and five on the pan of the House be appointed to prepare such Address, and submit it to a meeting of the Whigs on Monday morning ntxt, the 13th instant, at half past eight nVjlock.

Anfi ihe question being taken on said resolutions, tliey were unanimously adopted. Whereupon the following gentlemen were appointed said committee: Messrs. Berrien, of Georgia, Tallmadge of New York, and Smith, of Indiana, on the part of Senate and Messrs. Everett, of Vermont, Mason, of Ohio, Kennedy, of Maryland, John C. Clark, of New York, and Rayner, of N. Carolina, on the part of the House.

When, on motion, the meeting adjourned, to meet again on Monday morning. MONDAY, September 13, 1841.

The meeting assembled, pursuant to adjournment. Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, from the commutee appointed for that purpose, reported the following Aadress

FELLOW-CITIZENS:—The Extra Session of Congress has, at length, been brought to a close. The incidents

countrv"and~

ihffVS^&rs,of,heroen"'

yearsXVaTion^maimained with unexampled tlevotion

*nd its principles were, illustrated by the precepts and

practice of the most eminent and pairioiicof our ciii-

misapprehended these principles they wore identified with the labors of that great pnrtv whose unparralieled success was both the token and tne reward of the general confidence ol that nation. Tliey promised reformist. In the restraint of Executive power and patronage 2d. In the wholesome regulation of the currency and the advancement of the interests of indus'ry snd3d. In the establishment of an economical administration of the finances.

They proposed to accomplish the first of these objrc by limiting the service of the president to a single term by forbidding all officers of the Government from, interfering in elections and by voluntary self-denial, on the part of the Chief Magistrate, in that excawve use of the Veto power which had recently become sp offensive to the country as ou instrument of party sua

They hoped to achieve their next object by tho establishment of a National Bank by an adjustment of the system of duties upon a moderate and permanent scale, adapted as nearly as practicable to the interest, and conformable with the views of every portion ol the Union by the establishment of a uuiform system of bankruptcy and by the distribution of the proceeds of the public lunds amongst ihe States—a measure recommended not only by considerations of Justice to the States themselves, but also by a snd experience ol the embarrassment produced in the currency resulting from the administration of a fund of such variable amount as an item in the revenues of the Government. The establishment of an economical administration of the finances they expected to attain by cutting down nil useless offices by enforcing a strict accountability of the public agents: and, more conspicuously, by making exact ana adequate provision for the ascertainment and eventual liquidation of that public debt which the past Administration had created by permitiinir their expenditures to overrun their receipts, and which tl« had concealed from public observation by the easy dc vice of repeated issues of Government notes.

These were the prominent points to which the policy of the Whig had bnen directed, and which constituted the great issues before the country in tne recent Presidential election. We are aware that our adversaries in that contest now deny these issues, founding their denial chiefly lipon the fact that no formal manifesto was put forth to declare the terms upon which we insisted. We choose rather to spp/al to widely diffused knowledge of our principle?, which had been impressed upon every man's mind in'that long struggle ol venrs gone by with which one party had been identified, and of which its very name was an exponent.

It need not be yaid that, in a representation spread over a territory of such extent as that comprehended by our Union, and exhibiting interests so diversified, what might be called the charadteristic principles of the Whig party,throughout this widesphere^hould be subject to occasional modifications, dependent upnn local influences and that it was incumbent, therefore upon the party to move together in a spirit of mntual concession and accomodation of sectional differences of opinion. It need not be told that, in the system of measures which we. have enumerated, conflicting views might naturally exist between the Repre»enla tativesof distant portions of our Republic, and that on ly by the yielding of minor interests to the establishment of tne general good, entire harmony was to be obtained in the action of Congress. This was natural, and to be expected. But we felt a proud consciousness that in the patriotism of the party all such difficulties would vanish, and that the demands of an enlarged welfare would be met and fulfilled, through the virtue of that spirit of compromise and forbearance, that liberal and comprehensive sentiment of selfdenial and concession, which rests at the heart of our confederacy, and which constitutes the living principle of our union.

