The Wabash Courier, Volume 3, Number 18, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 1 January 1835 — Page 1

Published every Thursday Morning, By T. Dowling. TERMS. Two dollars per annum, if paid within four months after the receipt of the first number; two dollars and fifty cents, if paid within the year; and three dollars, if payment be delayed till the year expires.

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Potrtnge must be paid.

SOCTU CAROLINA.

EXTRACT FROM GOV. HAYNETS MESSAGE.

I "Other events hate occurred since your adjournment which ate calculated to ex^.rt lasting influence over the fortunes of our beloved country. In the administration of our national affairs, a collision has arisen between two of the departments of the Federal Government! that has led to the piactical assertion of principles, on the part of the Executive, which, if established, must lay the axe to the very root of our liberties. It is utterly impossible that free government can lor.g exist any where, if the purse and sword shall be confided to the same hands. That odifius and tyranical measure, the FORCE BILL, by which, with the consent of Congress, THE SWORD vrus committed to the hands of the President,to be used at his discretion,even against the sovereign States, has been followed up, as might have been foreieen, by his seizing upon the Punse, and openly claiming dictatorial powers. For all the practical purposes, the Ptesident of the U. States i? now in po?sessionof the whole of the vast power

nnd

patronage of the federal Gov

ernment, which ^are wielded at his picapure, without any responsibility, except to God and his conscience. There is no one so simple as not to perceive that the responsibility of the /executive, while he continues the head of a p.^rty, to impeachment, is an idle dream, and our recent experience has demonstrated, that all other responsibility may be entirely disregarded. The whole revenue of the country,amounting to between twenty and thirty millions annually, is

nnw

confided, under tbe direc

tion of the President, to persons chosen nnd appointed by himself, or his agents.— Even the Senate, without whose consent r.Cit even a Justice of the Peace in the District of Columbia can be lawfully appointed, is denied all participation in the selection of those agents of the Treasury, who are made

the

depositories of the p»ib-

.lic money, which has been withdrawn from the places designated by law, and is disposed of, according to Executive discretion hordoes there appear to be iny power in ihe country, of arresting this flagrant usurpation, which would unquestionably have deprived *r. European monarch of his Vrown. Thus has been suddenly and most fatally realized our worst anticipation? of the downward course of our national affairs, and the rapid progress of the Federal

Government towards the assumption of abcohite power. It required, indeed, no profound philosophy to discern in the history of our country, for the last ten years, the unequivocal indications of a spirit of selfaggrandizement in the 1"ederal Government, equally fatal to the riahts of the States, and the liberties of

a«es,

the

citizen, the

inevitable consequence of which must be. to dra# from the Slates the rights essential to their safety, a.id eventually to concentrate in the Executive the powers of all Federal Government. The evil,it is true, jid not begin with General Jackson, and, \t is to be feared, will not end with him.— Jlis Administration has only given a more rapid developcmcnt to those pernicious principles, coeval with the Confederacy itself. which now threaten the subversion of our fr.ie institutions. Implication and construction. those "jappers and miners" of the Constitution, have been at work ever since the creation of the Federal Government, and the Citadel of Liberty already totters to its base. It i* impossible that ou Republican system can endure, if ours is to become a consolidated Government. The framers of our Constitution knew,and. every well informed and reflecting man must be fully aware, that no country s6 extensively and diversified as oar own—with population so widely ?epmnted from each other, in habits, pursuit* and by conflicting interests, could be moulded into a single

Nation, and governed by a great

central power, exercising unlimited control over their domestic interests and pursuits, without degenerating into a military despotism. The wildest and most visionary politician that ever devised systems of Government for dependent people, could never have imagined a scheme of oppression more intolerable, than that to which

shall be exposed, should our* became a consolidated Government, and the Plantation States be consequently reduced to *nere dependent provinces, governed, not L| with reference to theii own interests, but jfhe interests of others. The levying ol

duties, and impost*, to an amount •exceeding by many millions the wants of jthe Government, nas not only produced the most wasteful expenditures, but has led, by an almost inevitable necessity, to Ihc distribution of the surplus among ut* authorised objects, and this has so enlarged the power and extended the patronage nnd influence of the Federal Government, nnd especially of the Executive Department. as to have infused a deadly poison into every vein and artery of the body politic, the corrupting influence of which is nlteady truly alarming, nnd threatens the •peed/ dissolution of o«r political sjfs-

i.Thev who see in the fruitful abuses nnd corruptions recently developed at Washington* no evidence of the existence of nny evils but such as will be effectually "^moved by the elevation «f some other individual to tbe Preudeocy, must, have ft

