The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 41, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 28 March 1833 — Page 1

PablUhed eyjery Thurwtay Morning.

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THE MUSE.

COUHTiilllP.

These verses are from Friendships Offering. As to the sentiment, we do not pledge ourselves, but merely say in the word* of another—'* Behold the pictures-Is it likel"

Oh Laura! will nothing I bring thee E'er softan those looks of disdain? Are the songs of affection I sing thee

All doomed to be sung thee in vain? I offer thee love the sincerest, The warmest e'er glowed upffto earth !n

But the Maiden a haughty look flinging, Said, Cease my compassion to move i, for I'm not very partial to singing

And they're poor whflfe lo^Areaiure is love!"-, ,, I*

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My name will be sounded In story: I offer tbee, dearest, my ntmej I have fought in the proud field of glory

Oh Laura, come share in my fame! 1 bring thee soul that adores thee, And

loves

thee wherever thou art,

*Which thrills as its tribute it pours thee Of tenderness fresh from the heart." Out the Maiden said, Cease to impor'tunes

Give Cupid the use of his wings Ah, Fame's but a pitiful fortune— Ami bearts are such valueless things!"

Oh, Laura, forgive, if I've spoken Too boldly!—nay turn not away— For my heart with affection is broken—

My unclfc died only to-day! My uncle, the nabob—who tended My youth with affectionate care, manhood who kindly befriended-A *%J IIas-4lied-and-has-left-me-his-heir!"

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And tho Maiden said, "Weep opt sincerest!" My heart has been your's all along: Oh! hearts are of treasures the dearest

Do, E&ward, go on with your song."

PROM Tat KfOCRESBACRKa. TIIK ALBATROSS.

•*Tis fid the dliftttmi never rat».'*-Buffon. Wbeio the fathomless waves in wagnificence toss,

Homeless and high soars the wild A!bat' tross— Unwearied, undaunted, unshrinking, alone, The Ocean, his empire—the tempest, bis

When the terrible whirlwind raves wild o'er the surge, And the hurricane howls oat the mariner's dirge, In thy glory thou spurnest the dark-heav-tag Sea, Proud ttrtl of the Ocean-world—homeless and free.

When the winds Ifcro at rest, and the San iobisgto#, And the glittering tide sleeps in beautj below, In the pride of thy power triumphant above With thy mate thou art holding thy re?tit of love.

Uetired, anfettifr'd, uowatch'd, uncon-

Be my spirit like thee in the world of the mind, 17s leaning to* WHk t%er to mxrj tt» flight, And fSresh as thy pinion in regions of Kght.

A N»iao*e men.—A planter In St Domingo was ons day dsspo*ing of a horse to a neighbor, and being questioned by the purchaser regarding its qaalittes, among the rest, whether it kicked. The disposer replied was the quietest beast imaginable. He had, however, hardly need the expression, when it flung units heels to the danger of the bystanders. The purchaser being irritated at the duplicity of the othet, raproached him with 1.is intended doceptiomwhen toeobe!**tiate the peaceful character of the enimat he wllsd one of his slar«,awl domawW of hi^ if he (itt saw this fin* aaisaal kitk fctftnl "Oao, sees massa," eeMurtly anewewdtho ae,«m«Wsaw hisktok ktfcia-tHwjatwr

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IK OTCTATE-Feb. 25. Modification of the Tartu

The bill to tnodify the act of the 14vh day of July, 1832, and all other acts imposing daties on imports, was read a third time, and the question being on its passage,

The yeas and nays were ordered on this question on the call of Mr. King. Mr. WEBSTSR then rose, and gave hi# sentiments in opposition to the bill. He paid, in the commencement, a tribute to the purity, zeal, and ability of the Senator from Kentucky, for whom he had so long entertained a high respect, and to elevate whom to a situation where his talents might be still more beneficial to his country, he had zealously labored. He also complimented the talents and service# of the Senator from South Carolina, with whom he had so often acted, and for whom he felt a sincere regard. He briefly reviewed his owa course, when the former bills on the subject of the tariff were under consideration, and the conviction which wasforced on the East, and other portions of the country, that the protective system was to be the settled policy of the Government. New England had resisted in the first instance^ the establishment of a high protective policy but when that was determined on, the Eastern States turned ail their natural advantages, and their capital of wealth and industry, into the new channel thus marked out for them. The bill of 18*26 was to carry out the promises made by the bill of I8*M. Hedisliked the bill of 1828, yet he had voted for it on account of that feature in it which gave the woollens the protection which the Government had pledged itself to give by the law of 1824. That hill decided the policy of the country, unless it wa* to be kept in a state of perpetual fluctuation and uncertainty*

