The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 39, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 7 March 1833 — Page 2

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poured from Che^ssel of tbe Union to restore peace and harmony to the country^,When ail this was known, what Congress, what legislation, would mar thrpMBwitee What man who is entitled to deserve fh«xbarai£, ter of an Americaii#»tfitej.man would stand op in his place in either House of Congress and disturb this Treaty of peace and amity

lo«e, no foreign hand gains and what we gain, has been no loss to any foreign Power. It i? among ourselves the distribution takes pUce. The distribution is founded on that great principje of compromise and concession which lies at the bottom of our institutions, which gave birth to the Constitution itself, and which has continued to regulate us in our onward march, and conducted the nation lo glory and renown.

It remained for him now to touch another topic. Objections had been made to all legislation at this session of Congress, resulting from the attitude of one of the Slates of this Confederacy. He confessed that lie felt a very strong repugnance to any legislation at all on this subject at the (ommenceinenl of the session, principally bemuse he misconceived the purposes, as he had found from subsequent explanation, which that State had in view.— Under the influence of more accuiatc information, he must say that the aspect of things since the commencement of the Session had, in his opinion, greatly changed. When he came to take his seat on that flooc, he had supposed that a member of this Union had taken an attitude of defiance and hostility against the authority of the

tern which had long been the settled policy of this country. Supposing that she had manifested this feeling, and tnken up this position, he (Mr. C.) had, in consequence, felt a disposition to hurl defiance back again, and to impress upon her the necessity of the performance of her duties as a member of this Union. Hut since his arrival here, he found that South Caraliua did not contemplate force, for it was denied and denounced by that State. She disclaimed it—and asserted that

i*?'

Sir, «aid Mr G\, I will not say that it may not be disturbed. All that say is, that here is all the reasonable sccuritv that can be desired by others on thq one side cf the question, aruT inuch more than those on (he otheri bv a thousand armies would have by any unfortunate con- blc forcc, by the mighty influence of currence of circumstances Such njpuplic opinion. Not a voice-beyond repeal of the whole system should he the single State of South Carolina had brought about as would be cheerfully' been heard in favor of the principle of acquiesced in by r,U parties in this coun-1 nullification, which she has asserted try. All parties might find in this 1 by her own Ordinance: and he would measure some rcasot^»for objection.

And what human measure was there He would express two opinions the which was free from objectionable first of which was,lhat it is not possible qualities? It had been remarked, and fur the ingenuity of men to devise a justly remarked, by the great Father system of State legislation to defeat of our country himself, that if that the execution of the laws of the Ugreat work which is the charter of onr nited States, which could not be counJiberties, and under which we have tervailed by federal legislation. long flourished, had been submitted,

article by article, to all the different throw obstructions in the way of the State? composing this Union, that the execution of the laws of the federal whole would ha^e been rejected and government but federal legislation can yet when the. whole was presented follow ut her heel quickly, and successtogether, it war accepted as a whole, ^}jy contract the course of State leIle (MrC.)would admit that his fiiendsj^latiori. The framers of the Condid not get all they could wish and stitution foresaw this,and the Constitute gentlemen on the other side did not tion has guarded against it. What has obtain all they might desire but both it aUid? It is declared in the clause would gain all that in his humble opin- enumerating the power of the govern-

and gain in this measure. 13ut how sweeping clause—for they have not was this loss and gain directed?—j specified contingencies, because they Among our countrymen. What we

General Government, lie had ima- I am ready, for one, to give the tribugined that she had arrogantly required nals and the Executive of the country, that we should abandon at once a svs

she is merely making an experiment. Ohio, and if he was not mistaken, the The experiment is this By a course State ol Virginia also. An opinion of State. Ir^islution, and a change in prevailed some years a^o, that if you her fundamental laws, she is endeavor-j put the laws of a State into a penal ing by her civil tribunals to prevent form you could oust federal jurisdiction the General Government from carry-: out of the limits ot that State, because ing the laws of the U. State* into the State tribunals had an exclusive operation, within her limits. That,(jurisdiction over penalties and crimes, she has professed to be her object.— land it was interred tint no federal Her appeal was ot to arms but to ano-j court could wrest the authority from ther power not to the sword, but to the them. According to that principle law. He must say, and he would say the State of Ohio passed the laws taxit with no intention to dispaiage that ing the branch of the United States State, or any other of th.' States—it: liank, and hisrh penalties were to be tvas a feclint unworthy tl her. As the entorced against every person who purpose of South Cari.lii.a was not ihat should attempt to dcJeal her taxation, of force, this at once disarmed, divest- The question was

