The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 39, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 7 March 1833 — Page 1

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PnblJuhed every Thnrsdaf Morning.

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vro dollars per annum, if paid within font months after the receipt of the first number two dollars and fiftj cents, if paid within the •ear and three dollar*, if payment be delayed till the year expires.

No paper rtiscontinned till all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of th«* editor. A failure to notify a discontinuance at the end of the year, will be considered a new engagement.

ArivrtRTisF.HKWTs inserted three times at •Otic dollar per square (14 lines), to be confinked at the rate of 25 cents per «quare. Unlcis the number of insertions be marked 5t» the manuscript, when handed in, it will t»e continued until countermanded, and will fee charged accordingly.

I'ust.ige must t»c paid.

Kcd lie lion or the Tariff! I?r SEVATK—Feb.

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Mr. CLA ro«c and addressed the Seale lo the following effect I ycyterd.iy, sir, cv/e notice that I should ask leave to introduce a bill lo modify the variou-? acts imposing duties on import!*. I, at the same lime, added that I should, with the permission of the Senate, offer an explanation of the principle on which (hat bill is founded. I owe, Mr, an apology to the Senate for this course of action, because, allho* strictly parliamentary, it is nevertheless, out of the usual It practice.of this body but it is a course which I trust that the Senate will deem ip4to be justified by the interesting nature of the subject. 1 rise, sir, on this occasion, actuated by no motive of a private nature, by no personal feelings, fes and for no personal objects but exclusively in obediencetto a sense of tho duty which I owe to rny country. trust, thereCtjfe, that no one will antirip|tc on my part any ambitious disylafjy of such humble powers as I may possess. It is sincerely my purpose to present a plain, unadorned, anil naked statement of facts connected with the W measures which I shall have the honor to propose, and with the condition of the country. When 1 survey, sir, the whole face of our country, 1 behold all around me evidences of the most gratifying prosperity, a prospect which would seem to be without a cloud npon it, were knot that through all parts of the country there exists great dissensions and unhappy distinctions, which, if they can possibly be relieved and leconciled by any broad scheme of legislation, adapted to all interests, and regarding the feelings of all sections, ought lo be quieted and leading lo which object any measure ought to be jvell received.

In presenting the modification of the tariff laws which I am now about to submit, I have too great objects in view. Mv first object looks to the tariff. I am compelled to express the 4opinion, formed after the most delibernte reflection, and on a full survey ot the whole country, that, whether rightfully or wrongfully, the tariff stands in imminent dnnger. If it should even be preseived during this session, it must fall nt the next session. By what circumstances and through what causes,ifas arisen the necessity for this change in the policy of our country, I will not pretend oow to elucidate. Qtbers there are who may differ from the impressions which mv mind has received upon this point. Owing, however, to variety of concurrent causes, the tariff, as it now exists, is in imminent danger, nnd if the system can be preserved beyond the next session, it must be By some means not now within the rcach of human sagacity. The fall of that policy, sir, would be productive of consequences calamitous indeed.—

Wh*»« I look to the variety of interesta^which are involved,to the number of individuals interested, the amount of capital invested, the value of the buildings crccted, and the whole «r* range men of Uie business for the prosecution of the various branches of the manufacturing art which have sprung up under the foeterin^ care of this government* I cannot contemplate nnv evil equal to the sudden overthrow of all those interests. History can produce no parallel to the extent of the mischief which would be produced by *uch a disaster. The repeal of the Edict of Nantes itself was nothing in comparison with it. That condemned to exile and brought to ruin a great number of person*. The most respectable portion of the population of Prance were condemned to exile and ruin by that measure* Hut in my opinion, sir, the sudden repeal ol" the tariff policy would bring ruin and destruction on the whole people of this country. There is no 0R, in my opiion, equal to the consequence* which would result from fuch a catastroplio.

What, sir, are the complaint* which unhappily divide the people of this

Mr. C\ then proceeded to read the first section of the bill, in the words in which it will be found below. According to the section, he said it would be perceived thai it wtis proposed to come down to the revenue standard at the end of little more than nine years and a half, givingn piotcction to our own manufacturers, which he hoped would be adeouate, during the intermediate time. Mr. C. recapitu lated the provisions of the sections* and showed by various illustrations how they would operate.