After passing the law of last session, a law containing some features of concession and compromise, when the ,countiy was not prepared for any i^bnfige, the present bill, professing to be a bill of peace, of arrangement, and of compromise, is brought forward by the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, who professc* to hnvc renounced none of his former opinions as to the constitutionality and expediency of protection. The Bill is also supported by a gentleman whose opinions are directly the reverse of those entertained b} the Senator from Kentucky. When it was supported by such opposite feelings, it was important to look into the provisions of (he bill. He stated the various considerations which ought to weigh with those who, as friends of the protective system, voted for this bill,

He did not object to the prospective and biennial reductions made by the bill up to 1841, but he objected to the clauses which did, in effect, prohibit the repealing action of any subsequent Congress upon this bill, until 1812.— He also objected to the proviso in the fifth section, which was restriction on the power of Congress. He put it to the Senator from Tennessee,(Mr. GRUNDY) who hid introduced the clause to sny if he did not intend that it should show that Congress was to be considered as bound by the bill, as far as this Congress could bind the future legislation of the country.

The protected articles may, by this bill, be.reduced below 20 percent, ad valorem., but cannot be raised above 20 per cent.

He opposed the bill because it imposed a restriction on the future legislation of Congress. He also opposed it, because it teemed to yield the constitutional power of protection. Various arguments were advanced by him to show that the Southern politicians would, if this bill were pasted, tell every one of their constituents, that they had gained some concession to the opinions of the South. He said that he-approved the sagacious silence of the Southern gentlemen. They would not safer themselves to be provoked by friend or enemy to speak before the time should come when they ought to speak. They were masters of the game, and they knew it. He commended their policy, but he wished them to see that he understood it. In giving op specific duties, and substituting advalorrmy the bill had abandoned the policy of all wise governments, and the policy of our own government, and the policy always advocated by the Senator from Kentucky. He viewed the bill as ft surrender of all the interests of the smaller capitalists, and a concessioa in favor of overgrown monopolies. He pointed oat the effects of this surrender on oar coadiiipe, and the boodle whkh it wooid

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and the poets laureate of all the monarchies of Europe, to turn our institutions and our pretensions into ridicule. If thi sprinciple were carried into our navigation, he stated that it would be immediately countervailed by Great Britain. By limitiug our countervailing power, and leaving the countervailing power of Europe tree, we put in her hands weapons to destroy us, and cast our weapons of defence at her feet. Under a colonial system, our manufacturers would not be moie completely shackled than they will be by this bill.

He referred to the four powers by wh!^h the Senator from Kentucky had said fiat one jprotective fyslefll^ould be preserved. ist, prohibition, 2tlly. (he iree !i$t,3dly, incidental protection —all of which would be found inadequate—and the 4^i, discrimination, or specific duties, was the only one which would avail. Discriminating and specific duties were the last resource, and if that were to be given Up, there could be no longer any hope for the protective system, in war or in peace. He insisted, th&t not being owners 1 the property, but mere!) agents for administrations, we had no right to fatter a future Congress. He regarded this bill as the Inst will and testament of Congress, which would be set aside by the People, but not on the ground of want ol sanity in those principally engaged in making it, for he never saw gentlemen more fully in possession of that sagacity, nor on account of any undue influence, although he could not help thinking that panic had something to do with it, and that if the South Carolina Ordinance and replevin law had not appeared,this bill would never have appeared in tht Senate*

In reference to the practical effect of the bill, he stated that he saw obstacles to tho carrying this bill into effect, which appeared to him to be insurmobntable. He thought it would be difficult to ascertain the legal value of cotton. He took a view of the different values attached to cotton, and of the professional constructions to which the clause concerning cotton would be subjected. In relation to iron, he thought that the difficulties in ascertaining the value would be such as to render the provision concerning that article inoperative. Thedutieaon iron having hitherto been specific, no principle of Valuation had been laid down. He considered that there was no legislative provision by which the vnlue on iron CQuld be assessed. The same remarks were applicable to sugar, and he stated a ca?e to show the difficulty which would exist in reaching a proper and fixed value as a basis tor duty. He supposed the answer would be, that if difficulties arise, the Secretary must get through them as well as he can and if he cannot he must come to Congress.