cd legislation of one of the principal to be my lot,(said Mr. (..) to beCounobjections, which it appealed to bun sel at law to bring the suit against the existed against it at the commenceState,atid to maintain the federal aumentof this session. Her purpose are thority. The trial took place in the ail of a civil nature. She thinks she Slate of Ohio and it is one of the macan oust the United States from her ny circumstances, which redounded to limits and unquestionably she had ia- to the honor of that patriotic State— ken .'xd care to prepare her judges she submitted to federal force. went before band by swearing them to de- to the office of the public. Treasury tide inher f:«\ r. If we limit to her myself, to which was taken the money we should ih»»s stand but a pc-orchar.ee of the Bank of the U. Staff*, 11 havof obtaining justice She disclaimed ing remaiaed there in Sequestration, any intention of rovutir^ to force un- until it was peaceably rendered in obelc» we should find

it

execute the laws of the Union by ap- without any appeal to arms. In a plying force to her. It seemed to hum building which 1 had to pass in order the aspect of the attitude ofSouth Car- to reach the Treasury,Is^w the roost ohna had hanged—or, rather, the brilliantdt&play ofarnwaudtmisquetry ne« light which he had obtained, en-j that I ever saw in tny life bnUiot one a hied him to see him in a different atti- was raised or threatened to he raised tudc—ami he had not trvlv understood against the due execution of the laws her until she had passed hei laws, by jot the United States, when they were whkh it wai attended to carry her Or- then «ofurced. In Virginia,(but I am

dinance into effect. Now, he ventured to predict that the State to which he had inferred must ultimately fail inber attempt. He disclaimed any intention ol sajpng any thing to the disparagement of that State. Far from it. He thought ihat she had been rash, intemperate. and greatly in error and to use the languageof one of her own writers —made up an issue unworthy of her. He thought the verdict and judgement must go against her. From one end to the other of this Continent, by acclamation as it were, nullification had been put dowri,& put down in a manner more effectually than by a thousand wars or by the irrc-sista

S

ay, that she must fail in her law suit.

A State

cou

might lake it upon herself to

l(] nor see what was to happen—but whatever powers were necessary, all,

all arc given to this government, by the fundamental law, necessary to carry into effect those powers which arc vested by the Constitution in the federal government. That is one reason. The other is, that it is not possible for ,any State, provided this government is administered with prudence and propriety, 90 to shape its laws as to throw upon the general government the responsibility of first resorting to the employment of force but if force is nt all employed, it must be by State legislation, and not federal legislation and the responsibility of employing that force must rest with, and attach to, the •State itself.

I (said Mr. C.) shall not go into the details of this bill. I merely throw out those sentiments for the purpose of showing you that South Crroliua, having declared her purpose to be this, to make an experiment whether, by a course, of legislation, in a conventional form, or a legislative form of enactment, she can defeat, the execution of certain laws of the United States, I, for one, will express my opinion—that I believe it is utterly impracticable, whatever course of legislation she may choose to adopt, for her to succeed.

171 1 1

whether the Executive has or has not my confidence, the necessary measure of power ami authority to execute the laws of the

Union.

liut I would not

go a hair's breadth further than what is necessary for those purposes. Up to that point 1 would go, and cheerful-' Iv go for it is my sworn duty, as I regard it, to »oto that point.

Again Taking this view of the subject, South Corolina is doing nothing more, except that she is doing it with more rashness than some other States have done. That respectable State,

tried.

ind spendable to dience to the decision of the court

It happened

not sure that I am correct in the history of it,) there was a case of this kind— persons were liable to penalties for sel-, ling lottery tickets. It was contended?? that the Shite tribunals had an exclusive jurisdiction over the subject.— The case was brought before the Supreme Court—the parties were a Mayer and somebody else, and it decided as it must always decide—no matter what obstruction—no matter what the State law may be, the constitutional law of the United States must follow and defeat it, in its attempt to arrest the federal arm iu the exercise of its lawful authority. South Carolina has attempted—and I repeat it, in a much more offensive way, attempted to defeat the execution of the laws of the United States. But, it seems that under all the circumstances of the case, she has, for the present, determined to stop here, in order that by our legislation, we may prevent the necessity of her advancing any further. But there are other reasons for the expediency of legislation at this time. Although I came here fully impressed with a different opinion, my mind has now become reconciled.*