Bofore the appointed day arrived for the meeting of Congress, and at the expiration of but one short month from the date of h.s inauguration, our beloved President was snatched from us by the grasp of death too soon for the happiness of his country, but not too soon to awaken in oar bosoms a deep and awful sense of the

irreparable IOM which we have sustained in the deprivation of a great and good man—not too soon to convinco us how long and bow bitterly our country is doomed to deplorer this hesvy misfortune. In this our calamity, we hoped to find consolation in the character and principles of bim whom the Constitution had designated to fill the office of tbc departed chiet. It is true, that towards that individual, even at the mament of his election for the Vice Presidency, no very earnest

of a noture to make so strong an impression upon the ourselves called 'ipon «o invoke your attention lofhis

"0'eXcite "so nfuch interest in the future point. Upon the great and

nrtinn and rplntinnaof the Whiir oartv that the Whig this question and our anxious endeavors to rvgpond to Rep rese ta ives^ both IIOUB^O?^^ the earnest prayer of the thought it their duty, before separating, to address their sn act as unlooked for as iti«''oh® constituents with a brie!"exposition of the circumstan- grieve to say to you that, by the exercise of iha P°wer cSin which They conieive themselves to be placed by fn the Constitution which has over heenregardedwuh the events which have recently transpired. ^D.c.onond oubi^t mi,: Pnmrrinn tvnnrnllrd as almoat the first had hoped was never to be exhibited, on this subject, me«?4?nh.?illSlSr. ind Um.n£l

election to the Presidency was not less significant ol attempts to crrate a Fiscal agent, 'J1® the general sentiment of condemnation of theac.sor the 7"n,ry the preceding Administration, than it was expressive of 'ute form

,h?

-rent.of his ^."f® "d opinion. W?only J™. wtacb,so**, hsd

principlea were deeply engravet/in the roost conspic —J and

oos acts of our politicsl btstorv, snd were read and understood by every citizen in the land. In this connection, where he bad sought to be prominent, we discerned what we conceived, snd what doubtless he meant, to bea pledge of faithful adherence to be cardinal doctrines for which we sirtigrgled. and with which the bopes of the country were mdissolobly bound op.

We hoped to find consolation also in the fact that his accession to the Presidency brought him ioto communion and intimate political fellowship with the choeea vanguard of the Whig party-the first selection made by General Harrison of a Cabinet, distinguished lor its

r....... paramoaat abilitv, iategrity, and fidelity to Uie glori-

«f®?gth atrofeger." bos cause in which welud conqaered-a cabinet emtWSot effect will the veto baveT" the taunting nently crowned with ihe. public confidence, in whom question of ovt opponents. The People are answer ng

aj|

ttes Msstioa aobiv—the press is answering it nobly cipies of the party to which thev beioaaed, who were aad tbs answer of both ia, that tbs only efieet of the insuperably associated with its glory, and in whose genvato writhe to reader the Whigs nan united. "It

men trusted, as in the very imbodimeat of the pria-

aa

honorable relation to the President we had

will Berry their raaka," soys tbs Boston Atlas. "It tfo, Tfruri'y v* prosperous counsels, and be the will strengthen their hands aad boarta It will awakan pledge of a co-operation which should enable bin to acta tbeaa a stw spirit that will render them aa imasiiti- «ome|jab all that the nation desired. These hopea were hie aa an army of gtaita." Alarm the Whigs! Divide Ki|] farther enlivened by the encouraging tooe in which them because they casotM obtain all tbey thitk the ihe President referred io his first address to the nation,) Ci 4-t'ii."whieh grow oatot it' country ttoanda now! Impcnnbls. The very feet to the glerioas example" afforded bim by the theeon^aen^snd itsw

that thev have not finished their work will steel tbeir 1 Fathers of the great Republican school, and the deeta-! The fiist consequencemtm opinieas aad n^e thwn cling together aad work »o-1 ration of his determisatton getber until the work is finished- they pointed out.

