The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 38, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 28 February 1833 — Page 2

several Insurance Companies, that have the power expressly given them by their charters, of loaning their stock at such rates of interest as they may agree upon, makes this law but partial in its operation on the citizens of the State; these companies will still enjoy the privilege of charging any rate they may please, and one of these, in addition to its insurance funds, has the same power as an office of discount and deposit. It is a subject matter of regret to find in the infancy of our legislation, that there are corporate bodies existing among us of our own creation, inrested with powers over which the Legislature has no control, and the exercise of which is prohibited to our own citizens—-nay further, is declared an offence under our criminal law. And this regret is heightened by the reflection that some of these bodies can never die, unless they commit the act of self destruction. Most of these institutions came into being, or received some important accession to their powers the last year, and the

"gift

of continuance,"

the never dying principle, became theirs of right, from precedent that was fixed by the famous charter to a company, to build a bridge across the Ohio river at the falls. These charters I have uniformly opposed, and that of the Bridge Company, I entered my protest to on the journal of the Senate the last year, in which the evils that were then anticipated, and which are now beginning to be realized, are referred to. It is gratifying to know, that in one branch of the Legislature of the present year, their attention has been awake upon this subject, and that whenever any of these perpetual incorporations, have had occasion to apply to the Legislature for further powers, the limitation that they

"should

surely die"

at some given period, has been the condition upon which any grant has been made.

The subject that elicited the deepest interest during the session, was the proposed organization of a State Bank and branches. This measure to a majority of the members of the General Assembly was new, and unexpectedly presented to their consideration. Few were apprised of the will of their constituents, and scarcely one member had a practical knowledge of banking Thus circumstanced, it became a necessary enquiry, whether the present and future interest of the State would be injuriously or beneficially affected by it. All admitted the generally embarrassed state of the country. In adverting to the causes that had produced it, it was evident that it had been created in part by the too extended sysof credit that had obtained throughout the country for the last few years, and this in some measure occasioned probably by the too liberal accomodations afforded by the United States' Bank. The diminution of the quantity of our surplus produce for the last two years, from the unfavourable seasons, and the curtailment and occasional suspension of discounts, by the Western branches of the United States' Bank, and the consequent collection of their claims, has brought the pressure of this credit system to bear immediately, and with its full force upon us. Of late years, the

upon

constitute our currency as a substitute for the paper circulating medium that teems necessary to carry forward our commercial transactions? If there is to be a supply of bank paper to follow the withdrawal of the notes of the U. S. Bank, it must consist of the issues of foreign banks, whose credit will be of every hue and description. The notes of the banks of the several States, and more particularly those bordering our own, would then constitute our currency,

paper circulating medium of this State,/ fluence that might be brought to bear has consisted principally of the notes/ injuriously upon our elections. That of the Bank of the United States and branches; the amount of these in circulation is daily diminishing, and the diminution is now but too sensibly felt, and if the same policy is pursued on the part of that bank, the time is not far distant when its paper will be but little known among us. If there was any reasonable ground to hope for the rechartering of the bank, we might feel assured that its accommodations would be soon extended again, as far as the situation of the country would justify, and that in a short time, the evils resulting from a too extended credit business, would be remedied without a resort to State legislation for relief. The known sentiments of the National Administration, however, forbid the idea of a renewal of the charter of that institution, and that no substitute of a National charade! is had in view by the General Government may be regarded as equally certain. As the period approaches when the charter of the United States' Bank will expire, the same course of collecting its claims, and limiting its operations, preparatory to closing its affairs, must of neces-

sity by continued. Thus situated, sad-/ ed, and their wishes represented at dled with present embarrassment, our/ the next session of the Legislature, circulating medium daily disappear-/ when without doubt a bank will be oring, and the time not far distant, when/ ganized. And it is believed to be esthat which is now such, can no longer/ sential to its successful operation, and continue to be what may reasonably/ to the welfare of the citizens of the be expected to be our condition, if we/ State, that it should be as free as poswait the coming event without having/ sible from political influences. made provision for it? What will then/ It is with regret that I notice the re-