As a measure of finance, he had no idea that the bill would be an efficient measure. He had not beard tHte insertion that the bill would at all reduce the revenue. He ^denied that the reduction of duties oh boots nnd shoes and clothing would pduce the revenue. The bill wouta| in these branches, reduce thousands of mechanics to ruin, and by this operatic^ would increase the revenue. In thii...point, the bill aims a deadly blow on tie poor, the young, the enterprising on$he labour and the ingenuity of the coufitry. By the introduction of foreign alcohol, at a reduced rate of duty, the revenue would be increased hut he thought gentlemen should pause before they sanctioned this change. The entire breaking up of the printing establishments for printing calicoes would be one of the consequences of the pas sa^eof the hill and in proof he read tome extracts from a memorial of the Lowell manufacturers. These institutions might survive Jhe three first reductions, but the fourth would he fatal to them. On the spinning and we aving, the effect, if not so disastrous, WAuld scarcely be less objectionable. The large capitalists in that branch would be able to make money by breaking down all young and enterprising establishments. In reference to woollent, with a doty of 30 per cent, on woollens, and 2U per cent, on wool, it it impossible that they can stand.— The depreciation of property would he the first consequence, and the depredation of credit the next: and, by the surrender of their interests, long before this benificent home valuation can come to their relief, their eles will be sealed in death. At to iron, English iron or Wale* costs 26 dollars a

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lariu ton. English iron Juts been taxed 30 dollar*, and flatiic iron 18 dollars a to|r The change from sp^ific to ad valorem dirty will work an'injurious change! jHe believed that this suirender once made, we could never return to the present state of things, without such a struggle as would shake the country much more than any thing has vet shaken it.

He might be wrong. There might be no pledge, no constitutional objection but if so, why tins bill? The People will no{ expect the passage of this bill. There was no expectation at thf commencement of this short sessirtn that such a bill would be passed. Tie Se

Senate had not hadtitaie to know the pleasured of their ma:iters.^ No opportunity had been offered forobtnining a knowledge of either the course of public opinion, or the effect of this measure on the public interests. It wns said that the next Congress would pass this bill if it was not passed now. He did'not fear'the next Congress but if that body should choose to undo what was noiv done, it would have the powoi so to do.

If it was true, as the Senator from Kentucky believed, that the intention of South Carolina was merely to enter into a law suit with the United States, then there was no neceslity for this sacrifice of great interests. He believed that if thi%frUl should become a law, there will be an action on the part of the People at the next session (o overthrow it. It will not be all requiem and lullaby when this shall be passed. On the contrary, he Relieved theie would be discoid and discontent. Me had nlready expressed his views as to reduction in his resolutions. He believed there ought to be a reduction to the point of neces«ary revenue & that, tf soon as that point could bd^scertained, any Congress could be able to make a Tariff to suit the country.— The estimates of the Secretary of .the Treasury as to the point of revenue, vary materially from those of others, but if |he true point could be ascertained, he thought Congress might at once proceed to aa i^^tjnent of the Tariff with a prospect of success.

As he had commenced with doing justice to the motives of the gentlemen on the other side, he asked that equal justice might be done to him in the opposition which he was compelled to make to a measure which had been ushered in with so much profession of peace and harmony. Hc would do as much to satisfy South Carolina at any man. He would take the tariff and cut it down to the bone: but he did not wish to rush into untried systems. He helieved that his constiUents would excuse him for surrendering, their interests, but they would not forgive fyitnfora violation of the Constitution.

