The Wabash Courier, Volume 2, Number 27, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 18 January 1834 — Page 2

itttel**

created of thcnwelve* at a new toured of power? THjiI he derired an authority from them which he did not hold as from nny other *oureel If he mean* that Utere suffrage* made htm the President of the United States, and that, a« Pri'sident, he may exercise every power pertaiiiirr^ to that office under the constitution'and the laws, there-is none who controvert it but then there could he none to add the suffrage# to the constitution. But bis languages is "•he #uffmge» of the American people and the i-onstitutio Sir, I deny it. There is not a liable tn the constitution which impose* any •uch duty upon him. There is nothing of any Fach thing no color lo the idea. It& true, that hy law, all the Departments, with the exception of the Treasury,arc placed undei the general care of the Prc»iJent. Ue say* this is done by the constitution. The laws, howereifhHve .ippojnted bat three Executive departments and, it is trqe, that the Secretaries are often required by law to act, in certain cases, accor ding to the directions of the President.

it is admitted that they have been, by the J.iw, (not by the constitution,)placed underthc direction of the President. Yet even as to the State Department, there are duties devolving upon the Secretary over which the President has no control and tor the non-performance of which (hat oflicer is responsible, not to the President, hot to the legislative tribunals, or to the courts of justice. This is no new opinion. TheSupreme Court, in tbe case of Barbary awl Madii^n. expressed it in the following, terms: the constitution of the United States, the President is invested with certain important political power*, in the exercise of which, he it to use bin own discretion, and is accountable only to his country in his political character, •ind to his otf/i conscience. To aid him in the perfoi manpe of thcae duties, he is authorised to appoint certain officers, who act *by his auihority^ftnd in conformity with his orders.

MfVsuch cases, these acts are his acts and wh i/ever opinion may be entertained of the manner in which executive discretion may be nstd,iliil there exists, and can exist, no powrr to control that discretion. The subjects are 'i political. They respcct the nation, not individual rights, and being intrusted to the Executive is conclusive. The application of this re-

WMrk will be perceived by adverting to the net of Congress for establishing the depart-jf-mpnt of Foreign Affairs. This officer, as his 'outies were prescribed bv that act, is to conform precisely to the will of the President. He ia the mere organ by whom that will is commu-

Mcated. The acts of such an officer, as an ofj. ficer, can never be examinable by the courts. •'But when (he Legislature proceeds to iinpos# on that officer other duties when he is directed promptly to perform certain acts [that is, when he is not pi iced under the. direction «W the President,] when the right? of individuals are dependent on the performance of those nets, he is so far the officer of the law is amenable to the laws for his conduct and cannot at his discretion rport 9.way the vested rights of

others. 1: "The conclusion from this reasoning is, that wher« the. heads of departments are the politiciil or confidential agents of the Executive, merely to cxccutc the will of the President, or rather to act in cases in which the Executive possesses constitutional or lepal discretion,

mmimmiir Hfri""i pciwibic fo'" sustnin the ad mtt theffll tfepend upon the perlarmnnec lhat du'y, it seems equally clear that the individual who considers himself injured, has right to resort to the lawa of his country for a remedy

Though the President Is mistaken in his as ifertioh, that the constitution devolves upon the President the superintendence of the Departments, there is one clause of that instrument which he has very correctly quoted, and which makes it his duty to

4»sec

fully»executed," as it is mine now to examine

what autority heobt.iins by this cluse in the case before us Under it, the most enormous pretentions hftVfc been set up for the President.

It hits been contended, that if a law shall pass, which the President does not conceive to he in conformity with the constitution, lie is riot to execute it and if a treaty shall have been made, which, in his opinion, has been unconstitutional in its stipulations, he is not bound to inforce them. And it ncc^sarily follows that, the courts of justice shall give a decision, which he shall in like manner deem repugnant to the constitution, he is not cxpectcd or bound to cxccutc that law. Sir, let us look a little into this principle, and trace it out into some of it* consequences* &

One of the most important acti performed Hi the departments, is to settle those very large nccouuU which individuals have with the Government accounts amounting to millions of dolUrs to settle them*an auditor and a comptroller have been appointed by law, wluwe official *ctsmnynlhct,tQ the extent of hundreds of thousands of dollar?, the property of individual coat rut U, If the pretentions of the President arc well founded, his power goes further than he ha* exerted it. lie may g6 into the office