and an increase of the number of these banks, would be the natural result of the expiration of the charter of the United States' Bank. That such would be the case, it requires no extraordinary portion of sagacity to foresee. If such were now our situation, could we assure ourselves that we possessed a sound and healthful currency, and can we promise ourselves, that a better state of things will visit us a few years hence, when individual banks shall have multiplied, and with them a corresponding issue of paper shall be thrown into circulation? The affirmative of these enquiries cannot, it is conceived, be sustained by the calm judgment of an unbiassed and reflecting mind. And to remedy these evils, it is believed, that the most efficient means would be the establishment of a currency of our own, by the organization of a State Bank and branches, based upon an actual capital. There is believed to be nothing peculiar in our situation that would prevent our banking, institutions being as prosperous as thereof any other interior State of the Union, if there is to be found integrity and talent enough among our own citizens, to administer their affairs. And I think under a well guarded chartcr, we may safely embark in the experiment. Of this opinion was a majority of both branches of the Legislature, but in the details of a charter, the Senate were divided, which defeated ihe passage of any bill.

The bills first reported to both Houses, were, by a portion of the Senate, who were avowedly bank men, regarded as unconstitutional, on the ground that there was not a sufficient connexion between the principal bank and the branches; that the branches should be under the control of the principal bank, and that a majority of the directors of that Bank, should be appointed on the part of the State, and that the Bank and branches should be immediately liable for the losses of each other. The bill originally reported in the Senate, and with the bill of the Senator from Knox, was referred to a select committee, who reported another billin conformity with their views of the con stitufion. This bill gave to seven directors, to be elected by the Legislature, the organization of the principal bank and branches, they appointed six directors on the part of the State in each branch, with the power of removing them, and the power of controlling and suspending the operation of the branches when they thought proper. And the branches and the bank are made immediately liable for the debts of an one whose concerns shall be clos-

ed. This bill was opposed on the ground that this Bank, thus governed, would be in danger of becoming a political machine, that the powers vested in the Board of Directors of the principal Bank were so ample, that they would be likely to be sought for by politicians to further their political views, and that if a majority of the Directors were influenced by party views, with the power they would possess over the directors on the part of the State in the branches, and over the operations of the branches, they would wield an in-

it was creating a central power at the seat of Government, that would soon be likely to control the political destinies of the State: and that to make the Bank and branches immediately liable for the debts of each other, in case of failure, would be to endanger the safety of all, and not calculated to insure as correct an administration of the affairs of either, This bill was postponed on a vote of 18 to 7.

The constitutional views of these friends to a Bank could not be changed, and the bill from the House, that had been amended in the Senate, by authorising but five branches, and making the stockholders responsible for the debts of their respective institutions, to the amount of their stock, out of their individual estates, and the State in like manner liable to the same extent, and by prohibiting any director in any other incorporation being a director in the Bank or any branch, was by these friends of a Bank voting with its opponents, defeated by a vote of 14 to 12. These bills will be published, and then respective merits can be fully considered by those immediately interest-

the Senate at the last session. I do not regard them as personal, in relation to myself, but they are likely so to be considered by others; nor have I a right, or a wish to absolve myself from any responsibility resulting from the general conduct of that body. To suffer in science the unwarranted impupalpable industry, accommodation and discretion," in regard

marks in a late number of the Wabash Courier, reflecting upon the conduct of/ declared that he has no intention to unless called out by the Senator from South

to the Senate, when it comes from a source that has the semblance of respectability for a voucher, would be a tacit admission of its truth. And were I to pass unnoticed a charge I know to be unfounded, I should feel myself unworthy of being one of its members.

The cause of the delay of the action of the Senate on the Bank question, until a late period of the session, is well understood by the friends of that measure in both Houses, and it was to

cure for it a strong support, by the influence the passage of the bill of the House would be likely to produce upon some members of the Senate, whose opinions were not known, and perhaps not formed. Three bills upon this subject were originated in the Senate, and the discussion of the merits of these at the close of the session, necessarily delayed their acting upon other busi-

small portion of labor and industry to

ness from the House, and left that bo-/ Caralisr," by the Author of 'Richelieu," dy little to do the last week. In addi-/ &c. The specimen before us certainly reation to these bills, which require no

Respectfully, J. FARRINGTON.

