The Wabash Courier, Volume 3, Number 39, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 4 June 1835 — Page 1

J^V*

#in

FnblteW every Thursday Moral**/

By T. Dowlingr.

TERMS.

Two dollars peranum, If paid within four monthi after tbe reccipt of the first number two dollar* and fifty cents, if paid within the year and three dollars, if payment be delayed till the year expire*.

No paper discontinued til! all the arrearage* are paid, unless at She option of the editor. A ailare to notify a"discontinuance at the end of the year will be considered anew engagement.

ADriiTiititKn inverted three time* at one dollar per square (12 lines,) to be continued at the rate of 35 cent* per square. Unless the number of insertions be marked on the manuscript, when handed in, it will be continued until countermanded, and charged accordingly.

Postage must be paid.

NORTHERN CONFEDERACY. We stated, a few days ago, that a

movement

was on foot among the wealthy manufacturers in «.a section of New England, to unite their inter ests in favor of Mr. Van Buren as a Northern man. The editor of the Boston Courier, who is,

some respects, considered as a vigilant guardian of the manufacturing Interests, pronounces the intimation

um

precious piece of humbug," of

which we ourselves "do not believe a syllable." We shall hereafter show that we did not reckon without our host on this one point. At present we have another account to settle, which may as well be balanced forthwith. Toe Courier, in •(leaking of the article referred to, and the editor of this paper, says—• •'He

we* alwajri ta iavetsrate enemy to Mr. Webster, and at hi* favorite doctrine it, "all i» fair in politics.'' he ^doubtles* deein* it quite fair to trump op any *tory that iuay throw obstacles 10 the way of Mi. Webster's election. If wa mistake not, be bat uniformly opposed the neiaiaatioo of Mr. Webstar, and left no opjiortiinily uniaiprored te sneer at the idea of the Wai|f« giving hicu their votes."

Generally speakiog, the editor of the Boston Courier is tolerably well informed on these matrers, but on this particular point he is very much "at fault," as they say in the Sporting Calendar. We never attempted to throw the least obstacle in the way of Mr. Webster's success! we never "sneered" at the iden of the Whigs supporting Mm. Mr. Webster I* not a man who deserves to be "sneered at" by Americtvns. Quite the Contrary. We thought well of his nomination fit the time it was made, and we argued, as discreet politicians should argue, "no matter whether he enn succeed or no, be renders a great service to his country by drawing off the New Kngland votes from Mr. Van Buren and if he should be one of the three candidates returned to the bouse, and should be elected, what then? Why, the oouutry is safe—the administration is In honest hands. So we thought then, so we Chink now. Out after the demonstrations in Connecticut and Rhode Island—after the unflinching stand of New Ilnmpshirc, and the strong combination in Mnine—what is left in New Knglund for Mr. Webster? Certainly Massachusetts—probably Vermont. Cun we, with these facts, unwelcome ai they are, staring us in the fuce, still consider him a strong candidate in New England? Why should New Hampshire, Maine, Connecticut, and lib ode Island desert a son of New England, of the established reputation of Daniel Webster? Is it becauio they disliked hi in, and had no confidence in his integrity und claims? Oh no. It was because, nut seeing a probability of his election, and desirous to have a Northern President, nod thus throw off the SouChem Htutei and their anti tariff doc trine#, they declared for Van Buren—a man they dislike, in whom they have no confidence—merely because he is a Northern raani a stern foe to the mercantile interest of the country and they think, with the power of the general government at his back, lie has a prdipcot of success. Cun the Whigs be eba^ged with ingratitude to Mr. Webster in looklog in another direction for a candidate, whon his own state abandons him? If a whole flection of'tho I 'ulow, disliking Van Buren us they do, can still rally upon him-*-cfcn sqpport him, with ail his pteudo declarations of democracy, which they rcpudiat^, is it not apparent that ^ligbcr objects nnd deeper purposes are to be gained hy his elevation? If the East can so easily unlace her political scruples, can we complain if the South takes a different view of the question? The Courier is in error. So far from "sueoring" at Mr. Webster, he should have had our eordial support, if there had been a remote prospect of his success. Massachusetts will net desert him, although there is some of bis professing friends who avow their preference lor Van Buren over Judge White. Yet we cun assure the editor of the Boston Courier, that the partiean* of Mr. Van Buren do not entertain a doubt of concentrating the whole vote of New

Kngland on their candidate, and they have assurance of tuecess from sources little calculated upon.