Ptho auditor, or the office of the Comptroller, «nd may say to him, sir, Mr. A. B. has an account under settlement in this office, one item of whidh, objected to by you, I considered to ha in accordance with "tKe constitution: pass that account and send It to the AuJi^rjand he may then go to the Auditor and hold similar language. If tho CI .UJC of the Constitution is to be expounded, as is contended for, it amounts to complete nbsorpition of «H the powers of Government In tfce person of the Executive. Sir, when a doctrine like thi* shall be admitted as orthodox, when it shall be acquiesced in hy the people of this country, our Government will have become a SIMPMS machine enough. The will of the President will be the whole oi It. There will be but one bed, and that will fee the bed of Procustes: but one will, the will of the President. All the departments, and nit subordinate functionaries of Government, great or small, must submit to that with and, If they do not, then the President will have

So far,

that the laws are faith-

l**i f*ubA%

Sir,fuchanextravagant and enormous pretentton as this must be set a Jottgaidc of its exploded compeer, the pretentions that CODgrew has the power of parting any and all

exe.

Let me, in a few wordJ^reAi to thl Senate what are my own views to

structure of this Government. 1 hold that no powers can legitimately be exercised under it but such as are expressly

"6 duly in its own place. That this is the ttue interpretation of the constitutional clause to which I have alluded, is inferred from the total silence of all contemporaneous expositions of that instrument on the subject* 1 have myself, (and when it was not in my power personally, have caused others to aid me,) made researches into the numbers of the Federalist tho debates in the Virginia Convention, and in the Conventions in other States, as well as all other sources of information to which I could obtain access, and 1 have not, in a solitary instance, found the slightest color for the claims set up in these most extraordinary limes forthe President, that he hns authority to afford or withhold at pleasure the means of enforcing the laws, and to supcrintcd and control an officer charged with a specific duty, made by tho law exclusively his. But, sir, I have found some authorities which strongly militate against any such claim. If the doctrine be indeed true, then it is most evident that there is no longer any control over our affairs than that exerted bj the President. If it be true that when a duly is by law specifically assigned to a particular. officer, the President may go into his office and control him in the manner of performing it, then is it most manifest that all barriers for the safety of the Treasury are gone. Sir, it js that union of the purse nn«2 the sword, in the hand of one man, whirh constitutes the best definition of tyranny Which our language can give.

The charter of the Bank of thj United States requires that the public deposites be made in its vaults, pt also gives the Secretary of tho Treasury power to rcmave them and why! The

l|a«, at Js

the

particular

delegat

ed, and Those which are necessary to carry these into effect. Sir, the Executive pow er, as existing in this Government, is not to be traced to the notions of Montesquieu, or of any other writer of that class, in the abstract nature of the Executive power. Neither is the legislative nor the judicial power to be dccided by any such reference. These several powers with us. whatever they may be elsewhere, are just what the constitution has made them, and nothing more. And as to the general clauses in which reference is made to ei ther, they are to be controlled and interpreted by those when these several pow ers are specially delegated, otherwise the Executive will become a great vortex that must end jn swallowing up all the rest Nor will the judicial power be any longer restrained by the restraining clauses in the Constitution, which relate to its cxercise What, then, it will be asked, does this clause, that the President shall see that the laws are faithfully executed.mean Sir, it means nothing more nor less than this that ifresistance is made to the laws, he shall take care that resistance shall cease Congress, by the 1st article of the 8th sec of the Constitution, is required to provide for calling out the militia to execute the laws, in case of resistance. Sir, it might as well be contended, under that clause that Congress have the power of determin ing what are, and what are not, the laws of the land. Congress has the power of calling out the militia well,fir, what is the President, by the Constitution? He is com mander of the army and navy of the United Slates, and of the militia when called out into actual service. When, then, we are here told that he is clothed with the whole physical power of the nation, and when we are afterwards told, that he must take care that the laws are faithfully executed, is it possible that any man can be so lost to the love of liberty, as not to admit that this goes no further than to remove any resistance which may be made to the exe cutionofthe laws? We have established a system in which power has been carefully divided among different departments of the Government. Ar» we have been told a thousand times, that this division is indispensible as a safeguard to civil liberty. We have designated the departments, and have established in each, officers to exer cise the power belonging to each. The President, it is true, presides over the whole: his eye surveys the whole extent cf the system in all its movements. But has he power to enter into the courts, for example, and tell them what is to be done? Or may he come here and tell us the 6ame? Or when we have made a law,Van he withhold the power necessary to its practical eflcct? lie moves, it is true in a high, a glorious sphere. It is bis to watch over the whole with a paternal eye and, when anyone wheel of the vast machine is for a time interrupted by the occurrencc of invasion or rebellion, it is his care to propel its movements, and to furnish it with the

uone

Secretary is at

the head of the finance of the Government. Weektv reports aie -r.ade by the bank to him. ile is to report to Congress annually, and toeither House whenever heshall be called upon. He is the sentinel of Con gress—the agfnt of Congress-—the representative of Congress. He hns been created by Congress. Congress has prescribed and has defined his duties. 'He is required to report to them, not to the President. He »s put there by us as our representaive: he Is required to teqnove the deposites he n't hey shall be in danger, and we not in session: but whan he does this* he is required to report to Congress the fact, with his reasons for it. Now, sir, if when an officer of Government is thus specifically assigned his duty, if he is to report his official acts on his responsibility to Congress, if in a case when no power whatever is given to the President, the President may go and say to that officer,

ugo

and do as 1

bid you," or you shall be removed from office**—let me ask whether the dangei apprehended by that eloquent man has not already been realized?