Volume S.

imperfect view of the trae-nature and extent of the mitchief. Governments, like individuals, do not become thoroughly corrupt In a day j'and when we see the height to which abuses have now sri»en, nnd how entirely end unavailing have been all the efforts made to correct them, »c may safely conclude that there must be some radical defect* either in the system itself or io its prnctical operation, which demands reformation. Gradually, and almost imperceptibly, hat a state of things been brought about, which has at length opened the eye* of the intelligent and patriotic throughout the Union, as to the pressing necessity of Reform. The Whigs of the Union are beginning to rouse themselves from that fatal r.pathy in which they have too long slumbered, and, thanks be to God! the Spirit of Liberty ia again abroad in the land. I must be permitted, however, to express my apprehensions— the result of a careful observation of passing events, nnd of no Small experience in the councils of the nation—that the public mind is not yet fully awakened to the alarming condition of the country nnd that even those who have felt most keenly the effects of Executive usurpation, are not vet prepared to apply any effectual remedy. The true' remedy, in my estimation, is a CONVENTION OF THE STATES—to reform (he Constitution—to take frenh securities for the public Liberty—so ensure Executive responsibility—and erect r.ew guards against Federal usurpation. The rights of th^ States and the liberties of the citizens must be effectually secured—the General Government must be confined to its appropriate sphere—and, in a word, the restrictions imposed by the constitutional, compact between the Sovereign States must be sacredly adhered to, or the Union cannot be much longer preserved. "I am under the deepest conviction, that our liberties are in danger. The Government Is rapidly degenerating into an irresponsible despotism. With the purse and the sword, and the vast patronage of a consolidated government in his hands, the President will appoint his successor Congress will be held in subjection by Executive patronage, whuh wil! be brought into hourly "conflict with the freedom of elections/' and if, under such disastrous circumstances, any of the States shall be able to preserve their liberties, they nifty not be able to preserve the Union. Let every man, therefor®, who loves the land of his birth or adoption—every true disciple of liberty—all who arc sincerely devoted to the Constitution and the Union forgetting minor differences-—unite in one i»hty Art for the Oration of their lude °f ha nnp rant

WABASH

,!l

Fioro the Nat. Intelligencer. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE, We have read this oocumcnt with the attention due to its official character, and with the interest which its various and important topics naturally give to it. No similar document, emanating trom the present Administration, has deserved n« much consideration, or opened as wide a ground for review and ctlticism, as this Message. It embraces several topics which would each have well formed the subject of a Special Message, and each of which deserves special and distinct consideration. We shall touch upon them all, in turn, and, if other en^gements do not allow us time to say all we think upon them, we shall perhaps put our readers upon thinking for themselves and that will a re at in a in

Wc hive brought to the consideration of this State-paper a candid frame of mind without any disposition to find fault where we could approve,or to go outof our way to condemn- The Message is, for the most part, well written. We approve of several things in it: but there arc others which we regret to find in it, and some which we have read with pain which we cannot disguise to our readers. We shall first occupy ourselves with the part of it which has, in all its bearings, given us the greatest uneasiness, rather than with that which is the most exceptionable in its terms. We allude to that divuion of thv