Mr. CLAY replied to the Senator from Massachusetts. He paid a high tribute to the purity and patriotism of that gentlemen, and said that he fell deep and lasting regreWhathehad now f| differ wkh hirn. lie was happy, howfever, to find himself connected with his friend from Maine, with whom he Ijad rtcted in the final adjustment of the Missouri question. lie suggested 4hat if the Senator from Massachusetts could not make some appeal to a future congress for forbearance, hemust ffe opposed to all compromise. He repudiai^d «nv share in bringing the existing fevils on the country, and declared that when he saw the tor?h applied to a favorite syst^jn, he ffouid rush to satfe it and to restore security and peace. The honorable member had seen nothing within the last six months, calculated to show* thTtte^j Tari^ was ip dUtnger. Had. that'gen* tlemah witncswld the rcsult^ACthc*recents election^? Had he not'fteanl the Message which had been received frow the President? Did he not know that a majority of the friends of thqi Administration were opposed to the Tariff? He wished to put the tysfenv on a permanent foundation for nine or ten years, that the manufacturer may go tojp1 pillow at night without a fear that tpe system would be over thrown before morning.—If he should have1 been able to convert a set of politiei- »«•«, who had heretofore been steadily opposed to the Protective System, into high Tariff men, he should rejoice that he had been so successful in making proselytes. He maintained that the act of 1S'24 resorted io the policy of making a Tariff without tegardlo revenue- He,(Mr. C.) wished to be clearly understood as to the points which he had relied on for the protect lion of the coantryv He bad named.

Itt. prohibition—2dly, lbe imposing of high duties withool$refpLrd to. the tummiotof revc»o»—Sdly, a limitation

of the revenue affording protection as far as be could—nnd 4thly,iy encouraging the manufacturer! by letting in articles free %f Ho might have added a 5th rated«^by ragnlatingsales by auction, PNmpdrtaftt object which the manufacturers had solicited Congress to accomplish, tout which hpd notyetbeen done*, lie expressed his wiHir.gnessto leave the effect of his bill to be decided by the opinions of the mnnuftilWers themselves, a large number of* whom are now assembled in Washington, atld* whose almost unanimous voice wodid he in favour of hi* bill. He referred to correspbndence to prov4 that the bill befor& tha Hfiusji woU(d be rtftnous to their interests, while* the Gill before the Senate would remove all fear of ruin. In reference to iron, lie reminded the Senator from Massachusetts, that by a new process, called coking, iron would soon be manufactured in this country at as low a rate as in England. His whole objection to the argument of the Senator was,thiat he hounded forwurd to 1842, and undertook to prophesy what would be the state of things at that period.— He would as soon rely on the forecn&t of the Senator from Massachusetts, as on any member of the Senate, or of the community but he could not believe that the Senator could see results which would he found to be dependent on so many contingencies. An American statesman will look abroad upon all the interests of the country, and would comprehend in one view all its ep^dTtion. He was as insensible to fefcr af any one, and therefore the imputation that this measure was introduced under the influence of a panic, could not affect him. But he could not be insensible to the change which has taken place in the situation of things, even since the commencement of the session. At that tiine South Carolina stood alone but, since then, Virginia had sent a Commissioner, or a Minister, to South -Carolina, to induce her to delay her operations of hostility. If South Carolina should accede to her request, will not Virginia go with her in her ulterior measures, in case her grievances should not be redressed Civil war might be the result. *jle was not willing to apply the sword to reduce the South (o obedience. j, JNTot that circumstances ight not arise, which would render it necessary to resort to force. But in reference to a Foreign power, there was always a reluctance to engage in wai, until every effort at negociation had Tailed and, if there w'as this unwillingness to engage in Foreign war, how much more reluctance ought thereto be to engage in a war at home, in a contest in which he who commands ia chief might not he willing to stop until he should have placed himself on a throne. He did not fear any misconstruction of the pledge contained in the.Kill and he hoped that the 'manufacturers would go on and prosper, confident that the abandonment of protection was never intended, and looking to more favourable times for a mote efficent Tariff.

Ho saw no diffcuftv in putting an estimate «n the value of cotton- Congress lavs down the principle nnd it will remain for the Secretary of the Treasury, under the direction of the President, to carry the law info effect. Tt|e rule is prescribed, and he could not anticipate any difficulty in acting apon it. He went somewhat at large intostatementsand arguments losu^tain his position in reference-to cottom In the worst form of construrtioh which cou&beput on the law by tHe Secretary of the Treasury,the cot tofitfctereM would enjoy a sufficient protcctiof»nintil the year 1811. He showed tmat would be his own construction, which would leave that interest in a ttill betl^r condition. It would be competent, however for Congress, who would again be in, session before this law could go into effect,to correct any errors which might be made. In reference fo the power of th#€^gretnry locnuse a proper appraisement to he made, he quoted from the Act of 1832j

btit repeated that any dui.culty in thi* matter could be obviated by C&ngreti at its nexf sctSHHW He referred to the reductions whieh would be effected

by this%ifl in the article of Silks, and jie groVe)jjng*pirits from which the in other items. Bui even if the reduc- came, and dismissed the nccutfitifecs should be dolhn to lh» revenue point, there wat a f**ervntion to augmentor diminish the revenue at circninstances might reqmfle. He elated hat the (aft terict of gradations in l£4j woold leave the dot its on woollens at 38 jer cenL There were, he said, tiro classes of ®»ou»tt!trert. Tbfe political macufactorers