Mr. then proceeded to rend and comment upon the second section of tho bill, as recited below. It would be recollected, he said, at the last session of Congress, witfofeview to make a concession to the Sonthern section of the country, low priced woollens, those suppose.d to enter into the consumption of slaves and five poorer classes of persons, were taken out of the general class of duties on woollens, and the duty on them reduced to five percent. It would be also recollected that nt that time the gentlemen from the South hid said that this concession was of no consequence, and that they id not care for it, and he believed that they did not now consider it of any greater importance. As, therefore, it had failed of the purpose for which it was taken out of the common class, he thought it ought to brought back again, and placed by the side of the other descriptions of woollens, and made sobject to the same reduction of the duty as proposed by this section.

Having next rend through the third sectiod of the bill, Mr. C. said that, after the expiration of the term of years, this section kid down the rule by which the duties wcie to he reduced to the revenue standard, which bad been so long and so earnestly contended for. Until otherwise directed, and in default of provision being made for the wants of the government in 184$, a rule was thus provided &r the rate of

BY x. noivLne. TERBE-OAUTE, TIGfftOIKITT, IitDIANi: 3IABCH

great country! On the one hand, it is said by those who are opposed to the Tariff, that it unjustly taxes a portion of the people and paralyzes their industry that it is to be a perpctua operation that there is to be no ecc to the system which, right or wrong, is to be urged to their inevitable ruin And what is the just complaint, on th other hand, of those who support the Tariff? It is, that the policy of the Government is vacillating and uncertain, and that there is no stability in our legislation, Before one set of books arc fairly opened, it becomes necessary to close them, and to open a new set. Before a law can be leslet: by experiment, another is passed. Before the present law has gone into operation, before it is jet nine months old, passed as it was under circumstan ces of extraordinary delibciation, the fruit of nine months labor, before we know any thing of its experimental effects, and even before it commences iti operations, we arc required to re peal it. On one side we are urged to repeal a system which is fraught with ruin: on the other side, the check now imposed on enterprize, and the state of alarm in which the public mind has been thrown, renders all prudent men desirious, looking ahead a little way, to adopt a state of things, on the stability of which they may have reason to count. Such is the state of feeling on the one side and on the other. 1 am nnxious to find out some principle of mutual accommodation, to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties—to increase the stability of our legislation and at somedistant day—but not too distant, when we take into view the magnitude of the interests which arc involved—to bring down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents have so long contended. The basis on which 1 wish to found this modification, is one of time and the several parts of the bill to which I am about to call the attention of the Senate, are founded on this basis. 1 propose to give protection to our manufactured articles, adequate protection, for a length of time, which, compared with the length of human life, ii very long, but which is short, in proportion to the legitimate discretion of every wise and parental system of government—^ecurin^ the stability of legislation, nnd allowing 'a, time for gradual reduction,on one side and on the other, proposing to reduce the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which the opponents of the system have so long contended. I will now proceed to lay the provisions of this bill before the Senate, with a view to draw their attention to the true character of the bill.

duties thereafter, Congress in the mean time authorized to adopt any other rule which the exigencies of the country, or its financial condition, might require. That is to say, if, instead of the duty of 20 per cent proposed, 15 or 17 percent, of duties was sufficient, or 25 per cent, should be found necessary, to produce a revenue to defray the expenses of an economical administration of the government, there was nothing to prevent either of those rates, or any other, from being fixed upon whilst the rate of 20 per cent, was introduced to guard against any failure on the part of Congress to make the reqiusite provision in due season.

This section of the bill, Mr. C. said contained also another clause, suggested by thatspirit of harmony and conciliation which he prayed might pre side over the Councils of the Union at this trying moment. It provided (what those persons who are engaged in ma nufacturies have so long anxiously re quired for their security) that duties shall be paid in ready money—and we shall thus get rid of the whole of that credit system into which an inroad was made, in regard to the woollens, by the Act of the last session. This section furthercontained a provision that nothing in any part of this Act should be construed to interfere with the freest exercise of the power of Congess to lay any amount of duties, in the event of war breaking out between this country and any foreign Power.