Message which embrace#. OUR RELATIONS WITT! FRANCE. We see in this part of the ^essnge the spirit of the old solddier, resentful oi injury, real or supposed, impatient of delay, and reckless of the consequences in pursuit of redress for it. Nothing has, heretofore, occurred in the Foreign Relations of the United States exhibit tbete characteristics so plainly to the public view. It is now to be ascertained whether our fellow-eitiyeittare so enamoured of battle and of bloodshed as to follow their leader headlong into a war with their ancient friend and ally or whether they will draw b*ck, and survey the width and! depth of the fplf they are invited to p*s», before they leap over (or into) iu *. VT« hare'said that the Mewaje, as far 4r» "-T

migniy riiuii iui mo tioone movement under his administration country. Our course, f,llow-u *en »t defcct pf juJE,n,„t this momentous crisis, is perfectly clear.'"" .. Th. palh of duty li« plain before us— b«n mor-l«nrlT man.feted. Let us resolve to walk therein, pressing forward to that glorious consumation of our hope—a Radical Reform of all existing abuses, Unsubdued by the blandishments or frowns of power, let us stand prepared, eagerly to embracc, and steadily pursue, every measure—come from what quarter it m-,y—having in view the glorious worle of reform—always bearing in mind, that upon the issue of our labors in this field, depend the preservation of that noble inheritance of freedom, which was purchased by our fathers with their blood, and which we are bound by the most sacred obligations to transmit unimpaired to the latest posterity."

A «TSCiM or

MAST

The r«^' will not understand us-as vindicating France in stating our objection to the recommendation to employ hostile means against her. Slic has undoubtedly put herself in the wrong so far ns she has violated an obligation which,on the face of if, was perfect. In this the hns done great injustice to her own character for perfect integrity, and violated the law which prescribes an inviolable faith among Nations. At any sacrifice, she ought, we think, to have paid the amount of indemnity stipulated by the Treaty and if ?he had made a bad bargain, to have held her own public servants accountable for it, rather than have refu?ed to execute it. VVe have argued the matter, so far, in re fete nee to the interest of the United Slates, rather than as it concerns the conduct of France: and the course recommended by the President irf, we are satisfied, not that which the interest of the country calls for.

If the interest of llws People does not invite the course of measures indicated in the Message, does the-National honordemand it? Not at all. It may be a well settled principle of international law, as stated in the Message, that whfn a debt i? due by one Nation to another, the latter may seize upon the property of the former to pay it, without giving just cause of war: but that is a point which would in practice, we apprehend, depend very materially on the ability or inability of ths former to resent the violent seizutc of its property. Portugal would never have submitted to this "remedy," when administered by France, if she could have helped herself. The example of France, in this casfe, does not appear to us to afford the happiest possible illustration of the pacific nature of the forcible seizure and sequestration of the property of one Nation by another.—

We trust that we shall not commit the fatal error of imitating

it. If

had read a little

Snounces

TIDE^ WilMTTHS FOE*

the President

furtherinutheinternational

code," he would have found th«t Reprisals, under any circumstances, are justifiable only in the l«st resort, when every'other attempt at tedrtss has fa'led. A Government has no right, any more than an individual, to resort to force, but where mild and peaceful methods are ineffectual. But, if it has the right, is it a right to be fxercised without regard to consequence*? There are occasions on which a power that has the clearest right,

it for the preservation of peacc.

uch more may a Nation refrain, witliout a stain upon its honor,from vindicating any right by arms, when assurances are held out. as in this case* that, with delay^ind upon examination^ the right may be respected* [We afe ronning ahead of our argument. To return, however.} Besides/n this subject of reprisals, we most take care 'that we do not wholly mistake our remedy for the (grievance complained of. Let us not, if the proper remedy would be a De-

if6'

*(.'*

TERRE-HAITE, THURSDAY, JANUARY 1, 1835.