The dny has gone by to hope for the success of great intellectual meu, who rely on talent, and i»ot on tact—who are familiar with books, and not with men. The levellers, and the universal suffrage, which gives power to levellers, have brought them all down. Who elected General Jackson president The people, you would say. No such thing. Tho people wero always afraid of him. Mr. Adams elected him. When Mr. Van Buren besieged and beseeched Mr. Adams to purchase him, and suoh of the Crawford party that he oould sell—when, day after day, and month after month, he sought overy opportunity «f offering his services, aad disposing of the party to Mr. Adams—when he obtained his re-elee* tion to the Senate by avowing himself attached to that administration—the friends of Mr. Adams (not Mr. Adams himself, for he had too much B&gacity,) said "No, wecando without Mr. Van Buren the battle is won—we cannot lose a State.'' What was the result? After having exhausted every effort to become incorporated in the administration of Mr. Adams, Van Bureu went over to Jaoksott, whom he very much disliked and feared but who, he said, was "easiest managed/* and Jackson wai elected. Now, we all have te suffer—the country, the constitution,® the purity of election, the stability of our institution*, in consequence of. the indiscreet management of impracticable politicians, who with immense capacity and superior integrity •ad qualifications, are still mere children.

In the hands of an accomplished intriguer like Van Bnren, who from a boy has been brought up *(in the art and mystery" of little tricks, and political slight of hand who has secured the person and influence of a weak and prejudiced old man, aad is determined to thrust himself into the presidency, in despite of the people's will let him be opposed at least hy a candidate who hat the prospect of suooess. po not, out of mere regard to the talents and services of a great man, allow the freemen of this oountqr to be routed after the Waterloo fkshion—"Smwee fniptul.'1*

With Judge White, who is very unjustly abus* sd by the press friendly to Mr. Webstar, see can unite the 8outh—we can carry a great portion of the West. Nay, ere state it as oer conviction, that if Judge White can obtain Gfcse, he succeeds beyond the possibility of a doubt. Let ns therefore go to the rescue with aa available candidate.*-^. r. Erg. Star.

FRESH FROM THE PEOPLE."

Messrs. Cain tc Duntap* ose of them enjoying the patronage of the government* and another one "full chiaael" after it, left here a few days ago far Mr. Van Bonn's Baltimore Convention, to pledge the people of Indium for his support at the next Presidential election. What portion of the people had an agency Ui the appointment cftkse delegate*'

AJ»d

whom do they represent* We

just submit those queeboosto the public without tonsMiit. Every on* can answer for himself whether be bad any baad in their appointment.— tftdim JotttanU

Volume 3..

RAOK THK nowHiae OAXETTK.

SAUGCNT DOWMNG'S ACCOUNT OF THE WASHINGTON AFFAIR. WASBIKOTOK CITT, up chamber in the GeneraPt haute%Jlpril 18, 1835.^

DKAH JACK—You see I dont write this letter in the East room, as I have done all along, but in my bed-room up dumber and the reasonis this, I've spraint my anchlc ao desputly bad I cant touch my feet to the floor. So I've had to stay up stairs all day. The GwteraPs been rubbing opedildoc on it, and one thing another, most all day, and it's got littfe easy now, so I thought I'd set down aad write, to you, and tell you how 'twas done.

We had the dreadfullest flurry here last night in the night that ever I see or beard on. It seems to me the Ginersl's house is haunted, or else somebo dy is trying to lay plan to kill him, I can't tell which. I wish 1 knew if Air. Poindexter was any where in these parts now if he was, 1 should know where the mischief come from.

But let me come back to the story where I sot out, about the flurry we had last night. We had s'ich a warm talk we kept at it till midnight, and then we went up chamber to bed. I slept in the next room to the Gineral's, and have, ever since Lawrence sot eut to shoot him, for the Gineral says there's no known what may happen, and h^ wants to keep his best friends round him. Well I was so sleepy I dropt to sleep in two minutes, and slept as sound as a log. And the first I knew I was waked up by the General raving round his room like a lion. 1 hopped out of bed all standin, and run up to the corner of the room next to his, and listened. The Gineral was marching across the room and thrash ing his cane oil the floor, and calling out to some body, what do you want? What are you fumbling about this door for' speak quick, you villain, or I'll be out there and split you down. At that 1 heard somebody answer and, he "wanted to find the way out." Well, well, said the Gineral, we'll see first how you found the way in. And he then called for me with all his might.