War.—The character and achievments of the warrior, have ever been the favorite themes of the historian's narrative, and the poet's song. The sufferings of the wounded are lost in the animated description of1the pomp of battle; tears of the widow and orphan are unnoticed in the enumeration of its ideal glories. All the powers of language, and every embellishment of style, have been lavished to immortalize. the soldier's fame—to veil the hideous deformity of war—to give perpetuity to deeds of destruction—and to transform the destroyer of man into the most exalted of human race. War is represented as the field on which the noblest energies of man are displayed but to form a just conception of its nature, we must view it in its characterestic abominations, not through the delusive medium by which it is invested with an alluring and baneful splendor. The sensation created by the atrocities of one midnight assassin, is shocking but when the intelligence is received of the untimely death of thousands, far different is the feeling. The injury sustained by the vanquished, will be found to regulate the demonstrations of public joy. If they have lost their thousands, it will call forth general congratulation if tens of thousands have perished in the fight, it will kindle a transport of delirious exultation.— But to rejoice in the calamities of our fellow men, must surely be unhuman; it must tend to vitiate the understanding, and to render the heart Callous to the finest feelings of humanity.—Horrors of War.

Mr. JONES, of Warwick, in the Virginia House of Delegates, in a recent speech, (highly praised in the newspapers.) in which he advocated nullification, concluded by saying:

But, sir, should it be the decree of Heaven that South Casolina shall perish in the bloody and unequal conflict, then do I fondly trust, that she will gloriously perish, like Leonidas and his gallant little Band in the camp of the Persians, amidst thousands and thrice ten thousands of the slaughtered. Myrmidons of Federal Despotism."

The "Great Debate" at Washington, on the bill to defeat nullification, has become a great bore. Speeches that take up three days —not being able to read them ourselves, we think it wrong to administer to our subscribers. Mr.

CALHOUN

it

is

ply to Mr.

Carolina.

said, wishes to re­-

WEBSTER,

but Mr.

WEBSTER

has

George G. Gwathmey has been appointed/ be serious. Cashier of the office of Discount and Deposite of the United States Bank at Louisville, Ky., in place of Edward Shippen, Esq. deceased.

JOSEPH L. HAYS, who lately resigned as Police Marshal of the City of New York, during the term of service in the Police, served 5,009 warrants, on persons whom he was call. ed upon to arrest for various offences.

WABASH COURIER.

TERRE-HAUTE, IND.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1833.

We are authorized to announce JOHN LAW, Esq. of Knox county, candidate to represent this District in the next Conof the United States.

NATIONAL ROAD.—In the U. States Senate, on the 6th inst. the bill making a further appropriation for the National Road,

in the States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, was ordered to a third reading. This bill appropriates one hundred thousand dollars to each State, to be expended under the direction of the War Department.

NOVELIST'S

MAGAZINE--We have received

the first No. of this new publication. It contains 48 pages of royal octavo, printed on beautiful paper, and with a type of great clearness. This No. is entirely filled with a portion of that popular novel,

"

high

dulged, and

draft, it is in no disparagement to the House of Representatives, that I state that a majority of the most important acts that have been passed, were originated or matured principally in the Senate.

it to the public.

Perhaps there is that, yet to be produced by legislation, which will possess the virtue, that the alchymist ascribes to the Philosopher's stone, of Converting every thing to gold, and for not having effected this it may disparage all the other acts the Senate have co-operated in making, and justify those whose rich dreams have been disappointed, in making the charge that it has been "lost in the Senate by the management of some, the treachery of/ experienced brother, we must enter our disothers, and we much fear the timidity of/ suet from the conclusion. Perhaps, became all," and if so, it is with me a matter of/ it is Mr. Clay's bill, the editor thinks it must very serious regret, but I must be permitted to say, it would be felt in a much greater degree, if this should be the judgment of the cool and reflecting part of my constituents. I notice in the last paper, my name has been spoken of as a candidate for Congress in this district: if so. it is without my knowledge, and I embrace this occasion to say, that if there were no other considerations to influence me, my own sense of the obligation that devolves on me as your Senator, would not justify me in voluntarily resigning that trust, to become a candidate for any other other station.

Henry

Masterton, or the Adventures of a Young

lizes all the

expectations we had in-

will warrant us in recommending

WALDIE'S CIRCULATING LIBRARY--New

Se­-

ries—We have likewise been favored with the four first Nos. of this excellent periodical. It is printed on a double medium sheet of fine paper, in the quarto form, and presents a beautiful appearance. Its typography is not surpassed. The two first Nos. are entirely filled with a stirring detail of the French Revolution of 1830, by M.