But, sir, let me suppose (hat 1

taken in my construction of the Coostitu

lrliMnpfxiK«)nt th«

mis

poWor,

law

The famous Sedition Act was passed, sir, in 1798 and it contained umeng others the following provision:

SKC. 3 "That if any person than writfl, print, utter, or publish or shall en me or procure to lie written, printed, uttered, or published, or shall, knowingly and willingly, assist or aid in writing, printing, uttering, or publishing any false, senndnlous, and malicious, writing nr wriiings, against the government of the UftMed Stales, or or either house of the Congro»g-.ttf the United ed States, or the President of tAyfiKited States, with intent to defauae the sajfj^HMs^ient, or either House of the said Con|reWpythe said President, or to bring them, or either of them, into contempt or disrepute or t&excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, fur opposing or resistfhg nny law of the Utritetl Slates, or anv act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such !«*, or of the powers itt bimswsted by United Stales or to resist, oppose, or db/V-ai, «hy such law or act or to aid, encourage", or abet, any hostile designs of any foreign flfitfjon against the United State*,their people, or government, then sacb person, being thereof convicted before any court of tho United States baring jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two Ibousnnd dollars, by imprisonment not nxcecding two years.,,f

We have now, sir, in the reasons for the removal of the Government Deposites, the same motives avowed anil acted upon.— The abuse of the Government, bringing it into disrepute, using «fontemptuous language to persons high in authority, constituted the motives for passing the Seditioo Law, and what hare we tecm but a repetition of tbe same combinations of abases, disrespect, &.c. As it is BOW, so it was then for, s*yt the next section of the am Sedition Aet! ••I bat if any person shall be prosecuted under tb»» act for tbe writing or publishing anr 1-bel aforesaid, it shall be lawful for th. defendant. »|»b the trial of the eausw* to pre in evidence his defence, the truth of the natter contained in tbe publication charged as a libel. And thejary who shall try the cans*, shall hare a nghtto determine tbe law and tbe f«et, under tnadirection of the court, a* in other ca«Mi»

It for*. »rt, fevwnd the p««ageoftha law—for the*akc of justice 5 as it is now said that it was "-ffn

iftlriipp.

carried into eflect «|i

then, was it his duty to^de ib the present case under the clause thus interpreted The" law authorised the Secretary of the Treasury to remove the deposites on his responsibility*to Congress. Wow, if the President has power to see this, litre other laws, faithfully executed, then surely the law exacted of him that he should see that the Secretary was allowed to ex ercise his free, unbiassed, uncontrolled judgment f« removing or not removing them. That was the execution of the law. Congress had not said the Secretary of War, or the Secretary of State, might remove the public deposites from the Treasury

The President had no right to go to the Secretary of War and ask him what the Secretary of Treasury ought to do. He might as well have consulted the Secretary of the Treasury about a centemplatec movement of the army, as to ask the Secretary of War about the disposition of the public moneys. It was not to the Presi dent, and all his Secretaries combined that the power was given to alter thedis^ position of the deposites in the bank. It was to the Secretary alone,exclusive of the President and all other officers, of Government. And according to gentlemen's own showing, by their construction of the :lause, the Secretary ought I* have been left to his own una biassed determination, uncontrolled by the President or any bodyelse. [1 would thank the Secretary of the Senate to get me the Sedition Law. It is not very certain how soon we may be call to act upon it.] ws^*.

Now, sir, said Mr. C., let us trace sofne of the other sources of the cxercise of this power, or motives of it, or by whatever other name they arc to he called, lie says to Mr. Duane, "the President repeats that he begs his Cabinet to consid "er the proposed measure as his own, in "the support of which heshall require no

of them to make a sacrifice of opinion or principle. Its responsibility has been assumed, after the most mature de "liberation and reflection, as necessary to "preserve the morals of the people, the "freedom of the press, and the purity of "the elective franchise." The morals of the people! What part of the Constitution has given to the President any power over "the morals of the people? None. It does not give such power even over re"igion, the presiding and genial influence over every true system of morals, .No, sir it gives him no such power.