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willing to give up any thing but there wns not a business manufacturer within his knowledge who was not satisfied with the ffresent Bill. He explained his bill as going on the broad principle «|f looking to the interest of all, and embracing the safety and 5ecurity of all, and the conciliation of the country. Ho asked if the Senator from Massa-s chusetts was not willing that opposite interests should unite for the purpose of bringing about harmony and good feeling. The South had given up her constitutional objections, and had also yielded the home valuation,and it could not be said.thal there had be$n no sacrifice of her interests. There had been, iht-refere. no ahfuidbflmCJitofpriYi^iple, gf€at fajnuily' had come together prepared to make*mu* tual confessions for the? purpose 'of ret* toring harmony. [It being near 4 o'clock, a motion was made by Mi4 W1LK1NS and Mr. E WING, in succession, to take recess for tsvo hours, but on some opposition made hy Mr. CALHOUN and others, xMr. CLAY said he was willing to hobble on, and the motion was with* drawn.]

Mr. CLAY then resumed, and stated that the manufacturers of iron would be more readily satisfied by this bill than any other proposition which had been qi&red, There were some who had said, let the Tariff go down, if the next Congress chooses, there will be a re-action afterwards, but he thought that these gentlemen took counsel of passions Above which it wat the duty of statesmen to elevate them* sehes. I!e was for encountering no certain danger for the purpose of pro viding some uncertain good. Hew ishcd to compromise all interests,& it was with the same policy, that he had proposed another great measure, which had twice received the sanction of the Senate. He would not acquiesce In the views of those who relied on reac« tion. Similar was the expectation,at the last Session, but there had been no beneficial results. He was for conciliating all interests, let whomsoever might fail, and whomsoever might succeed. He regretted that the Bill, in SelectCommittee, had been injured by striking out the clause making cotton free, and stated that this was not done by his vote, or by that of his friend from Delaware. Still it was a mon»ure calculated to promote the great object for which it was introduced. He was not disposed to throw himself forward to 1842, but he did not think that there wasauy cause for apprehension as to the provisions which look to that period.

The opponents of the Bill, would send out a flaming sword, the friendt of the Bill would send out a flaming sword, accompanied by the olive branch.The gentleman from Massachusetts had through pioper to say that he (Mr. CLAY) would have voted for the Revenue Collection Bill. It was true he would have voted for it, but be felt notiew born zeal prompting him tiH make speeches on the subject.

He thought of the Administration at he always had thought, and he had determined to leave it to the friends of the Executive to bear themselves out in defcnce of (he bill. He woold^bavc voted for it, but it would have been with reluctance, bccauseofthe cohsequences which may r« suit from the measure. He etaied that, with some exceptions, as to the high-toned doctrines which were ro be found in the documents, he approved of the general tpne of the Proclamation of the President, and of his Message to the Semite, on the subject of South Carolina.

The opponnerits of thi* bill rely oh force, its friends cry out force and affection. One side cries out—power! power! power! The other side criet out power, but desires to see it restrained nnd tempered by discretion and mercy,Ttnd not to rente a conflagration ft cm one end of the Union to the othefv He helieved the gentlemen who opposed the bill did not wish for civil war, hut the dcfeifltof the bill would lead to rortscqucces to be deplored. And he would not wish to fcc*f.cked cities, desolated fields, and ftMMitrvs of American blood slied by A me ?ffca cit zens.

He had'been accused of ambition io He despised

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tion to the win^iC Congress wohld pass !Wbill,hc wo&ld willingly "retire to his home, t.vlftc groves of Ashland, where^be could 6nd a fidelity and an nfteci'ion whic^i he sad not alw&yt aiMtblic life.

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