My hair stood right on end I can tell you, but 'twouldn't do to flinch, so I run out by a door 'tother way and called up some of the men folks, and we got a light and armed ourselves with fire-po kers and shovels, and boot-jacks, and any thing we could get hold on, and out we went into the passage way, and there stood a feller by the door of the President's chamber, looking as meechin as a thief in a mill. 1'ticy made me go ahead, for they all felt a little skittish, and I didn't know but I should get blowed through with a pistol before got halt way to him but as I thought it would be

flory

enough if I sl.'uld die defending the Gineral, would'nt flinch, so 1 marched right up to him and clinched him. He stood as still as an old hossthat had been lost in a swamp a fortnight when his mas ter comes to catch him.

We took and sarched hiin to see if he had any pis tols or daggers about him, but he hadn't, and he woudn't tell us what he was arter, only he *as trying to find his way out. So we held a council bf war upon him, and the Gineral Anally concluded it was best to lock him up in the stable till morning, anl then have a warrant for him, and see what he had to say for himself. We went and locked him up in a room in the stable, and I took the key with me up into my room, so as to keep all things safe, 8c we laid down, and got another little nap before morning. But as soon as it was cleverly light the Gineral called me, and we mustered out and went to see how our bird looked in his cage.

Well we went along and unlocked the door carefully and looked in, and as true as you are alive, he was gone, and there want hide nor hair to be found on him. Whether he got out of a hi&h window that no mortal man alive could climb up to, or whether he crept through the key-hole, or how. we cant guess to save our lives. The Gineral feels a great deal uneasy about it, and so do I. Blair says it's Poindtexter's works we may depend upon it but the Gineral shakes his head, and says heres* no way to prove it. Soon as we find out any thing about it I will let you know.

Younr loving Cousin, SAUGENT JOEL DOWNING.

From the Downing Gazette, May 2. WASHISOTOIT CITT, East Room, April 25. 1835.5

To Major JACK DOWWIHO, editor of the Downing Gazette, Portland, away down east in the pine timber State.

Dear Cousin Jack: In my last letter I was so arnest in telling you how the feller tried to get into the Gineral's bed room, that I forget to tell you how I straint my ankle, after all. After we looked into the stable, & seethe fellew was gone,we had a little dispute about how he could get out. There was only two ways that he could get out one was a high window that the General said he didn't think there was a man in the country could climb up to, and the other was through the key-hole. So we called in a number of our folks, and had a try to see if any body could climb up to it. The Gineral said he wouldn't try, for his climbing days were most over. So he told Mr. Blair to try, but he couldn't get up half way. Then he told Mr. Kendie to try. Well, he went up a little higher than Blair, but could'n't get much more than half way to the window.

Well, then, says he, Sargent Joel you must try, for you area real springy chap, and if any body can do it, it seems to me you can. So I ssrabled to it, and up I went clinging on like a good feller, I tussled and tugged till 1 got within about three feet of the window, and I couldn't hold on no longen so down I come thrash on the floor. I fell a little one-sided, and canted my foot, and that was what straint my ankle so bad: But the Gineral has rubbed it over so much with opedildoc that it's got most well, so I can begin to hobble about a little with a staff, and go up and down stairs by holding on to the banisters.

Well,' after I fell, the Gineral said there want but one chance left, and that was Mr. Van Buren. If he conldn't do it, there want a man to be found that could. So he tokl Mr. Van Buren to try. So he stript offhis coat,and pulled off his boots and hat, and spit on his bands, and begun to climb. And by jings, he was the slickest climer that ever 1 did see. You couln't sec how he held on nor what be braoed his feet against, nor what he took hold on with his hands, nor nothin. But somehow or other he worked along as still as a mouse, and kept gaining' up, hitch after hitch, till he got up within a* bout afoot of the window, and we thought be was jeat ready to take hold of it, when all to once he slipt, and down he come. But it didn't dtscomboborate him a hair.

He

turned right round to the

Gineral as calm as a moonshine, and says he, Gineral, it wouldn't prove any thing if I should get up to the window, and I guess we may as well let it alone.

Well, wen, says the Gineral, then I'm convinced that the feller went through the key-hole that's as clear as preachin be never got op to that window in the world for there aint a man in the country that can climb equal to Mr. Van Buren. Well.says I,Gineral, not to dispute your word about it, but as for believeing that the fellow got out through the keyhole I don't believe a word of it. 1 don believe any body can go through a key-bole but a witch, and 1 guess witches are rather scarce articles now days.

Bat, says the Gineral, bow can that be? I am tune I'm right. Mr. Vnn Buren couldn't climb up to the window, and there"- no body in the country that can climb, equal to him. Says 1, Gsneral, not as you knows on there's folks in this country that can dhnb better than you think for did you ever see Judge White climb?