And what is the next step? To-day he claims a power as necessary to the morals of the People to-morrow he will claim nother, as still more indispensable to our religion. And the President might in this case as well have said that he went into the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, and controlled his free exercise of his ulhority, as Secretary, bccause it was necessary to preserve "the

religion

of the

"eoplel" I ask for the authority. Will »ny one of these gentlemen here, who consider themselves as the vindicators of executive, point mc jfl.i'f of,

W W re S 1 he re

President of the United States any power to preserve "the morals of the people?7' But "the fieedotn of the press," it seems, was another motive. Sir, I am not sur prised that the present Secretary of the Treasury should feel a desire lo revive this power over the press, lie, I think, was a member of that party whith passed the Sedition Law, under precisely the same pretext. I recollect it was said, that this Bank, this monster of tyranny, was taking into its pay a courrtless number of papers, and by this meains was distroying the fair fame of the President and his Secretary, and all that sort of thing. Sir. it is some times useful to refer back to those old things—the notions and the motive which induce men in former times to do certain acts, may not be altogether unlike some others in our own time.

not. Uader that Uu§ tha efflrodittg party vraa to ham a trial by jury th# beaafit of witfien£i and of oonnsei and the right to barn tho truth of his alleged libels examined. But what is tbi ca.se nov under considerationf Why, sir, tbe PresiwR takes the whole matter into his own hands be if at once the Judge, the Jury, and the Executioner of tbe sentence, and uttciiy deprives fbe accused party of the opportunity of shewing that the imputed libel is no libel at all, but founded in tbe clearest troth. fiat *tthe purity of the eleclire franchise," also, the President has very much at heart: And here again, I ask, what part of the Constitution gives bim any power over that "franchise?" Look, sir, at tbe nature of tbe exercise of this power? If it was really necessary that steps should be taken to preserve the purity of tbe press or the freedom of elections, what oaght the President to have done? Taken the matter into his own hands? No, sir it was his duty to recommend to Congress the passage of laws for the purpose, under suitable sanctions lanrs which the Court* of the United States could execute. We could not hare been worse off under Such laws (however exceptionable they might be) than we are now. Wc could then, sir, bare reviewed tbe laws, and sera whether Congress or the President bad properly any power over this matter or whether the article of the Constitution which forbids that tbe press shall be touched, and declares that religion shall be sacred from all the powers of legislation, applied in tbe case or not. This the president has undertaken to do of himself, without the shadow of authority, either in the Constitution or tbe Laws.

Suppose, sir, that this contumacious institution, which committed the great sin, in 1839, of not appointing a new President to a certain one of its Branches—suppose the Bank should goon and vindicate itself against the calumnies pourfed out upon it—that it should continue to stand upon it* defence, how inefficient will have been the exercise of power by the President! How inadequato to the end he bad in view, of preserving the press from being mudc use of to defend the Bank! Why, sir, if we bad had the power, and the President had come to iw, we could have laid Mr. Nicholas Biddle by the heels,ifhe should have undertaken to publish another Report of Gen. SMITH or Mr. McDrrnr, or another speech of the eloquent gentleman near me, (Mr. WEBSTER,) or any other such libels, tending to bring the President or his administration into disrepute. But the President of the United States, who thought he hnd the Bank in his power who thought he could stop it: who was induced to believe, by that "influence behind the throne, greater than itself," that he could break down the Bank at a word, has only shown his want of power over the press by his attempt to cxercise the manner he has done. The Bank has avowed and openly declared its purpose to defend itself on all suitable occarioni. And, what is still more provoking, instead of being a bankrupt, as was expected, with its doors closed, and its vaults inaccessible, it has now, it seems, got more money than it knows what to do with and this greatest of misers and hoarders cruelly refuses to let out a dollar of its ten millions of specie to relieve tbe sufferings of the Hanks to which the Government deposites have been transferred.

Sir, the President of the United States had nothing to do with the morals of the community. No, sir for the preservation of our morals we are responsible to God, and I trust that that roponsibility will ever remain to Him and His Mercy nlonc. Neither had tho President any thing to do with tho freedom of the press. The power over it is denied, even to Congress, by the People. It was said, by one of those few uble men and bright luminaries whom Providencc has yet spared to us, in answer to complnnts by a foreign Minister, agninst the freedom with which the American press treated certain French functionaries, that the press was one of those concerns which admitted of no regulation by the Government that its abuses must bo tolerated,

Constitution, and so it has been respected ever since the repeal of the obnoxion* act which I have already quoted, until the detestable principle of that hrw have been re-asserted by the President in his assumption of a power, in nowise belonging to hit office, of preserving the purity of the press.