lathe indulgence of these hones, Congress entered upon its labors: By adopting rules for the despatch of busines conformable to the emergency of an extra session, and in view of the great amount' of legialation which the times required, we have been enabled to achieve all. and even more than all, that our conatituenta could have demanded at our hands. Ths leading and great measures of this session havslieen under discussion. in Congress and out of it, for many years past, and little remained to be said beyond a repetition of former debates. There was nothing in the circumstances or position of either party in Congress to require, or even to justify, protracted discussions and the majority, therefore, felt themselves entitled to give to ths extra session the character of a Congress of action and decision, rather than one of debate and we feel assured iMiinthis effort we have done no more than respond tojhe just expectations of the People. the bills passed during the

First in urgency amon session, and that to whicl

act converting the Debt which the preceding Administration had entailed upon the country into a loan of twelve mi I ions of dollars, which is limited for its redemption to a period of three years. Associated with tlua measure was the Revenue bill, rendered necessary not only as a provision towards the extinguishment of the loan, but also as indespensible for the supply of means to meet the ordinary and necessary appropriation of the year. The Bankrupt act, so earnestly and so long solicited by a Isrge and meritorious clattsof our citizens, has been passed under circumstances which cannot bat reflect the highest honor upon the Represented ves ol many sections of the country. ASA measure standing alone, it might perhaps ha vis been destined to a further delay but being brought, as it was, into that series of measures which were supposed to embrace the scheme of relief whi&h the na:ion at Targe required, it met from a Whig Congress that support of which the chief argument and highest value are derived from the respect which every one felt to be due to a comprehensive policy, whose scope should includeevery interest in the nation. It is a trial for the benefit of the country and remains to be altered or improved, as ihe public wants may hereafter bo found to require. The importance, in the present posture of our affairs, of attending to the national defencea suggested the measures of establishing a Home Squadron, of repairing and arming tho Fortifications, of providing lor the defence of the Lakes and of bringing the nation at large into a state of readiness against hostile aggression—in regard to which measure, ns great unanimity prevailed in Congress, we mav safely assure ourselves they will meet the undivided approbation of our constituents throughout the whole Union.

This rapid review, fellow-citiiens, will exhibit what we have done. What wc have failed to do remuins to

S. whSI »r Whi, P^CT,-weh,r. to ,n mo

of

a wish for an immediate and radical change in the pub- ®r in the present emergency. Twice havei lie nnlirv Thp imnrovidenco of those who had inst the utmost diligence and deltberarion, matured a plan bCTnfexDel led froni^oower had rendtml TlS.55!aiff lor the collection, safo-keoping, and disbursing of the

iha debates relating to it. This subject has acquired a

4®^* \„7 wil*Udoubtle8S acquire it

it is accompanied- We ore constrained to soy that we

veto of the President has boen interposed on this question solely upon conscientious and well-considered opinions of constitutional

scruple

by

the

?ank

hi?n

members

of the

A

.'A

:V\. $

the public command most

imperatively drew the notice of Congress, was the repeahof the Sub-Treasur enactment of the Land

Law. Our next care was the ill.. This was followed by an

hs to his duty in the

case presented. On the contrary, too mony proofs have been forced upon our observation to leave us free fiom the apprehension that the President has permitted, himself to be beguiled into an opinion that, by this exhibition of his prerogative, he might be able to divert the po'Vy of his Administration into channel which should lend to new political combinations, and accomplish results which must overthrow the present divisions of party in the country, and finally produce a state of things which those who elected liirn, at least, hsvu never contemplnted. We have seen, from an early period ol the session, that the Whig P«rty did not enjoy the confidence of the President. With mortification we have observed that his assdeistions more sedulously aimed at a free communion with those who havo been busy to prostrate our purposes rather than those whose principles seemed to most identified with the power ay which he was elected. We have reason to believe tnnt he hos permitted himself to be approached, counselled, and influenced by those who have manifested least interest in the success of Whig mensures. What were reprecented to be his opinions and designs hsve been freely, and even insolently put forth :n certain portions, and those not the *nost reputable, of the pup!tc press, in a manner

ihnt ought to

be deemed offensive

to his honor, as it cerinnly was to the feelings of those who wore believed to be his friends. In the earnest endeavor manifested