At that the Gineral colored up as red as a rooster, and turned on his heel, and says be, sbet up the stable, aad let's go ia to brenkfcst. Your loving

SARGENT JOELDOWNINU.

Fkimi Error.—Q* TJwmia?, a U4f B««mmstmt.sea^mbottleo(G. ryjOwdwl w* draaist'* store ia tW Mwboou, i«uV bv sustaka. abulia of laadaMMasras pa •OSM of a st"- h*r cfciki wtowrh la a ifcwbw***—vV. IT. /*w. Cm.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, [ar REQUEST.] Extracts from the Remark* of John Dickson, of New

York, in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 'presentation to-the House of several petitions for the abolition of slavery and the stave trade ia the District of Columbia 2d BIO. 2d, 1835. Mr. Speaker: On the presentation of these petitions, and asking for them a different reference from that usually given to such petitions, I propose to offer a few remarks. They shall be presented in that blended spirit of freedom and candor, truth and justice, that becomes a member of this house. I will not conceal my own feelings, and I shall studiously avoid intentionally injuring those of others. And whilst I am opposed to, atod deepely deplore] the existence of slavery in every form, and in every land, I, in common with the petitioners, disclaim alLpower in the national government to control or abridge its duration in the several states of this Union. And throughout these remarks, in speaking of slavery in tbis.country, I wish Jo be understood as confining my remarks to that portion of the country over which the national government has ample and complete jurisdiction, and the sole power of legislation, and that is the District of Columbia.

The petitioners complain that a portion of the people of the District of Columbia, are without crime, disqualified as witnesses. A freeman may commit any crime, even murder itself, in the presence of slaves only,and escape conviction and punislirnent. They complain that, by the laws of the District, which are the laws of congress enacted to govern the same, every black man, and every mulatto of every shade and complexion, though born and nurtured in freedom all his days, the moment he touches the soil of the District, is presumed a slave and by an ordinance of the city of Washington, he is treated as a disordly person, jind required to exhibit to the mayor, within thirty days, evidence of his freedom, and enter into a bond with two freelioll sureties, in the penalty of five hundred dollars, conditioned for his peaceable, or derly, and good conduct, and not become chargeable to the corporation for twelve months, to be renewed at the commencement of each year for two successive years,or remove forthwith from the city, or be committed to the work house until he complies with such requisitions,such imprisonment not to exceed twelve months for each neglect. So that the ?oor black, or mulatto Itiay be imprisoned at hard labour in die work-house, for the term of three years, although innocent, and without crime.

He may hare been well educated, moral, and industrious, have exercised the elective franchise, and voted for the highest officers of the national and state government, entitled to all therigh's and privileges of the white man and of the American citizens: yet in this District be shall be presumed a slave, and in the city of Washington a disorderly person, and compelled to give security for his good behaviour for three years. No such presumption of crime is known to the laws of England, to the civil law, or to the municipal code ofjthe most despotic country in Europe. It has no faui^dation in the law of nature, the common law,norirt common justice, and is contrary to the genius.and spirit of all wise and free government. It is a t^axim that every man is to be presumed free and innocent, founded on the immutable principles of eternal justice, acknowledged by all, and which can neijer be changed but by that arbritrary tyranny which feels lower, forgets right, and knows neither mercy nor justice.

The petitioners complain that by the laws of the District, every such-free black man or mulatto, going at large without the evidence of his freedom, is liable to be taken up as a runaway slave, and thrown into prison, an£ sold for prison fees, as a slave for life, unlesss he FBOVES his THB$BOX. Unless he proves his freedom! a freedom given him by a power of older than the laws which incarcetate him-older than the country which gave him birth— older t'laji the primeval days of time, aud which shall ^ndure when this world is on fire, and time shall be no more—by God himself.

They complain that by the laws of the part of the District formerly Maryland, though such- person be a freeman, and prove his freedom, and shall then refuse to pay the fees and rewards of apprehending fugitive slaves, be may be committed to prison, and sold as a slave for life. So that a freeman, although he does away the before-mentioned odious presumptions of law by clear proof, must still pay for bis own illegal arrest and false imprisonment, for being thrown into the damps of a dungeon and shut out from the light of day, for all the injuries, indignities and wrongs that could be heaped upon him, or be sold as a slave, and never rpore to breathe the air offreedom. Terrible alternitive! more afflictive to a human being, having the feelings of a man, of a freeman, thftn death itself. Such laws are meshes to entrap the unwaand to consign a freeman to servitude for life. They are man traps set at the seat of government of this republic to seize and drag into perpetual bondage a freeman entitled to all the rights and privileges of an American citizen. Does such statute blot tbe page or tarnish the annals of any father republic on earth' Does it dishonour the pages of any monarchy or despotism now in the world' The tyranny of Caius Verres, in a province of the Roman Empire, was mercy when compared with such a law. Many, very many freeman, have fallen victims to this merciless law, and lost all dear to them on this side of the grave.