Such, sir, are the powers on wliich the President relies to justify his seizure of the Treasury of the United States. I have examined thein one by one and they all fail, utterly fail to bear out the act. We are irresistibly brought to the conclusion, that the removal of the public money from the Bank of tho United States has been affected by the displacement from tho hend of the Trensury Deportment of one who would not remove them, ami putting in his stead ano thcr person who would and, secondly, that the President has no color of authority in the Constitution or the Laws for the act which he has undertaken to perform.

Let us now, said Mr. for a few moments examine the consequences which may ensue from the exercise of this enormous power. If the President has authority, in a case in which the law hns assigned a specific dut}* exclusively to a designated officer, to control the exercise of his discretion by that oflicer, he has a right to interfere in every other case, and rcmovo every one from office who hesitates to do his bidding,against his judgment or his own duty. Thj, surely, if a logical deduction not to bo resisted. Well, then, how stands the matter.? Recapitulating the provisions of the law prescribing how money should be druwn from the Treasury, and the deduction above stated, what, asked Mr. C., is to prevent the President from going to the Comptroller, and, if he will not countersign a warrant which be has found an accommodating Secretary to sign, turning bim out for another, then going to the Register, and doing the same and then to the Treasurer, and commanding him lo pay over the money expressed in tbe warrant, or mbjec! himself to expulsion? -_v^ "vy?

Where is the security1igainst inch conduct on the part of the President? Where the bounda ry to this tremendous authority which he has undertaken to exercise? Sir, every harrier a ronnii the Treasury is broken down. From the moment that the President said, "I make this measure my own. I take upon myself the responsibility,*'—from that moment the public Treasury might a* well have been at the Hermit age as at this place. Sir, the measure adopted by the President, is without precedent—in oor day at least. There is, indeed, a precedent on record, but yon mast go down to the Christian era for it. It will be recollected, by those who are conversant with ancient history, that after Pompcy wai compelled to retire to Brandusiam, Caesar, who had been anxious to give bim battle, returned to Rome, "baring minced Italy (sars 'the historian) in sixty days—J the exact period, 'Sir, between the remorai of the deposites and "the meeting of Congress, without the usual a!Mowancc of three day's grace]—in sixty days, 'witbont bloodshed.'* Tbe historian goes en 1 'Finding the city in a moie settled eooditioti Hhan be expected, and many Senators there, he 'addressed them in a mild and gracious manner, *£as the President addressed bis late Secretary of "*the Treasury,] and desired them to send depn*tiee to Pompey with an offer of honorable terms *of peace, 4c. As Metellus the tribune epjtoted *kit taking money o*it of the public treasury,and 'cited soma laws against it—[such, sir, I sop. *pose,«s I have endeavored to cite on this occasion]—Casar said—'Armsand laws do net flou*rish together. If yog are not pleased at what I eboat, you hare only to withdraw. fLeare Hhe ofioa Mr. Do an*!] War, indeed, will not

•I fhetioa agaiMt ae, att it ay

U\*,R'

mii thivfeo aimaiwehed tha 4mm of

•the treasury, and at tbe were not prodaeed, *be«eot for workmen tohrvftk them open. AleHelios again opposed liim »m}*ai!i«d credit with •some for bis firmness Cjfta»a with an elevated voice threatened to pot bim to death, if he garc *him any farther trouble. And you know very •well, young man,' said he,4that this if harder for «me to soy, than to do.» Metellos, terrified by menace, retired and C#SAK was, afterward, •easily and readily sopplied with every thing ne'oessary for the war.

And where now, sir, ia ths public treasury? Who can tell? It is certainly without a local habitation, jf it be not without a name. And where is the money of the People of tbe United States? Floating about in Treasury drafts or checks to the amount of millions, placed in the hands of tottering banks, to enable them to pay their own debts, instead of being appropriated to the service of the People. These checks are scattered to the winds by tbe Treasurer of the United States, who is required by law to let out money from the Treasury, on warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, fcountersigned, recisteree, &c. end not otherwise. ^er* referred to a correspoadence, which he quoted, between tbe Treasurer sad the officers of the listiK, cetHjtUiniag* of these checks drawn without proper notice, &CL in which the Treasurer says they were only issued te be used in certain contiarenri**, fcc.

^r* People's money is put into

.Bank here, and a Bank there, tn regard to the sotrenry of which1 wa know nothing, aad it is placed there to be used 10 the event of certain contingencies—contingencies of which neither the Treasurer nor the Secretary have yet deigned to ftiraiah usany account.

Where was the oath of office of the Treasurer, when he ventured thus to sport with tha People's tnooer*— vV here was the Constitution, which forbids money to be drawn from the Treasury without appropriation bv law?