a* 44 goes, it characteristic of our present 1 hostility, without the declaration of it. Let Chief Magistrate- ..-In saying so, wedoj us not make war with professions of peace not mean that it expresses all his feelings) upon our lips, on the subject. We h$ve very l'ttle doubt, that, had he followed out bi& own intentions, the language of the Message, and its recommendations, would have been even more hostile than they are. It is rumored, and we cannot doubt, indeed, that, had the earnest dis?uasioiw of the President's advisers been allowed alL.tl\e height they were entitled to, a yet milder tone towards France would h*ve pervaded the Message. We have no doubt that wiser counsels were over-ruled, and that the warlike propensity of the General could not be wholly restrained, either by argument or entreaty. Be this as it may, tbe language held to France in this* Message must be regarded ns most unfortunate, whether we regard the object to be gained, or the evils and dangers to be avoided. If any thing could serve to delay £xr a long time, if not to postpone forever, the payment of our claims on that Govmment, it is the tone of intimidation and menace used by the Chief Magistrate on this occasion, should the French Nation unhappily not distinguish bctween-the personal opinion and feeling of the individual who occupies that station, and that of the People of whom, in our Foreign Intercourse, he is the restricted rind limited Representative. The Message, vre know, disrlamls all intention of menacbi .But, whiltt the language of meanace is held, the disclaimer will go for nothing—we had a most said, ought to go for nothing—with a proud, fiery, chivalrous, and powerful nation.— Let any one imagine what would have been the feeling of thic country—of the President himself—if the monarch of the French had recommended to the Legislative Chamber of his country, on his high responsibility, to pnssalaw directing reprisals upon the properly of our Government and people of the United States,to take effect in case Congress should not, with the fear of this consequence before them, hasten to pass some law about which they had hesitated. Would our Congress quail beneath such a threat, or would it wait to see whether the Chambers would make it good? And if the Chambers passed such an act of reprisal, would Congress, with the sword at the breast, contffcde what it had before deemed unreasonable? On the mere ground of expediency, considering the end aimed at, and the means proposed, we cannot conceive of any error greater than that into which the President has fallen. It is no part of our purpose to queslrbn the roctidesign in this instance but in

claration o/*War, retort to repr»al*,which eminent ... 1 in such a ease would only be real acts of la addition io hU con*fttvti0*a* scruple^

TBS PEOPLE.

There was a time, indeed, when reprisals against French property would have been the undoubted remedy for .the very spoliations which, after an interval of almost thirty year?, have become, in a somewhat different form, the ground of the present hostile movement on th« part of Jihe Executive. When NAPobtoXjin the plenitude cf his power, and the zenith of his glory, not only seised the vessels of the U. States on. the bigk «-eas, but confiscated them af'er inviting thein into his ports, he laughed atour remonstrances and intreaties and our insulted Minister indignantly withdrew from the Imperial Court: Then was the time for reprisals. Why did we not iesort to, Ihe-m? For reasons best known to ourselves, and of course not so well understood by the world, Jt was not deemed expedient. In other words, prudence and policy forbad it. If we would not resist when we were thus outraged, i^ there any thing inWie merely negative character of the delay to pay a sum,of money, though acknowledged to be djte, that will justify ys now ift & rash appeal to tht °f W-^y-«I

We find we have more fo lay on this subject than we cun despatch to-day, and we will resume it at another day. But,before we quit it, we take leave fo express our trust that it will be universally understood, not only at home, but everywhere abroad, that the recommendation of the President, upon which we have been re» marking, in his act only, and is not likely, in the present state of the case, to receive the approbation either of the Congress or the the People ot the U. States.

From this Baltimore Commercial Chronic!?^ Ehtr&ct of a Lclitr from a distinguisheh Jtfemier "V Congress.

WASHINGTON, DRC. 1834.

The message is not well recfetved, not even, I believe, by the high toned of the Jackson party, and in the end I fear wiTT Where the green ocean rage*, prove a highly unfortunate one. It assumes an attitude towards France, notwithstanding the admitted impropriety of her conduct, much to be regretted, aind not likely to facilitate the adjustment of oqr controversy, hope the Canal Convention to meet in Baltimore next week will be* well attended— much good, 1 trust, will Qorpeout of it.

You see from the jnessage that we have little or nothing to hop^for from thisjquurter in aid ef works of internal improvement.