Mr. C. having then read the fourth section of the bill, said that one of the considerations strougly urged for a reduction of the Tariff at this time was, that the government was likely to be )Iaccd in a dilemma by having an overflowing revenue: and this apprehension was the ground of an attempt totally to change the protective policy of the country. The section which he lad read, Mr. C. said, was an effort lo guard against this evil, by relieving altogether from duly a portion of the articles of import now subject to it.— Some of these, he said, would, under the present rate of duty upon them, produce a considerable revenue the article of stock alone would probably yield half a million of dollars per annum. If it were possible to pacify present dissensions, nnd let things tak ibeir course, he believed that no difficulty need be apprehended.' If, said he, the bill which this body passed at the last session of Congress, and has again passed at this session, shall pass the other House, nnd become a law and the gradual reduction of duties should tnke place which is contemplated by the first section of this bill, we shall have settled two, (if not three) ol the great questions which have agitated this country, that of the Tariff, of the Public Lands, and I will add, of Iniernal Improvements also. For, if there should be a surplus revenue, that surplus mighl be applied, until the year 184*2, to the completion of the works of Internal Improvement already commenced and, after 1842, a reliance for all funds for purposes of Internal Improvement should be placed upon the operation of the Land Bill to which he had already referred.

It was not his object, Mr. C. said, in referring to that measure, in connexion with that which he was about to propose, to consider them as united in their fate, being desirous, partial as he might be to both, that each should stand or fall upon its own intrinsic merits. If this section become a law,along with the reduction of duties proposed* by the first section of the bill, it was by no means sure that we should have any surplus revenue at all. He had been astonished indeed at the process of reasoning, by which the Secretary of the Treasury had arrived at the conclusion, that we should have a surplus revenue at all, though he admitted that "such a conclusion could bearrived at in no other way. But what was this process? Duties of a certain rate now exist: the amount which they produce is known the Secretary proposing a reduction of the rate of duty, supposes that the duties will be reduced in proportion to the amount of the reduction of duty. Now, Mr. C. said no calculation could be more uncertain than that Though, perhaps, the best that the Secretary could have made, it was still all uncertainty^dependantupon the winds and the waves, on the mutations of trade and on the course of commercial operations. If there was any truth in political economy, it could not be that the result would agree with the prediction for we are instructed by all experience that the consumption of any article is in proportion to the reduction of its price. Mr. C. said be did not mean to impute any improper

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design to any one but, if it had been so intended, no scheme for getting rid of the Tariff, could have been more artfully devised to effect its purposes, than that which thus calculated the revenue, and in addition,-assumed that the expenditure of the Government every year would be so much, &c.— Could any one here say what the future expenditure of the Government would be? In this young, great, and growing community, can we say what will be the expenditure of Government even a year hence, much less what it will be, three, or four, or five years hence Yet rt had4een estimated, on assumed amounts, founded on such uncertain data, both of income and expenditure, that the revenue might be reduced so many millions year.

Mr. C. asked pardon for this digression, and returned to the examination of articles in the fourth section, which were proposed to be left free of duty. The duties on these articles, he said, now varied from 5 to 10 per cent, nd valorem but low as they were, the aggregate amount of revenue which they produced was considerable. By the bill of the last session, the duties on French silks was fixed at five percent, and that on Chinese silk nt ten percent, ad valorem. By the bill now proposed, the duty on French silks was proposed lobe repealed, leaving the other untouched. He would frankly state why he made this distinction. It had been a subject of anxioi^ desire with him too see our commerce with France increased. France, though not so large a customer in the great staples of our country as Great Britain, was a great growing customer. He had been much struck with a fact going to prove this, which accidently came to his knowledge the other day, which was, that within the short period of fourteen years, the amount of consumption in France of the great Southern staple of Cotton had been tripled. Again, it was understood that the Frem silks of the lower grades of quality, could not sustain a competition with the Chinese without some discrimination of this sort. lie had understood, also, that tl^ duty imposed upon this article at the last session, had been very much complaincd of on the part of Franc and, considering all the circumstances connected with the iclalions between the two Governments, it appeared lo him desirable to make this discrimination in favor of the French product.— If the Senate should think differently, he should be content. If, indeed, they should think proper lo strike out this section altogether, he should cheerfully submit to their decision.