The memorable first of February is past. I confess I did feel an "unconquerable repugnance to legislation until that day should have passed, because of the consequences that were to en-, sue. I hoped that the day would go over well. I feel, and I think that we must all confess, we breathe a freer air than when the restraint was upon us. But this is not the only consideration. South Carolina has practically postponed her ordinance, instead of letting it go into effect, till the fourth of March. Nobody who has noticed the course of events, can doubt that she will postpone it by still further legislation, if Congress should rise without any settlement of this question. I was going to say, my lileon it, she will postpone it to a period subsequent to the fourth of March. It is in the natural course j|" events. South Carolina must perceive the embarrassments of her situation. She must be desirous —it is unnatural to suppose, that she is not to remain in the Union. What! a State whose heroes in its gallant ancestry fought so many glorious battles along with those of the other States of this Union—a State with which this confederacy is linked by bonds of such a powerful character! 1 have sometimes fancied what would be her condition if she goes ont of this Union. If her 500,000 people should at once be thrown out upon their own resources. She is out of the Union. What is the consequence? She is an independent power. What then does she do? She must have armies and fleets, andean expensive government—have foreign missions—she must raise taxes—enact this very tariff, which had driven her out of the Union, in order to enable hei to raise money and to sustain the attitude of an independent power. If she should have no force, no navy (o protect her, she would be exposed to piratical incursions. Their neighbor, St. Domingo, might pour down a horde of pirates on her borders, and desolate her plantations. She must have embassies, therefore must she have a revenue. And, let me tell you there is another consequence—au inevitable one, she has a certain description of persons recognized as property south of the Potomac, and west of the Mississippi, which would be no longer recognized as such, except within their own limits. This species of property would sink immediatel to one half of its piesent value, for it is Lonisiana and the southwestern States which are her great market.

But I will not dwell on this topic any longer. I say it is utterly impossible that South Carolina ever desired, for a moment, to become a separael an independent State. If the existence of the ordinance, while an act of Congress is pending, is to be considered as a motive for not passing that law. why this would be found to be a sufficient reason for preventing the passage of any laws. South Carolina, by keeping the shadow of an Ordinance ever before us, as she has it in her power to postpone it from time to time, would defeat our legislation forever. I would repeat that, under all the circumstances of the case, the condition of S. Carolina is only one of the elements of a combination* the whole of which together, constitutes a motive of action which renders it Expedient to resot t, during the present session of Congress, to some measure in order to quit and tranquilize the country.

If there he any who want civil war —who want to see the blood of any portion of our countrymen spilt, I am not one of them—I wish to see war of no kind but, above all, I do not wish to see a civil war. When war begins, whether civil or foreign, no human foresight is competent to forcsse when or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in theboeom ofour own happy land, and armies are marching, and commanders are winning their victories, and fleets are in naoti sn on our coast—tell me, if yo« enn, tell me if any human being can tell its duration! God alone knows when such an ar will end. In I per Btrrie*, Moak, J*ots of all kiadt, Oil of

what state will be left our institution? In what state our liberties? 1 want no war above all, Ho war at home.

Sir, I repeat, tliat 1 think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in ibe wrong but 1 do not want to disgrace her, cor any other member of this Union. No: 1'do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dimmed of that glorious Confederacy which constitutes our politic sun sullies do 1 wish to see it blotted out, and its light obliterated forever. Has not the State of South Carolina been one of tl\e members of the Union in "days that tried men's souls?" Have not her ancestors fought alongside our ancestors? Have we not, conjointly, won together many a glorious battle? If we had to go into a civil war with such a State, how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union, what would be the condition of hei feelings and affections—what the state of the heart of her people She has been with us before, when her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, and as 1 hope our posterity will mingle with hers for ages and centuries to come in the united defence of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union. 1 do not wish to see her degraded or defaced as a member of this Confederacy.

In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each individuals member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which 1 have had the honor of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me and the same desire for restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment—but that would be asking loo much of human nature —if we could suffer, for one moment, party feeling and parly causes—and, as I stand here before my God, I declare I have looked beyond those considerations,

egal,

and regarded only the vast

interests of this united people—1 shou'ld hope that, under such feelings and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they nre yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country.