Sarrans,

Aid-de-Camp to Gen. Lafayette. The other two are also well filled. Mr. Waldie certainly deserves great praise for his noble undertaking, which we regard as eminently doserving public patronage.

Our venerable cotemporary of the Vincennes Sun charges Senator

HENDRICKS

with

violating the will of the People of Indiana, by voting for Mr. Clay's Land Bill. With great respect for the opinions of our more

be unpopular, or, perhaps, he better understands the interests of the People than the two excellent Senators just named. We rather think the day has gone by when party views can operate on a measure so vital to the public welfare.

MR. FARRINGTON'S CIRCULAR.

We devote a large portion of our present No. to the very long production of this gentleman, without being quite satisfied that in this we act properly. Being partly occupied, however, in explaining some of the acts of the late Legislature, we shall be justified we trust, in the eyes of our distant readers, for this one infliction upon their time and patience. Our friends, without the counties of Clay, Sullivan, and Vigo, can feel no interest in local or county squabbles and in this particular instance, we much fear, the intrinsic merits of the document will not very materially enhance it. In compliance, however, with the request of the Senator, and out of respect to the generous people whom he represents, we forego our own convictions of propriety, and set his case before the public, accompanied by a few hasty remarks of our own, by way of warding off the blow aimed at us by this angry and "enraged politician."

This is the first time, within our knowledge, that an individual member (himself not at all assailed) of any legislative body, has felt his chivalry so irrepressible, that it prompted him to undertake the defence of every one composing it. We had thought that with the famous Knight of Cervantes died the era when men fought for pleasure and amusement. But we were mistaken, and we renounce our error with true delight Burke declared, forty odd years ago, that the age of chivalry was gone--that the swords of the departed brave were rusting in their scabbards, without a lineal son to wield them. But, unfortunately, that great patriot died a quarter of a century too soon, or rather our worthy Senator was born that much too late. I do not regard the [our] remarks as personal to myself," says Mr. F. and, in the next dash of his pen, casts upon us a gross personal reflection, which we would scorn to characterize in the way it deserve*. He admits that we intended himself no harm, and yet throws at us the poisoned arrow of dark insinuation, with a malignity neither comporting with true dignity or honorable warfare. Here is indeed chivalry, but, good reader, is it the chivalry that a noble mind can approve? "It is a Falstaff thrust" —a thrust aimed at an humble member of society, because he had the independence, as the conductor of a free press, to call in question the infallibility of the Senate! Yes, we have even now a Don Quixotte, and a little time will discover a Sancho and a Rosinante! Let all the editorial tribe be on the watch, lest their unfortunate goose quill should indite any sentence adverse to the sanctity of our modern Catos—for there are truly giants in the land For ourselves, little did we imagine, when speaking of the misdoings of our Legislators, that a valiant friend whom we had not in our.' mind's eye,' would poise his lance for a conflict with as—that, booted and spurred, this modern knight-errant was about riding down upon us with the terrible weapons of his denunciation Could we have anticipated such an issue, when our unfortunate though honest sentiments were penned, on the 7th instant, how we should have dreaded the gentleman's fire columns—in mercy to oar readers But let us

It has indeed come to a fine pass, if the editor of a public journal is to be privately assailed, by petty sneers and public denunciation, because he seeks to expose the misconduct of a public body, amenable to the People, and from whom it receives all its

If the People have delegated an-

thority, it it no reason why they shall not scan the movements of their servants. Mr. F. is too well read not to know that this is one of our "reserved rights," which none bat the guilty need fear. It is true that many, when clothed with a little brief authority," forget this, and become, the miserable dupes of their own self-importance—-denying, by their conduct, that which in their cool and reflecting moments they see engraven on all our institutions. Such men

gag-law, which destroyed one Administra tration, and "seat thousands of its followers into retirement.