The President, in his celebrated Proclamation, made every thing national—the laws enacted by Congress exerted their' power on persons and property throughout ihe country. The wants within the limits of his congressional district formed no peculiar claims upon the Representatives— his duties, his services were national—but, behold! if this Representative, clothed with jiG/tona/authority,only should venture to vole a small appropriation from the abundant revenue of the nation, in aid of any work of internal improvement, the President resorts to his knowledge of geograi phy,and inquires whether the contemplate ed aid is to be applied above or belov tide water.

If (J/ovc tide water, the appropriation metamorphoses ihe Representative into a local agent his act are no longer notional. aud the veto power (a power, as exercised by Gen. Jackson, which gives him the entire control over the legislation of the country is brought to bear upon the measure, and the country is deprived of the bet nefits expected to be derived from it. If this theory was reversed, and he would consent to afford facilities of intercourse above tide wnter instead of6?/osoit, there would be more plausibility in his reasoning, if not more justice,

What is the great Erie Canal but an artificial continuance of the Hudson river to the lakes?-—more secure and safe for the purposes of navigation* when in good order, than the lower part or natural portion of the river and 1 should like to be inform ed how his constitutional scruplcs would fothid his sanctioning legislative aid to* wards deepening and widening the arlificiai river above Albany^hould it be solicited whilst they would allow him to concur in a bill appropriating money for the removal of sand bars that might obstruct tbe na* tural river below Albany.

It ia commerce, borne upon the canal or artificial river, embracing not only the pro# ducts from the western paft of New York, Ohio, and Michigan, but from the uppermost lakes, which imparts to it its national character, and not it? location. Is the commerce of the Chesapeake bay less of national character because it passes thro' the Capes of Virginia? What public work could be promoted by the aid of the funds of the Gcnc^il Govcfnmcnt that would be made more American, more national in its character, ihan the improvement of the bed of the Wabash river,designed to con. nect the commerce of |he wit.h the

Mississippi. A small appropriation to aid this Important communication has been also arrested, after undergoing the investigution and ap-. proval of the. legislative departments of the Government, by the iron grasp of the veto power and the good people of lodi ana must wait patiently till, at some distant day, wealth shall have accumulated sufficiently among them, to enable them to perform the contemplated work wilhoot the paternal aid of tbe Federal Gov-

No.

18.

a* regards internal improvements, the President has thought proper to add as an objection to works of that character the ex» travagauce of the Committee^ in recommending excessive appropriations for their completion,without stating the improbability of Congress sanctioning such reports, and, if they were, that it would .require hnlf a ccntury or roor$ Je expend the apnoont of money he hai^alluded to. It ill •becomes the dignity oPthe President to excite prejudice in this manner against important measures. "7 L* ... Suppose an accounl should he drawn up, stating the very large amount expended in furnishing a palace for the President)* residency (amounting to seventy or eighty thousand dollars, I believt, since General Jackson occupied the White House)and it should be exhibited ,1a t^hc people in any interior section of the country, do you not think they would say we had .better have no house, when we all know he cannot do well without it. This principle might.be applied to the army, navy, .fortifications, and the courts of justice, and so distorted, if tbe President pleased, as to alarm the people, and make it unpopular almost to vote an appropriation of one dollar for any purpose.

tll£ MUSE.

•j.. THE IIOXR OF UBEftTY tVhere the throne of the Mighty I« ubielded from strife—• \Vhere the tramp of the thuudef

Roll o'er the deep sea, And tbe tongue of the tcmp«»t iSpeakj fearlen »nd Iree—v Where liberty dwell* in her cryataliae home, And lores with the thunder and tempest to r«aoi!

^(icurbed bj a rein,

Ni* fr'r.bi 1 \Vhn the foaiq i* above ^jjpi .... ij

J'Twix the welkin and wain—"

Where bound the broad billow, •t Unfettered'and far, ., And dares in its madness.

The tempest to war— "5 Where Liberty mounts an the wings of th« foam. Aad £ndt in the frensy of surges a borne! -i IMH Where the'reight of the monnUga

Looks tip to the iky, 7®

And heeds not tbe swe^p 7 ",» -. Of the winds rushing by-r Where the triple-tongucd echo peaks out in the vale And dies while she murmura .riHer love-born tale— Where Liberty finds on the mountain a home. And tores in the Tallica with echo to roam!