Mr C. concluded with asking leave to in&oduce his bill. A bill to modify the act of the 14th July, 1832, and all other acts imposing duties on imports. 1. Be it enacted, &c. That, from and after the 30th day of September, 1833, in all cases where duties are imposed on foreign imports by the act of the 14th day of July, 1832, entitled "An act to alter and amend the seversil acts imposing duties on imports," or by any other act, shall exceed twenty per cent, on the value thereof, one-tenth part of such cxces shall be deducted from and after the 30th day of September, 1835, another tenth part shall be deducted from and after the 30th day of September, 1837, another tenth part thereof shall be deducted from and after the 30th day of September, 1839, another tenth part thereof shall be deducted and from and after tho 30th day of September, 1841, one half of the residue of such excess shall be deducted and from und after the 30th day of September, 1842, the other half thereof shall be deducted. 9. And be it further enacted, That s6 much of the second section of the act of the 1 lth of July aforesaid as fixes the rate of duty on all milled and fulled cloth, known by the name of Plains, Kerseys, or Kendal Cottons, of which wool is the only material, the value whereof docs not exceed thirty-five cents a square yard, at Sve per cent, ad valorem, shall be aud the sapie is hereby repealed. And the said articles shall be subjected to the same duty of fifty per cent, as is provided by tho said second section for other manufactures of wool, which duty shall be liable to the same deduction as are prescribed by the first section of this act. 3. And be it further enacted., That until tho 30th day of September, 1842, the duties imposed by existing laws, as modified by this act, shall remain and continue to bo collected. And from and after the dAy last aforesaid, all duties shall be collected in ready money, and laid for the purpose of raising such revenue as may be necessary to an economical administration of tho government and for that purpose shall be equal upon all articles according to their value, which are not by thk act declared to be entitled to entry subsequent to the said 30th day of September, 1842, free of duty. And, until otherwise directed by law, from and after the said 30th day of September, 1842, such duties shall be at the rate of 20 per cent, ad valorem. And from and after that day all credits now allowed by law in the payment of duties, shall be and hereby are, abolished: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent the passage of any law, in the event of war with nny foreign Power, for imposing such duties as may be deemed by Congress necessary to the prosecution of such war. 4. And be it further enacted, That, in addition to the article* now exempted by tbe existing laws from the payment of duties, the following articles, imported from and after the 30th day of September, 1833, and until the 30th day of September, 1842, shall also be admitted to entry free from duty, to wit: Bleached and unbleached Linens, jnanofactures of Biik, or of which Silk shall be the component material of chief value, comiog from this lade of tbe Cape of Good Hope, and Worsted Huff goods, shawls, and other manufactures of Silk and Worsted. 5. And be it further enacted, That from ar3 after tbe 30tb day of September, 1842, tic ullowiog article* shall be admitted to entry free from doty, to wit: cm manufactured Cotton, Indigo, Quicksilver, Opium, Tin ia plates and (beets, Gum Arabic, Gum Sen­

Lac Dye, Madder, Madder Root, Nuts and berries used ia dyping, Saffron,Tumeric, Woad of Pastel, Aloee, Ambergris, Burgundy Pitch, Cochineal flowers, Coriander seed, GaUttp, Chalk., Cocaltis lodicas, Horn plates for lanterns, or Horn?-, other Horns and Tips, India Bobber* unmanufactured Ivory, Jani-

'""7

Juniper, manufactured Rattans and Reedt, Tortoise Shell, Tin Foil, Shellac, Vegetables used principally in dyeing and composing dyes, Weld and all articles employed chiefly for dyeing, except Prussiate of ^Potash* Chromate of Pctasb Aquafortis and Tartaric Acid, a

Oil all other dyeing drugs, and

materials for composing dyes. 6. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act of the 14th Jnly, 1832, or of any other act, as is consistent with this act shall be, and the same is hereby repealed: iVoied, That nothing herein contained shall ue so construed as to prevent the passage, prior or subsequent to the said 30th day of September, 1842, of any act or acts from time to time, that may be necessary to detect, prevent, or punisb, evasions of the duties on imports, imposed by law.

Before the question was put on the request to introduce— Mr. CALHOUN rose and said, he would make but ont or two observations. Entirely approving of the object for which this bill was introduced—he should give his vote in favour of the motion for leave to introduce it. He who loves the Union must desire to see this agitating question brought to a termination.Until it should be terminated,wecould not expect the restoration of peace or harmony, or a sound condition of things,throughout the country. He believed that to the unhappy divisions which had kept the Northern aJid Southern States apart from each other, the present entirely degraded condition of the country, for entirely degraded he believed it to be, was solely attributable. The general principles of this bill received his approbation. He believed that if the present difficulties were to be adjusted, they must be adjusted ou the principles embraced in the bill of fixing ad valorem duties, except in the few eases in the bill to which specific duties were assigned. lie said that it had .been his fate to occupy a position as hostile as any one could in reference to the protecting policy but, if it depended on his will, he would not give his vote for the prostration of the manufacturing interest. There were some of the provisions which had his entire approbation, and there were some to which he objected. But he looked upon these minor points of difference, as points in the settlement of which no difficulty would occur, when gentleman met together, in that spirit of mutual compromisu which he doubted not would be brought into their deliberations, without at all yielding the constitutional question as to the right of protection. [Here there was a tumultuous approbation in the galleries, which induced the CHAIR to order the galleries to be cleared. On the cxprcssioh of a hope by Mr. POINPEXTER und Mr. HOLMES, that the order would not at this time be enforced, the CHAIR subsequently withdrew it.]