After reading the fifth and sixth sections, Mr. CLAY saicf, he would now take a view of some of the objections which would be made to the bill, it might be said that the act was prospective, that it bound our successors, and that we had no power thus to bind them. It waatrue that the act was prospective, and so was almost every act which we ever passed, but we could repeal it the next day. It was the established usage to give allaclsa prospective operation. In every tariff law, there were some provisions which go into operation immediately, and others at a future time. Each Congress legislated according to their own views of propriety their acts did not bind their successors, but created a species rif public faith which would not rashly be broken. But, if this bill should go into operation, as he hoped, even against hope, that it might, he had not a doubt that it would be adhered to by all parlies. There was but one contingency which would render a change necessary, and that was the intervention of a war, which was provided for in the bill. The lands of Congress were left untied in this event, and they would be at liberty to resort to any mode of taxation which they might propose. But, if we Suppose peace to continue, there would be no motive for disturbing the arrangement, but, on the contrary, every motive to carry it into effect. In the next place, it will be objected to the bill, by the friends of the? piotective policy, of whom he held himself to be one, for his mind was immutably fixed in favor of that [olicy, that it abandoned the power of protection. But, he contended, in the first place,that a suspension of the exercise ol the power was not an abandonment of it for the power was in the Constitution according to oar theory— was pot there by its framers, and could only 1MS dislodged by the people. A A ter the year, 1842, the bill provided that the power should be exercised in a certain mode. There were foar modes by which the industry of the country could be pr&tected.

First, the absolute prohibition of ri­

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val foreign articles. That was totally unattempted by the bill: but it was competent to the wisdom of the Government to exert the power whenever they wished. Second, the importation of duties in such a manner as to have no reference to any object but revenue. When we had a large public debt in 1816, the duties yielded 37 millions and paid so much more of the debt, nnd subsequently they yielded but eight or ten millions, nnd paid so much less of the debt. Sometimes we had no trench on the sinking fund. Now we had no public debt to absorb the public revenue, and no practicable way of expend-

tuations and agilions, for nine years, and the manufacturers in every branch will sustain themselves against all foreign competition. If we can sec our way clearly for nine years to come, we can safelyleav# lo posterity to provide for the rest. If the tariff be overthrown, as may be its fate next session, the country will be plunged into extreme distress and agitation. I, said Mr. Clay, want harmony. 1 wish to see the restoration of those tics which have carried us triumphantly through two wars. I delight not in this perpetual turmoil. Let us have peace, and become once more united as a band of brothers.

It may be said that the fanning interest cannot subsist under a twenty per cent, ad valorem duty. His reply' was, "sufficient for the day is the evil thereof." He would leave it to the day when the reduction took effect, to settle the question. When the reduction takes place, and the farmer cannot live under it, what will he do? I will t( 11 you, said Mr. Clay, what he ought to do. lie ought lo try it—make a fair experiment of il—and if he cannot live under if, let him come here and say that he is bankrupt and mined. Jf then nothing can be done to relieve him Sir', 1 will not prononnce the

words, for I will believe thatsomefhing will be done, and that relief will be afforded without hazarding the peace and integrity of the Union.— This Confederacy is an excellent contrivance, but it must be managed with delicacy and skill. There were an infinite variety of prejudices and local interests to be regarded but they should nil be made to yield to the Union.

If the system proposed cannot be continued, let lis try some intermediate system, before we think of any other dreadful alternative. Sir, it will be said,on the other hand—for the objections are made by the friends of protection principally—that the time is too long that the intermediate reductions are too inconsiderable, and that there is no guaranty that, at the end of theHlme stipulated, the reduction proposed would be allowed lo take effect. In the first place sltould be recollected the diversified interests of the country—the measures of the government which preceded the establish-

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ing it. The third mode wasattempled pledge thus tacility given. Can any last session, in a resolution which hjj man doubt that a large portion of our citizens believed thatthe system would be permanent? The whole country expected it. The security against any change of the system!proposed by the bill, was in the character of the bill, as a compromise between two confiding parties. If the bill should be taken by common consent, as we hope it will be—the history of the revenue will be a guaranty of its permanance.—