Where the sword of the stranger Is pointed wiih paia—. And the wnil of the Weeper

Is heard o'er the plain— Where the music of seriow, Ui l.'ucultured br art. While it sings to tbe ear

Finds a home in the heart— Where Liberty listens, and reases (o TOMB. And seeks in the breast of the weeper a hoset

Where the men of a nation Stand out on the sod— And tread where their fathers

Triumphantly trod— Where they strike fc»i their altars, With death in each blow— Orspenltheir heart's blood

On the face of the foe. Ah! Liberty there has along cherished home, Till the fall of the brave, what could tempt her to roam?

The|laft number of the Edinburgh Review contains soma critical remarks on Poems, written by a mechanic, commonly called the Sheffield Bratier. The tollowing extract or comparieon of tbe outward risible glorie of }he Creator is eminently fervid aTid beautiful. "God said,'Let there be light!'

Grim darkness felt ti* might, And fled away^ Then, startled seas, and mountains cold Shone forth all bright in bio* and gold.

And cried, "'Tis day!'tis day •Hail, holy Light! exclaimed

The thund'roos cloud that flamed O'er daisies white And Io, the rose, in crimson drees'd, Lean'd sweetly on the lily's breast. ,'•*

And.blushing/nurmur'd/Ligbtf ~s Then was the skytarkboia Then rose tbe embattled corn

Then floods of praiee Flow'd o'er the sunny hills of «»w a :Jfr•»•••••... And then, in stilled rrfght the moo*

Pour'd forth her pens!** laysLo.heav'n's brigbtbow is glad'. -s Lo.tree*and fl«wer», all clad

la glory, bloom!

And shall the mortal aooa of Cod Be aeaseles* as tbe trtdden clod. And darker than the toeAT

Tio. by tbe mind of man By tbe swart artisan) BTGod, or she! Our Mvb bare holy light witbie. And erery br« of grief and

••tt.

Sball aee and feeli its fire-

kf:

By ewtb. n»d bdt. Mid boav'n. The #hrr»pi of souls is ir*"' Micd, sniftd alone, 'is light, aad hop*, sad life. pow«T Earth's deep«Mt night, from this Wena'd hnart,"

Tb* »*ht

lMwniiiy Correspondence.

TV my old friend Mr. Zhrtght of fh» Mm IW* Uniljf Advtrtutr. ... WASifimiwt DM. 6, 183^-

I suppose that you have read tbe met* sage long afore this, and begin to think tfeft time aint far off when we shall all on tsa be called on

give tbe Frenchmen a stir-

rin' up, for not paying

that ju»t debt

they owe us.. *1 wish I could write French at well as I can American, for then Td sit down and give Louis Philip my notions about thif business, for I am plaguey afraid he and his folks don't know as much about tbe natur of,this country as they ought ta know, If they or any other nation think that because wc differ in opinion here ap mong ourselves on home matters, we are goin to carry our differences into foreign^ matters, they are amazinly mistaken. $ ar aint kalkilated to bring much protit to at*v nation, especially to our nation as things now stand, but it will never do to' look to profit or loss account in a~ businew of this natur.

The Frenchmen owe us five millions of dollars and they must pair it, or we must try and get it out on 'cm if it cos^la five limes the sum. The mode of doing this, is for Congress tq saj. If Congress "says, '•wait a spell? I for pne of the people, say agreed. If Congress says, take French proj perty enuf to pay the debt, I say agreed? and then if the Frenchmen do any thing turn that looks like war, and Congress £ays "go at 'em now ioys,M I for one say.

ready,''-r-and if any man may think he can do more good at the head, of a BrU gade of Militia than 1 can, he is welcome to my sword and cock\J hat, and I'll take his place in the ranks* I ddot want a better place lo do my duty to my coqntryf than that. *11 think it is the duty now of eyery man op this point, to drop all politics. Every, man to .be.sure has a right to give his opint jon in Congress or out of Congress,.as to the best mode of settlin this business but when once that Congress has ordered what is to be done, then my notion is for all parties to shake hands and stand by the Government, an if it comes at last, to the point, and war is Tnx wortf, then off coat and go ai it, and have no disputing among ourselves till we have thrashed the enemy.