Mr. WEBSTER said, I feel it my duty, Mr. President, to say word or two upon this measure. It is impossible that tl\is proposition of the honorable member from Kentucky should not excite in thes counlry a very strong sensation and in the relation to which 1 stand to the subject, I am anxious, at an early moment, to say, that as far as I understand the hill, from tho gontlemuu's statement of it, there are principles in it, to which I do not at present see how I can ever concur. If 1 understood the plan, the result of it will be a well-understood surrender of the power of discrimination, or a stipulation not to use that power, in the laying duties on imports, after the eight or nine years have expired. This appears to me to be matter of great moment. I hesitate to be party to any such stipulation. The honorable member admits, that though there will be no positive surrender of the power, there will be a stipulation not to exercise it a treaty of Peace and Amity, as he says, which no American Statesman can hereafter stand up to violate. For one, sir, I am not ready to enter into the treaty. I propose, so far as depends on me, to leave all our successors in Congress ns free to act as we are ourselves.

The honorable member from Kentucky says, the Tariff is ia imminent danger that if not destroyed this cession, it cannot hope to survive the next. This may be so, sir But if it be so, it is because the American People will not sanction the Tariff and if they will not, why, then, sir, it cannot be snstained at all. 1 atn not quite so despairing as the honourable Member seems to be. I know nothing which has happened, within the last six or eight months, changing so materially the prospects of the Tariff. I do not despair of the success of the appeal to the American People, to take a just care of their own interests, and not to sacrifice those vast interests, which have grown up under the laws of Congress. ... ... ..... ..i

By an Indian who arrived from the north-west, a few days since, we ar informed that the Indians in that quarter are for war—great preparations are making, and it is supposed they intend an attack early in the spring. It i.« thought thatfome of the POTAWATIMIE$ will take part with the hostile party. The Winnebagoes have refused to join them, and we understand a deputation from that tribe will visit this place shortly.—Logansport Times.

A Gold Mine has beendi&c&vered in Habersham county, Georgia, owned, it is said, by Mr. A. McLaughlin, of the richest kind. From one pit G5 feet long and 8 feet wide, and about *28 feet below the surface, have been taken 1TOO dwts.

A Breach of the Franking Privilege* —We are infom.ed by (he Pofttmat* ter of this place, that a pair of India Rubber over shoe? passed through hi* office the other day, franked by a member of Congress from S. Caroling, as Public Documents. He says thil is equal to tbe petticoat document that passed through Tennessee last year.

U. S.

Chariest on Courier. A

BAKE STOCTU—The

N. York

Journal of Commerce, of I5th February, tays: "Xcren hundred shares of United States Bank Stock were sold to day at the Exch&fige Board, at 1041 a 104, being an improvement of I perct. upon the prices of yesterday. Thw advance is attributable to the refusal of Congress to bring their 70,000 shares into tbe market at present/'

'mm

Fron|r Washington.

WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENCE.

Correspondence of the N. Y. Commercial Adv. WASHINGTON, FEB. 2, 1833." The great debate has opened. It is seen here that Mr. Webster is the lever that is to uphold the administration. The vote on the proposition to postpone tbe bill reported by the Committee of the Seuate, iudicates that the South will become united ia opposition to the use of forcc but it was admitted by Mr. Grundy, and by Mr. Wilkins, in the debate, that the bill was a measure of the executive, and the rally of fifteen votes against it indicates that the great Jackson party is dissolved. The political elements must soon run into a new organization, and every one has been inquirinc, who is to be the chief of that new party? That question was answered to-day. Daniel Webster. What, you will ask, is to become of Martin Van Buren? The answer is that Mr. Van Buren and his organs have been cold in their approbation of the Proclamation. That was a favorite measure. It was the darling of the old age of the President, nnd his last love is always the strongest. It was more than whispered that a "Second Daniel" has come to judgment. Some say that Mr. Webster is to go into the Supreme Court. But why should he mar such prospects by such an offire? Is not the Proclamation the most popular act of General Jackson's administration? Has not the administration selected Mr. Webster as its special advocate to defend its measure? This then is the measure, which more than any other, is to distinguish this administration and it places Mr. Webster as the head of the administration party. Under such circumstances, who can doubt the result of a contest between Daniel Webster and Martin Van Buren? No—the favorite son of New England feels that he too was born to a high destiny and I mistake the man if he is not resolved to fulfill it.