Where was the Treasurer's bond when he thus Cast about the reop]«' money

1 Sir, said Mr~C. his bond is forfeit

ed. I do sot pretend to any acpat knowledge of the law, but, give uie an intelligent ancTunpacked jury, and I undertake to prove to them that he has forfeited the penalty of his bond.

Mr. President, (said Mr. C.) tbe People of the United Slates aie indebted to the President for the boldness of this movement and as one, among the humblest of them I profess my obligations to him. He has told the Senate, iu his message refusing an official copy ofhisCabi"aper, that it has been published for the info mixtion

People. As a part of the People, Ufa Senate, if not in their official character, have a right to its use. In that extraordinary paper he has proclaimed that the measure is Atsowa end that he has token upon himself tha responsibility of it. In plain English, he has pioclaimeJ an open, palpable, and daring usurpation!

For more than fifteen years. Mr. President, I have heen struggling to avoid the present state of things. I thought I perceived, in some proceedings during the conduct pf the Seminole war. a spirit of defiante to the Constitution and to all law With what sincerity and truth—with what earnestness and devotion to civil liberty, I haye struggled, the Searcher of all human hears best knows. With what fortune, the bleeding Constitution of my country now fatblly attests.

I have, nevertheless,in-rsevtred and, under every discouragement, during the short time that leapect to remain in the public council,,I will persevere. An.l if a bfruntiful Providence would allow an unworthy sinner to approach the throne of grace, I would beseech hitn, as the greatest favor he could grant to me here brlow, to spare me until 1 live to behold the People, rising in their majesty, with a peaceful and constitutional exercise of their power, to expel the Goths from Rome to resrue the public Treasury from pillage, to preserve the Constitution of the United Stales to'uphold the Unio^ against the danger ot the concentration and consolidation of all power in the hands of the Executive and to sustain the_ liberties of the people of this country a gainst the imminent perils to which they now stand ex posed. [Here Mr. CLAY, who was understood to have gone through the first part of his speech only, gave wav, and

Mr: EVVJNO, of Ohio, moved that the further consideration of the subject be postponed until Monday next,which was ordered accordingly. [When tho Courier went to press, the remnin der of Mr. Chty'sspeech had not been received.

LIST OF LETTERS remaining in the Post Of jioe at Terre Haute, Ind. the quarter eiulio"' 31st Dec. 1833, and if not taken out before the Istdav of Apnl, 1834, will be sent to the General Post Office Department, as dead letters. Ashmon Ctdvrnf5^''" ... Arnold Wm B.^*^ Lennon Ww_„

Allan John, Jua* Allen Solomon Benson John '/f, Burrows John S. Bait Doct. Beard Stephln 2^ Htnck Wm.

Leathers James Lewis Ruth Longfellow Thomas & Leeper Jamison yfjMewhinney John

Burnap Jacob Beacham Noah 3 .j$af Briton J..hn 2 Briley Samuel

JS0

EaiIs Willis Francis William Fitch John Foriincton James Fries John Gilmao I 3 Grantham Isaac Goddard VVilliam Goff Michael Glidewell Robert Garrett Isom Gerru William Graham Elizabeth Giaham John Graves John llauchett John H«skin Silas HSK Hussey Edward?#^Hamilton JohnT-'iL,* Hide Samuel Houston Desmond H»ynesThosC Harknes* Robert. Haggard Job* Hougb A 2 Henderson Frances Hitchcock or E Hoagtln-Tongate Peter ton ... Van Zante

H,-»

Hauler Rudolph Hill William Herrington John Juland Alexander Jackson Samuel Jastire Daniel Jackson Joel Jaqaea Richard Jobnsoa Lemuel Kinney Amory .2 Kragan Iraac Linton Wm 2 Leedr David ,1 Lea JesMt'" ,"w'

Smsrl Cls^r Enoch Eeaas».% •+',-* Wm Early

Skinner John Smith Asa t'*

tm Sattan Joseph Tillotfon E J!

vJ»flditn«f

Waldren Joseph Wood Allen -Ward Stephen *Wnngarorth Mr. Yocom Wm 2 xoeum Levi

Joseph Fields Mrs OrinM Redsrick Gates P1 Joseph Hall '5r Da rid Haaultea S W Ilea Edsrie Kef*

netting a spirit

F. CUNMNGHAN. P. M.

Terre Haute. Ind. Jan. 1st. 1834.