Vy ing

this review of the position into

deTn°ih'isstate

party

in Congress to ascertain specifically the President's notions in rcfercnce to the details of such a bill relating to a Fiacnl agent as would l»e likely to meet his approbation, the frequent changes of his opinion and the singular want of consistency in his views havebafled his besl friends, and rendered tho hope of adjustment with htm impossible.

Congress, earlv in the session called upon the Secretary of the Treasury for the plan of a Fiscal agent: the result of this call was a bill which

was

reported in

detail, with an argument in its favor, and it was, as we had a right to regard it, received by all as the bill of the President. In fact, it was known to contain provisions in reference to the anent of the Statis, which corresponded with the private opinion ol no member of the Cabinet. This bill the President lud even informed more than one member ol the House he would be willing to sign if passed by Congress: yet it contained provisions for local discou*tinpi in regard to which i«is veto message affirms his objection to be altogether insuperable the President has subsequently declared that this was not his measure, and that when he said he would sign this bill he had not read it. The plan of an Exchange Bank, such as was reported after the first veto, th6 President is anderstood by mwe than one member of Congress to whom lie expresswl his opinion, to have regsrded as a favorite measure. It was in view of this opinion, suggested as it is hif first veto, snd after using every proper effort to sscertain his PT*"1® views upon it. that the committee of the House of Representatives reported their second bill. It made provision for a bank without the privilege of local discounting, and was adapted, as closely as possible, to that class of mercantile operations which the first veto message describes with spprobstion, snd which that paper specifically illustrates by reference to the dealings in exchanges'' of the Bank of the United States in 1833, which the President affirms "amounted to upwards ot one hundred millions of dollars," Yet thisplan, when it was submitted to him, was objectsd to on new

round. The last veto has narrowed the question of a down to the basis of the sub Treasury scheme, and it is obvious from the opinions of that message that the country is not to expcct any thing better than tne exploded sub-Treasury or some measure oi the same character from Mr. Tyler.

In the midst of all these varieties of opinion, an impenetrable mystery seemed to hang over the whole question. There was no such frsnk interchsnge ol sentiment as ought to characterise the intercourse of rrandent and bis friends, snd the last personsn |h® ment who would seem to have been entrusted with his confidence in those embarrassing top?cs w®'® f, ,•' stitutional advisers which the laws had provided

which

vents have thrown the Whig party, His witn sorrow we look to the course pursued by to

tbe late e-

found t.

He hss wrested from us one of the best fruiu loDg snd painful struggle, and the consumatioaof a £wt oua victory: he has even thrown us once field of ooliiical strife, not weakened tn n?"herjf shorn ofthe support of the country, hut stripped

8

"In regard to the first, we are constrained tossy, that the Pteident, by the comae ha haaadopted mrapK to the spplication of the veto power to two saccsnav

rated rages

ires of bis Administration, amm •$. himsslf from those bv wboas be wsa slevstsd to tU offlce 'trough wi»£ readied his present exalted station the anthisaanaturml rrfationisas^"JJJgjE?7 What are

who

A

meat

iniaw •iniimiii ..... .... has done so much to

ot tboee brilliant hopes whieh

of things, the Whigs will naturally1^

with an anxiety to the future, and enquire what nt the actual relations between the Prandent, end |h who brought him into power snd what- in the opinio of tbeir frisnds in Congress, should be their after. On both of these questions we fsel ltto.beoar duty to address yon iu perfect frankness and ^witaom reserve, but at the same time, with doe respect otn-

brought the

LuiWia. that those who brought

to walk in the path wb^kj SponXs'OTMsnled (or the ad-