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had the honor to submit last yea*, an which in fact ultimately formed the basis of the act which finally passed both Houses. This was to raise as m^h revenue as was Wanted for the usPW the Government and no more, but to raise it from the protected and not from the unprotected articles. He would say that he regretted most deeply that the greales pari of the country would not suffer this principle to prevail. It ought to prevail—and the day, in his opinion, would come when it would be adopted as the permanent policy of the country. Shall we legislate for our wants or that of a foreign country? To protect our own interests in opposition to foreign legislation was the basis of this system. The fourth mode in which protection could be afforded to domestic industry, was to admit free of duty, every article which aided the operations of the manufacturers. These were the fourjmodes for protecting our own industry: and to those who say that the bill abandons the power of protection, he would reply that it did not touch that power, and that the fourth mode, so far from being abandoned is extended and upheld by the bill. The most that can be objected to the bill by those with whom he has co-operated to support the protective system,was that, in consideration of nine and a half years of peace,certainty, and stability, the manufacturer relinquished some advantages which they now enjoyed. What was the principle which lud always been contended for in this and in the other House? That, after the accumulation of capital and skill, the manufacturers would stand alone, unaided by the Government,incompelition with the imported articles from any quar-

ter. Now give ustime cease all fhft-fsentof tt portion—a considerable porilinlinnc orrilinne

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ment of manufactures—the public faith in some degree pledged for tUeir security and the ruin in which rash and hasty legislation would involve them. He would not dispute about terms. It would not, in a court of justice* be maintained that the public* fuith was pledged for (he protection' of manufacturers but there were other pledges which men ot"iionor are bound by, besides those of which the Jaw c#^ take cognizance.

If we excite in our neighbor, a rea« sonable expectation which induces him to take a particular course of business, we are in honor bound to redeem the

The circumstances underwhich it was passed will be known nnd recorded— and no one will disturb a system which was udopted with a view to give peace nnd tranquility to the country.

Thedescendinggradations by which he proposed to arrive at the minimum of duties, must be gradual. He never would consent to any precipitateopcration to bring distress and ruin on the community.

Now, said Mr. C, viewing it in Ibis light, it appeared that there were eight years and half, nnd nine years nnd a half, faking the ultimate "time, which would be an efficient protection, the remaining duties would be withdrawn by a biennial reduction. The protective principle must he said to be, in some measure, relinquished at the end of eight years and a half. The period could not appear unreasonable, and he thought that no member of the Senate, or ftnv portion of the country, ought to m-ike the slightest objection. It now remained for him to consider the other objection—the want of a guarantee to there being an ulterior continuance of the duties imposed by the bill, on the expiration of the term which if prescribes. The guarantees would be found in the circumstances under which tho measure would be parsed. It was passed by common consent if it was passed with the as-

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tion of those who had directly hitherto supported this system, nnd by a considerable portion of those who opposed it—-if they declared their satisfaction with the measure, he had nodoubt (he rate of duties guaranteed would be continued after the expiration of the term, if the country continued at peace. And, nt the end of the term, when the experiment would have been made of the efficiency of the mode of protection fixed by the bill^ while the constitutional question had beensuffcrcd to lie dormant, if war should render it necessary, protection might be carried up to prohibition: while if the country should remain at peace, nnd this measure go into full operation, the duties would be gradurlly lowered down to "the revenue standard, which had been so earnestly wished for.

But suppose that lie was wrong in all these views, for there were no guarantees. in one sense cf the term, of human infallibility. Supposes different stale of things in (he South—that this Senate, from causes which he should not dwell upon now, but which were obvious tc every reflecting man in this country—causes which had operated for years p^st, and which continued to operate. Suppose, for a moment, that thcie should be a majority in the Senate in favor of the Southern views, and thai they should repeal the system at once, what guarantee would we have that the repealing of the law wonld not destroy those great interests which it is so important to preserve? Whatguaranteehavieyou ihat the thunders of those powerful manufactures would not be directed againit yourcapitol, because of this abandonment of their interest, and becauw you had given them no protection against foreign legislation. Sir, said Mr. C.. if you carry yoor measure of repeal with the consent, at least,of a portion of those who are interested in the preservation of manufactures, you bate no security, no guarantee, no certainty that any protection will be continued. But if the measure should be carried by the common consent of both par* ties, we shall have nil security history will faithfully record the transao tion narrate under what circumstance* the bill was passed that it was a pacifying measure that it was as oil

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