CORRESPONDENCE OK THR BALTIMORE FATRIOT. as/tinglon, Feb. 15, 1833. I do not think that the friends of General Jackson huve had a more mortifying disappointment for a longtime, than the election of Gales St. Seaton ns Printers to the House. Blair's notions of delicacy were not so refined a* to prevent him from going into tho House, with posse at his heels to electioneer among the members. During the wholo of the firstJay'a balloting, he and his friends evinced their delight, whenever the numbers iu favour of Blair swelled, and their wrath, whenever they diminished. Their hopes abated considerably when the motion to adjourn was carried and to-day, when the result of the first and second ballotings were declared, the agonies of tho party were so visible as to excite a deep sympathy even among their opponents. When the final result wasnn-^! nonnced by tho Speaker^ in a voice as low and indistinct as if he had been afraid to*,*' break an infant's sluiubfrs there was about a fifth of the members who seemed to be#ud-.unf denly smitten with a lock-jaw. Their motvths were wide open to catch the announcement,^ hut there seemed to be'for a longtime*)) ifV.1 supernble difficulty to re-cloao them. Trans-^ fixed, paralysed, they were only relieved by a successful motion to adjourn. The triumph over the minions of Executive power is great, indeed. Blair went home, hisestimate of his own importance diminished down to the extreme point, und Green lias not yet recovered himfcelf so far as to venture within the atmosphere of Legislation. After all, he may get the Senate, by wtiy of smoothing his descont.

Mr. Culhonn drew an immense crowd today to the Senate. When he rose, he was evidently laboring under severe embarrassment. His pale, haggard,and agitated countenance, eloquently cxpfessed what was passing within. His manner was energetic, but as usual, almost too rapid to havo any powerful impression on the mind. His periods seem to be running a race after each other, and a great part of the most pointed of his sentences scarcely reach the ear, and never find their way to the sent of the feelings. Ho spoke for about an hour and 40 minutes, when he was seized with vertigo, to which he is at times subject, ami had to give way to a motion to adjourn. He will probnbly occupy the whole of to-morrow and, if PO, Mr. Webster may come out in reply on Monday. I do not think that the spirit of Mr. Culhoun will ndyance his fame, at least, so far as he ha» gone. He had nothing to gain, but every thing to Jose, a* an orator. If he had had justice on his side, his talents would have achieved for him new laurels, but having the argument and the voice of the world against him, ho cannot but fall. What matters it, if he ftills like a giant, if he does fail.

The delay necessarily caused by thil debate will throw the Nuforcing Bill over to Dext week. It is rumoured that Mr. Poindexter intends to make a speech, and I shall riot be surprised if in that case, Mr. Grundj should come out.

In the mean time, what will be come of the Tariff? It is hanging up between Earth and Heaven, and there,it i» likely to hang until the 4tii of March shall terminate all hope and, foar concerning it.

Jincrdoln of Mr. IVcbstrr^-On Mr. Webster's recent journey to \Vn.-hing-ton,while passing through New-Jersey, the slagc stopped at an inn where several Jersey lilacs weie expressing themselves in their own way about nullification and tbe course of South Carolina. Mr. Webster and two or three other gentlemen stepped from the stage to worm while the horses were drinking, and as Mr. W. was passiitg into the bar-room one of the speakers, who seemed to have been holding fourth with much vehemence, saif, "And there's that Gen. Hayne at the head of the nullifies, who went on to Washington, and was lick'd by Webster." Mr. W. catching the sound of his name, looked round full at the speaker, who, noticing the action, stepped up to him, and slapping him on the shoulder, added, "Well, traveller, what do you think of it? Wasn't Ilayne lick'd by Websterf Mr. W. rubbing his hands, and making his way through the crowd to the fire, replied, "I've heard that insinuated before,sir."

Winchester Republican.

The Nashville Republican of the 28th ult., contains a list of 12 cases of Cholera, which occurred in that tows from ll»e 24th to the 2$tb inclusive.