1ST OF LETTERS *e«naiai«»f in tbe Po«t Office at "••Auica, lad. oa the 1st of Jan. 1S94, and if not token oat before tbe 1st of April.lws. will be scat to tha Gen dead tales*. -M«s

eral Post Gfice as Deal Bilderbacks 2 Pollard Balwia DK Borwall Jos CofeU

CasapbeO11

Saiaael Leslie obn Myrea Mall Eaq JeaMftlerwia Jaows Mills j. Isacc MeUker

Thomas Ogle & Henry Spar Darid Sbafler Joeepb Shtfcr

HinMn Wilkiaaea

AtUaa. Jaa. UUIIM

Jh'iillin Samuel D. wtofteve McCulloc.i Margaret McOuire AlexauJar Mansfield Willi*™ Malcom-Joseph Martin Stephen

Blare Andrew Brotherton Truemnn Bisohmes Si Co. Baty William Balers William Bnll W Briggs Jonathaak} Brown Corwine Canaday James Chineowith Eli Crosby Rewben Clark Robin, a* &. Wm* CunditfJohn Canadv Jane Cnsto Jabry 3^"* Cross James Churlswortft JohA *. Cutter W Clarke Margaret ChesnutJohu Chunn John'f Clark John Crutcher Isabel "3., Corwine $ Cruft John Dukirsen Samuel V. Dun James Denton Ju^tis t' Dnwson Isaac Kl E! ing*woi th Wc Ep{ert Jacob EppeitJohn

:. Mick!eberry Georgi -McMillan Andraw '^McDonald Wm

Moore Jacob 2

^McAfee Robert 1sfl#Mc A fee oh »McDougHl Robert 2

He McCawly Thomas "McKinney Mr Mattos Sauiurl $^^cConibs Wm i«.^McA lister Jane

MrComiel Mary Mori is Harvey Norman Sol.mian ifiM Oihorn Jonathan 2 Parks Matbew Patterson Thos f- *ri' Patterson James S Peirson Moris Porter Rachel Tucked Thomas «ics I'luiDincr Wm 7 Potter Geo or Joiiai"}'-^-I'ickardJoha Paddock Isabela Ray Wm i*."* Rausdal San ford WW'% Ross IluMtl .* Ringo WilJiaro' .-'J* Rake Zarubabel^ Roll I«»ac Reed William 2 Bred Lurretia 11. I'.inen Jacob Rhodes Abigail Red ford Lewis Reed Darrius il Robinson Thos Rea Wallace Rogers Simon Robards Purdon'' Roe Benjamin fieynerson Isaac .£ Smith Josbua Stout Samuel Snllivan Elizabeth San Key 'lbomas f/fStraive James Shepherd Frederick--Stephenson Mablen 2

».

Irm 4

s..'

Tiadab Gardner

^-•4 Tiniberlake Phillip

Warren Mi«s Wbeelock James 3 Weal Enos Went Thomas* Walker Wm

M*-* Wilson Jas S ,1 Woods p* Winniagham If

CStTMPTOT. H.

Please —j

Vigo County, tbalif they will girt fragea for the oiSoe of Sheriff, at gnat Election, it Will b« very gratc feelings.

Jan. 11,1834. J. W, 0#OKft.

Magistrates

PRINTED

on fine paper, kepiconttnntly on

hand and for Nile, at tbe TEMUC.ELAUTE BOOK STORE. Also, BLANK DEEDS, of a superior quality.. Orders for any of the above, promptly atU«d*d to.

L. lh.re.° inchc« h'Rh:

Jan. 11-26-3t.

Jan. 11—tf. -Is

be sent to tha Geoeral Post Office, as dead letters. Kent osiah Jtelly Anderson"

Allison Jose. Ballard Racnael Misa Brown Matheir Beasley William Bamford Robert Canfield David Cross Alfred Collinga J:roes Crawsoe J»ha Coil Saul ,, CalUson l*aa« Dicken Joel Duncan Davis EH'O Dalton Elrns Dunivan John Ec els ton I'ertia Folgier Asa Howell Enoch Harson Garret 5 Haworth Thomas Iliff Richard Esq

Lynn Nancy Lowry Benjamin Miner Heiekiah McMillan Robert Myers Emanuel Owen John Follick Joseph O Patterson Wm 3[ Taen Itenry Power* Lutser or Jo» Lyle RhubyJohn Raymay Joseph Sectt John 3 Sprowls James Sheffield Lewis

Sayre Benjamin Thomas It $ Framan Henry Young James &

ROBT. E. BARNET, P. M.

Eugene, Jan, 1st, 1834.

Close old Accounts.'

EVERY

demand assigned to Us by

and D. Linton, all o? which are very oWi muat be forthwith paid. Suits will meuced without respect to persons if this not lice is not attended to within one month. i*

Jany. 11—26—tf BLAKE & B&LIh

WANTED,

this office,«* an Apprentice to the Printing Busincs, a lad frcm foortenti to seventeen years of age, of a good disposition, and who will permit liimself to bo instructed.— Such an one will find a good place, with every reasonable indulgence,

Jan 11, 1334—2C-tf.