The petitioners complain, that, by the laws of the United States, the slave trade, in and through the District of Columbia, is permitted to be carri•4 on with dintant states, and that this district is the principal mart of the slave trade of the Union.

Sir, the foreign slave trade with Africa is condemned by tne laws of the country, of England, of France, and by those of almost every nation of the civilized world, as piracy and those who carry it on are denounced as outlaws and the common enemies of the human race. And yet we tolerate, in the District, and at our seat of government, a traffic as productive of as much pain, anguish, and despair, of as deep atrocity, and as many accumulated horrors, as the alave trade with Africa.

And here there are no foreign powers to com-1 pete with us we have no rivals the trade is all ours, ami the odium and the guilt all our own.— The traffic was, in former years, presented by a 'rant jury of the District as a nuisance. And as ong ago as the year 1816, it was denounced by the ardent and eloquent John Randolph, of Roanoke, on this floor, as a nuisance, and as "an inhuman and illegal traffii in slaves and on bis motion, a select committee was appointed to enquire into the trade, and what measures were necessary for putting a stop to it. The committee were empowered to send for a persons and papers called before them many witnesses, and took numerous depositions, depicting in glowing terms the enormities and horron of the traffic, and reported them to the house. But I do not find that any thing further wasdone by that talented, but sometimes eccentric man, or by the house.

Since that time the slave trade in the District has increased in extent, and in its enormities. Free blacks having been kidnapped, hurried cut of the District, and sold as slaves. Slaves for a term of

years have beed sold to the slave traders, transported to a distant land, beyood tbe hope or possibility of relief sold as slaves for life, and their temporary has been changed into perpetual bondage. It has been said by a cotmnhte of this boose, that the hat mentioned class may apply to the courts that tbe courts are open to them in the Districtt.

To take men degraded to the condition of c»t' tie (their ms«ers,tbetr «oet*e*,conspiring with tbe purchaser to deprive them of liberty for life, and no freeman their friends) to conns of justice, is adding insult and scora to injustice, and aggravating the

kom

by a mimicry of all thafonasandallthe

trilof justice. Private cells and prisons have been ejected by tbe slave trsders in tbe district, in which die negro is ^wn*td until a cargo of slaves, of "human dj. K' be completed. Tbe pubfic prisons ofthe D&: st, built with the money of tbe whole pe 'e o« me United States, have been used for UK .cneflt of the slave traders, and the nctim cf

A STaXAM or KANT TIDES ASATifSTTHB rO*S OF THE rtOTLI.'

I

rines,

TERKE-HAUTE, INDIANA, THURSDAY, JUNE 4, 1835. !*©. 39.

this odious traffic have been confined within their walls- The keepers of those prisons, pud out of the moneys of the whole people, have been the jailers of the slave traders, until their drove, their cargo of human beings, could be completed. "Ine petitioners complain that a trmac so abhorrent to the reelings of the philanthropist, so replete with soffering and wo, is approved and licensed by the corporation of the city of Washington, which receives four hundred dollars a year for each license, thus increasing her treasures by the express sanction of to odious a trade. Finally, the petitionertcotnplain of the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia, as tbe source of all the before-meiK'toned evils, and others too numerous

question"*1"creates a restlessness in tbe slave emancipation, rendered incompatible with tbe existing state of tbe country. Humanity may sometimes fail of its object, and rivet tighter tbe chains it would Isose, by injudiciously interposing its good offices, in cases where belongs more properly to others to set."

Sir, the petioners claim, and I claim an equal right to act and to be heard with any citizen of tbe District ar of the Republic. Strange indeed! if we have only to give, give, and have not the right to pethioa "for a redress of grievances," wrongs and croel oppressions. Shall humanity be told, •ball the hundreds of thousands who have petitioned, be told, that her and their efforts, will only rive tighter tbe chains of slavery in this District* No danger of insurrection can, or will be feared in this District. Tbe number of whites is near five to one of the slaves, and considerably more than twice thagaf tbe entire black population. Tbe excess of tMTwhite population, die military, die ma­

tbe arsenek,*ruu aad ammunition, area complete and eatire security again* any and all insnrin tbe District.