If Congress should agree with theGin-r eral, that the best course, in case Frencht men don't pay: usis to take French pro« perty on.the ocean, I suppose the Fiench* men who lose their property, will think i| mighty hard in us well if they do they will understand exactly how our merchants felt some 20. years ago when their property was taken from them—it aint a good tasted dish any way.

Howsomever, I have a notion that the best way arter all lo bring the Frenchmen to their senses, is to stop all trade with em, till they settle all old accounts** This is a pcacable mode, and they'll soon find out we can give up their ribbons and ruffits a little belter than they can give «p our Cotton and Tobacco.'Tis amazin to see how much good solid articles go from this country to France, nr.d paid for In fashions and trash, that aint worth, when you raly corine to look close into *60) th* expense of bringing out.

Some will siy that our Cotton nnd To bacco will go to France thro' other coun* trys —well, let 'em go so—The French cant do without 'em. and.will have to pay so much the more for 'em. And then, agin some will say that French silks and ribbons and gew gaws will come to us thro' other countries, and if needs they will be called "English" or "Swiss" or "Spanish," but there is a rod in pickle for sul that—If and the Gineral only come out with a proclamation to our woman and galls, and ask 'em to drop all use of French goods, the jig will be up with Frenchmen at once —they may deceive our Consuls and Coif lectors, but they cant deceive our galls, forthey can tell a French hat and French rib* bons and French flummery as far as yot| can throw a tub.

If any one thinks our galls aint got pa* triotism enuf in 'em for this, when they come to understand the natur of the busincs, they will be as much mistaken as Com-? mod ore Iiaidy was }a»t war off Stoning? ton. Some one went off and told Hardy the yankees had but two guns, but had no flannel to rpake cartridges with, and that was true enuf so he brought in his ships and began to blaze away, bqt as soon as our gulls come to hear on't they turned to, and afore VI o'clock there warnt a flan* nel petticoat left in all Stonington* Commodore Hardy got the hull on 'em about his ears in cartridges about4th*j quickest, tell you. 'And arter that, when any one would tell him sich and sich a place had no flannel to make catridges with, h'd scratch his bead and say, but I a'm afraid they have got galls and flannel petticoats, and that's about tbe same.' don't mean to say nothin about home politics now till this French business is set* tied. My spunk is getting up a leetlo abeut it—and don't know but I shall brush up what little I once knowed of (bat lingo, and tell the 'parley voos' in thciy Congress'up chamber' a thing or Iwo per* haps they have forgotten about this couty

Your old friend, J. DOWNING, Major, 1 Downingville Militia,2d Bri^adcw

We have «n*ch pleasure, f«y«tb* National Intelligent cer, in being ablr to state that iJhe journal from wtwra wo obtained infonnat'ioa of the intention of Mr. CUtyton tfif Delaware) to resign K« «e*t in tbe Senate, WM misinformed. Th» fact, which will be sufficiently regrrttnd. it. that he baa indicated a determination to decline reflection. This determination his friends hare son* hope* may be rerfonstdared at their argent solicitation. To .hose fs may venter* to add tbe hopes of l*H Whig friends thropgbost the nion, who would with great ra*. gret aee thr rrtirement of so distinguished a champs*^ of Repirpaantative Republican principles. ^.. ,v ,v,

I .1. ii mmmmmmmmm I I I 1

Colonel Benton, of tbe Senate, ia to b« the candidate the Van Burea parly r«pnsy Wania for the often of Vic# Fr*»id«at.

Den Miguel is abool to marry a daughter of the Dak* ol Mod en*. "A aplendid Qp**%. fautfed on Botwet's Leaf D«T*af Pompeii, «t in preparation in London"A' ,/