ADMINISTRATOR'S NOTICE. VJHllE undersigned has takh eotit Lettera of Administration from the office of Probate Court of C-lev County, on tbd estate of Hickman Carrel, late of said county, deceased. All tlioae having claims againat said estate ate hereby notified to present the aamc within one year^ according to law and those indebted are raqtiested to innke immediate settlement., _The estate is supposed to ba inxolvfioi.

ROBERT BUUCIIFIELD, Adm'r. 2 3 2 3

Dower.

NOTICE

is hereby given to all persons con#

corood, that the nnderstgned (being tluf widow of Hickman Carrel,late of Clay county, deceased,) will on the first day of the February term of the Clay comity Probate Court next hereafter, apply to said court for tho appointment of Commissioners to assign and set over to mo rfty dower in and to the following lots, lying and being in the town of Dowling-Urcen, in saidconnty of Clay,to wit: Block 5, lot hlocfc 4, lot 1 block 4, lot 0 block 4, lot 7 block 4, lot 8t block 14, lot 5} block 0, lot 3 block 14, lot 7, block 4, lot 4, block 4, lot 5 block 5, lot 7 block 5, lot 8 block 11, lot 8 block 5, lot 2 the half of out lot No. 20. And, also, of tbe following tract of land lying and Leiog iu said ccunty cf Clay, to wit: Bcgining at tbe south west corner of tbe south west quarter of section 18, township No. 11, north of range No^ 5 west, running thence east to the ccntro oftho* vr««t half of said quarter aectinni and near 9U rods long, with a Saw Mill on it together with such other lots, tracis or parcclsof land whichr belonged either legally or equitably to my said husband, at any time curing my coverture witlfy, him, as lays in said county, when nnd wliero^*** you may attend and defend, if-you think proper.

jt^

AllRV CARREL, k5

Widow of Hickman Carrel, dec'J.

December 19,1833.-—20—St

THE Saw Mill and a number of Town Lots"

Bowling.Creen, are to he sold on tbe 2d Monday in Aiarclj next, urul tlio conditions will bo made know on the day of aale.

ROBERT BURCIIF1ELD, AdmV. •Tan. 11-2G—'U

sv?

I do certify the nbova to be a trim copy from my est ray book. Given under my hand and aoal. Jan ll-86-3t» ELI H. KlLLION,J. P.

Spun Cotton,

Kentucky Jeans, Limpyi and Flannels. A Cooc^aisortmcnt just received by t, J- & S. CRAWFORD.

Jan. 11-26-31.

J9Ir. TBrotcttfs School. B1 HEJt/th quarter oftbisschoul will comtneifce^', th® public School-House on Mondav** next. T~l

January 11,1834,

Woolen Goods.

ts ED, a good assortment of Kentucky Janes, Lrnseysand Flannels, of very superior quality. Persons wiahing to purchase tuch articles will de well lo call and examine our stock.

Dec. 5-22tf J. C. 6c W. EARLY.

CASH

TAKEN UP by William Ballard, in the county of Clay, Indiana, Washington township, one Sira bery Rone Stud Colt, supposed to be two years old next spring, thirteen hands

small atarin his

rorchead black legs up to the knees black RIHRO and tail no other marks or brands perceivable. Appraised to fourteen doMnrs by Eli Melton and \illiam Booth,this 18th day of Decnmber, 1833.

fl'ea

paid for any quantity of GENSlNG.br

__ Jao 3—25tf A. McGREGOR it CO.

-r AS. POPE, Attorney at Law, Terre-iiaote, led, BUSINESS committed to his cafe pfi&mtly attended to.

Jin. 2,1834.-35-tf (KrTbe Louisville Public Advcrtiaer, will please insert tbe above three nonths.

LouUvWe Wire Factory. 'OR MAKINO ]ROLL[WQ AMD STANDIWQ SCREENS

For merchant IVfills:

8®*dJT,°or»l owdc^,

l^s

mod Jlarket Street, Louisville, Ky.

tei

7 obaccp«

Bales Spun Cotton 10 Kegs common Tobacco 20 Boxes Young Hyson Tea.

On consignment and for sale by

J- 8-

tefii

CRAWFORD.

N S A N N IN

LL8'andRiddUs

for 1 oal,Grain,

&c. Ac. WIRE, for Ceil

far fPtodeiw, Shfet% Milk Ho-uset, Ac. gcy wltolesale and retail, at low as any Factory in

b«t«re«o Main

BROMWELL,Jr.

JTjr. Dte. 19-23-lyr.

0r*«r»

tbonkfolly received "aad

poootually attended to. J°f