Again, it was said by tbe same committee, "It is not tbe District of Colombia, alone, that is interested, bat a large portion of tbe United States, that must be affected by every movement of the kind, and particularly *aryU«l aod

Li. feltei

slavery ought not to be abolished here until abolished in those states. I deny that the question has any necessary connection whatever wHh the ilave-holding states.— The abolition .of slavery here would be productive of no injury to tbe surrounding states. It has been abolished in one state without injury to an adjoining state. And to make tbe abolition of slavery in the District dependent upon its abolition in the states of Maryland and Virginia, would prevent the general government from selecting their own time for the performance of an act of justice, too long delayed, to a much injured class of our fellow-be-ings. The will of the national government, as well as tbe benevolent wishes and prayers of hundreds ig of thousands of humane petitioners, would be dependent on the legislative acts of two separate governments. The petitioners disclaim all alliance between slavery here and slavery in the several states and I hoped that the citizens of the slaveholding states will not claim such alliance, and that they will not attempt to makes! avery here depend ent upon slavery there and that they will not contend that an attempt to abolish slavery in this

District is a meddling with slavery in the several states. Should they thus claim, and thus contend, ought not the eight millions of people inhabiting the free states to double their exertions for thejabolition of slavery in this District. But, sir, 1 cannot believe thev will claim such alliance.

Sir, believe it is expedient to grant the prayer of the petitioners and to abolish ilavery and the slave trade throughout the District. They are not warranted by the laws of nature, or of God,and are oppressive and unjust—and injustice can never be tolerated without crime, where the power exists to correct it And it appears to me that no one can seriously doubt that congrvsa pssesses full and ample power. It will strengthen the District by the introduction of a free population, and do much to protect it against all future invasion. The aboHof slavery will render tbe District more prosperous. Agriculture will flourish its fields and plantations will be better cultivated and improved. Arts and manufactores will be increased, and industry and enterprise will be doubled. The black population will be rendered more serviceable than they now

are for in the same proportion that you degrade man you destroy bis usefulness. Money would be more freely appropriated, and a better feeling toward the District would exist. Greater harmony would prevail throughout the Union. The public mind would be quited and tranquillized. The power of congress over slavery spent and ended, there would be no more petitions for the abolition of sla* very—none, none, would ask congress to interfere with slavery in the several states.

The prayer, then, of the petitioners is reasonable in accordance with the nature of man, and founded on the principle of eternal justice. The Itime, the age, the progress of liberal principles throughout the world, seem to require of this republic the abolition of slavenr in the District of Columbia. The inquisitions of Spain and Portugal :d, and slavery throughout the British dominions has ceased to exist. The-aboli-tion of slavery hss kept pace with the march of republican principles in S. America, and there, as sceptres have fallen from the hands of kings and tyrants, the shackles have fallen from enslaved man and slavery has ceased to exist,and is unknown Ihroughout the South American republics. It is onlyffcnotvn in the Brazil? which is still a monarchy, and has never assumed a republican form of gov ernment. And shall,slavery be upheULand retained by this government, boasting of its fireedom and its republican principles? Our country spent hundreds^ millions of dollars and lost tens of tnouIsands of lives to secure our independence and fromjthe tyranny and oppression of Britain.

And we uphold and support, at tbe seat of our government, personal servitude, personal bondage, and cruel oppressions, harder to be endured by the sufferers for one day, than years, age,than Ages,of the oppressions of Britain, by our ancestors. And do not our professions, consistency, and the honour of our country, demand freedom from personal bondage in all places under the sole legislation of the national government If we refuse to grant it, shall we not be liable to be reproached in the following language of the illustrious Jefferson, when speaking of slavery and the struggle of our ancestors with England, "What a stupendous,what an incomprehensible machine is man, who can endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and death itself, in vindication of his own liberty and tbe next be deaf to all those motives whose power supported him through his trial, inflict on his fellow mon a bondage, oi.e hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose."

The common lsnd, where all the legislators of this country meet to transact th% business of a {preat and the only republic, should be lovely, smiling with peace, and blessed with the especial presence of liberty jtfid justice. No bondage, no stripes, no fetters, or chains influenced or fastened on man without crime no tears and screams of the oppressed, no heart-breken lamentations, no wailings of dispair for the lights of morality and religion extinguished for hopes present and hopes future urined for all the delightful and holy associations, and joys of domestic bliss, for I consider the negro as man for all the ties of kindred, of blood, and of nature, torn asunder and dissolved forever, should fatigue the eye or pain the ear of any legislator, or officer of this governmnnt, or of the citizen of this or of any other country, who makea a pilgrimage to this Mecca, this land of the faithful, this, as it should be, chosen residence of freedom, to render homage at the shrine of liberty.

XHJE MUSE.

BELSUAZZER.

BY TWE REVEREND OKOKOE CROLT. Hour of an Empirer's overthrow! Tbe princes from tbe feast ware gons,

Tbe idle flame was bursting low— Twasmidaigbt upon Babylon.

That night tbe feast was wild aad high That nigbi wa* Zion's cold profaned The ieal was set to bTasphftiny: The last deep cup of wrath was drained,

Mid jewelled roof and silken pall, Belshaueron hi* conch wa* Hang A burst of thonder sfaook the hall He beard, but'ln-a* no mortal toagae*

"King of the east, the trumpet calif, That calls thee to a tyrant'* grave A curse is oa tby palace walls A cone ia oa thy gardian wave.

"A surge i* ia Euphrates* bed That nevrr filled its bed before. A surge that, ere the morn be red. Shall load with death its haughty shore.

Behold a tide of Persian steed A torrent of the Median car. Like flame their glory banner* wheel Rise, King, aad arm thee for tbe war!"

Betsbsxser gated: the voice Was pest— The loftj chamber filled with ateoss Bat ecbeed oa the sadden blast The rushing of a mighty pit

Hehsteaad! all sgaia was Mitts He beard ao chariot iren dang— He heard the moaataia's cashing rill,

Tbebreese (bat throagh tbe roses ssag.

He slept!—ia sleep wild maimers eame A vtMoaed (pleader fired the sky: He heard Belanaxaer's taented name,

Ha beard agaia the Prophet cry.

Steep, Ssllaa, 'tis thv final sleep. Or wake, or sleep, tbegailty dies: The wrongs of thoee who walch aad wasp,

AroaaSi thee aad thv aatioa rise.**

He started. *aid the batt!i* yaU/ He saw the Persian rvshinr on _He saw the flam** aeaaad him swail—

Tbea'rt

him swell

i! Kiag of Baby lorn.

THE PRESIDENTIAL QUESTION We copied into the Giixette ofThufsday^ paragraph from the New-York Evening Star, ia which the Editor, Major Noah, distinctly averred, "that there was a movement on foot among tbe wealthy manufacturer* in this sed&oa of tbe Union, to nnUe thefr ffcterests with those of N«W York in favor of Mr. Van Buren, as a Northern man." At the tire* we copied this statement, we had our doubts of its correctness for we did not believe that any number of "wealthy siftnttfaeturers" in this quartet Would be so fool-hard as to enter into an arrangement with the NewYorkers in favor ofthe political advancement of Mr. Van Buran knowing, as they must, that that cunning pelitioian is decidedly out of ikirot with four-fifths of the people of Massachusetts. We say we had our doubts ofthe correctness of Major Noah's statements but on reading tbe New England Magazine yesterday morning out eyes fell upon an article beaded, "A New MOVEMENT," in whi«h tk» assertions of tbe Neir York £ditor are repeated in such a manner ft* almost tQr force us into a belief of their accuraoys The writer of the article in the Magaxine Js evidently one who is familiar with the subject N discusses, and what is more, he writes like a sensible man and & genuina Whig. It is many day* since we have read an article which has pleased us so highly, or which wo deemftti so deoidedlj rational in all its arguments and suggestions. It affords us pleasure to call th£ attention of otir readers to it, believing, as wtfdo, that they will thank us for copying it»

Tbe writer of tbe article WO have quoted from the Magazine asserts, that—"startling as fctioh a project is, there is a plan among certain men who think more of their gold than of thfeir God, td band us over to Van Buren!—to harness us and onrs to the car of the Empire state* and to introduce here all that agrarian system of poKtici tbaT mtikes New York and New Yorkers not men, but mere mnohinet." In the emphatio language of the writer, we sayt—'-God forbid that such nt project should succeed!1* We will add, that it cannot succeed.—There oaanot be a doubt that nine-tenths of the Whig party of Massachusetts will go for Mr. Webster as their first choice, and next to him for Judge White in pre* fbtcnce to Mr. Van Buren. TOe Editor of Ihd Courier, we think, will not be able to mutter a very large patty far the New York Magioian, so long as Webster and Whit* ate in tho field.—* Motion (Jmetlc. *v

EXECUTIVE PATRONAGE,

The Georgia paper is quite shocked thai atf^ good democrat should for a mbment apprehend any electioneering effects to be produced hy th* operation of Executive Patronage) "General Washington, it says,.was not eleoted by Exeea* tive Patronage," nor was Mr. Jefferson, nor wai Mr. Afadison, nor was General tfckion-^—JSrgo says the Constitutionalist, with the logical astute* ness of Dogberry, all the foss about Gen. Jack* son and Mr. Van Buren using the patronage of tbe Government for electioneering purposes, it stuff and nonsense.

What a very striking change there is in the sentiment ofjthe Van Buren party about the sorrnption likely to be eonsequent on Exeeutive Psitronage. A few years since it excited great alarm. A committee of tbe Senate made a report, which met the nppropation, we will say, of every friend of Gen. aokson in the country. But how is it now? Tbe very individual what brought forward that report ns Chairman, has^ liko a base renegade, virtually contradicted all he said in (hereport and flies into a fury, and fumes, and foams, and roars and bciiott* at thai suggestion, that there is danger from the EsectM tive Patronage. And why Because he hopes* good honest soul, to get a good share of it. Ana to with the mass ofthe Van Buren press.' The/ looked with dismay upon what the Executive Patronage might do, when vmler influence of oa« disposed to use it—and now, when they see it used openly nnd with not even the show oi concealment, tbaf toil the peopleJt it faction# alone that oomplains of Executive Patronage,* We republish part of the Report of Mr. Benton,if to rhew bow differently he and the party thought then from what they think now. It will not do to encourage Mr. Benton by saying that he did not write the report. Ho made tbe report, and left it to be inferred that he was ths author, and)* gave his assent to it. £xtract from Mr. Benton's Report on Executive

Patronage, made ia 1839.

"To be able to show to the Senate a foil and perfect view of the power and workings of Federal patronage, the committee addressed a note, im-. mediately after thoy were oharged with this inquiry, to each of the Departments, and to th* Post Master General, requesting to be informedof the whole number of persons employed, and the whole amount of money paid out, under thaL direotion of their respective Departments Thet answers received aro herewith submitted, and made part of this report. With the Bi.ua Boox* they will discover enough to show that tbe prediction of those who were not blind to the d^ fccts in tbe Constitution, are ready to be realised that tbe power and influence of Federal patron-* age, contrary to tbe argument in the "Fedcralittf* is an overmatch for the power and influence of State patronage that its workings will contaminate the purity of all elections, and enable the Federal Government, eventually, to govern throughout the State! as affettually as if thoy were so many provinoes of one vast Empire.

The whole of this great poWer will centre la the President. The King of Englaind i( tho "fountain of honortbe President of tbe United Statesisthe seurce of patronage. He presides over (he entire system of Federal appointments^ jobs, and contracts. He has "power" over the "support" of the individuals who odminister'tbe system. He makes and unmakes tbem. II# chouses from the circle of his friends andtuppor* tcrs and may dismiss them, and, tfpoa all tb« principles of bumnn action, idill dismiss them* as often as tbey disappoint bis expectations. Hi* spirit will animate their actions i^ all their eleC~ tions to State and Federal offices. There ma/ be exceptions, but the truth of a general rulei* proved by the exception. Tbe intended checttN and control of tbe Senate, without new constita* tional or statutory provisions, will cease to oper* ate. Patronage will penetrate this body, sttbdne its capacity of resistance, chain it te the car ofr power, and enable the president to rule as easily, and mtich more securely, with, than without tbe nominal check of the Senate. If the President was himself the officer of tbe people, elected bythem and responsible to tbem, there would be leif danger from this concentration of all power ia his bands but it is the business of statesmen to act upon things as they are, ajnd not as the/ would wish them to be. Wc must then look for-, ward to the time wben the public revenue will be doubled wben the civil and military officer* of the Federal government will be quadrupled when its influence over individuals will be multl^ plied loan indefinite rxtent, when tbe nominal Uon by the President

caB carry any nt4n

through

tne senate. r»cd bis recommendation can cany* tfhure through thetwobonses of Congress j. Waen the principle of public action will be open and avowed, tbe President wants ur vote, andf want Kit patronage will TOT* at he wither^ aud he will oiva in* the office I tnth for. What will this be bat the government of one man and what is the government of one man but a m*narcA^?—Names are nothing. Tbe nature ofthe thing is its snbstance, ami tbe name soon accommodates itself to the sabstance. The first Roman Emperor was styled Emperor of tbe Republic and the last French Emperor took the same title and their respeetive countries were just assessestially monarchical before as after the as.su caption ef these titles. It cannot be denied or dissembled bat that this Federal Government gravitates to the same point. $,

This rrice was pai

DoUmr Cut

A Fori

id te Bo*ton Seaaebeo

tbe first tafcsa from tbe