As to the matter to which our Senator, Mr. FARRINGTON-, particularly refers, we have a few words to offer. After a careful review of our remarks of the 7th, we see no reason to recall any thing then said. We regret, it is true, being compelled to say plain things of those to whom merit or chance has assigned dignified station and our readers can,we trust, bear evidence that our course has been neither intemperate nor disrespectful towards such. When they err, innocently or wilfully, the People should know it, no matter who may be offended. Could we have been restrained from performing our duty fearlessly, we might have found, an apology for so doing in the fact, that, in the Senate, a large majority of members were our political friends at the late Presidential election, and for many of whom we entertain sentiments of personal regard. But no ties of this kind shall influence our course, or make us swerve from what we conceive to be our duty as the conductor of a public press. We belong to no party of a personal kind, and neither party nor party men shall drive us from the stand we have taken in defence of measures essential to the welling of this State and her people. If remarks of ours, on any occasion, offend, whilst we regret, we cannot help it.& We never have, we never shall, endeavor to please everybody. The thing would be impossible in itself, and should we attempt it, would gain for us the scorn, and not the approbation of our readers. Could we be influenced by the unworthy motive which makes fear its prompter, we might have suppressed the remarks to which the gentleman alludes,- and have escaped the animadversions of individuals whose good opinion we value, and, perhaps, of others whose good or bad opinion is equally valueless in our view. We expected to be assailed for the remarks alluded to, and to have our motives misrepresented, but we never suspected the source from whence they now spring. Conscious of giving no offence to our assailant, we were not prepared for tho blow aimed at us. Those who expect that we will pass by political turpitude, and fail to expose it, whether practised by friend or foe, have yet to learn much of the course chalked out for our own guidance. From mere poiiticient we ask no favors—they shall receive none from us, except so far as their course tends to the public good.

Mr. Farrington very properly considers our remarks as no way personal," in regard to himself. He is right they were not so intended. We trust we shall never forget that self-respect which forbids all personal allusions, in advance, when we advert to public matters. But how has Mr. F. treated that which he does not consider "personal?" Has he treated it with that decorum which his general unexceptionable demeanor would warrant us to expect Has that cool re~ flection" which soothes his perturbed spirit, in another case, adhered to him in this ?—or has he not rather thrown aside the one, and been deserted by the other, when lie passes upon us an implied charge of a want of respectability In this, does he even evidence the "semblance" of that courtesy which he claims as his due, or that cool re~ flection" on which he depends so much We look in vain for either in the gentleman's production. He has made upon us a wanton and unprovoked attack, which, though conscious of not having deserved, we feel great regret in repelling. Mr. F. is, no doubt,

aware of this. If feelings engendered thro' causes of which we know nothing—and about which we care nothing—has ruffled our friend's temper, on this occasion, we must insist that the "venom of his spleen" be not discharged in our unoffending visage. We are willing to bear bur own sins, and even to take a little of a friend's, also, on our shoulders, but to bear up a budget of old sores, whether real or imaginary, would be a cruel undertaking. If Mr. F. understands the cause of discontent with his official conduct (as he intimated to us he did, but of which we bad never before heard a whisper) and desires to make us a party in the issue, we must beg to decline an honor so flattering. For that gentleman, both personally and politically, we have heretofore entertained a high opinion, and we shall be gratified if future events shall warrant its continuance. With bis feelings toward others, or the feelings of others toward him, we never have, we never shall be made a party, either by his present ungenerous course, in reference to ourself, or by any future act of his, whether perpetrat

lack but the power to enforce the odious/ forsooth! And this, too, from an individual

ed in the sunshine of his excitement, or in the/ prisoners. It is supposed, that all have been of We will permit no gentleman, however wor-/ ately started to rescue such as might be still thy, to drag at from the post of duty into the mire which has been trodden out by other. We understand oar relation to this generous community too well to allow either flattery or intimidation to seduce or drive as from the prosecution of an honorable and impartial course, as the editor of this press. At the very portal of out editorial closet, all may

inscribed, "Personal and local squabbles enter not here"—and in the confidence of an honest purpose abide by its requisitions.

Mr. F's insinuation that we lack respectabily, is utterly disregarded. Such a mode of warfare is beneath contempt. It always the "report, when arguments fail, or when bloated pride sets up Claims which exist but in the imagination of its deluded victim. The semblance of respectability

in whose path we have never laid a straw! and to whose detriment no earthly power could induce us to contribute . It is hard to speak of this matter with moderation, but we shall repress all harsh language, out of respect to our readers. With no heritage but an honest and. humble name, we lack the advantages which wealth, professional acumen, and "learning from the best schools," have conferred on our more fortunate assailant. But is our reputation the less dear on that account? We ask the question of all and more especially of those who, like like ourself, have as yet preserved nothing but a reputation, which, thank Heaven, is beyond the reach of the mast vindictive malice! The time has gone by when wealth could enhance, or poverty lessen the citizen's respectability. The term is, indeed, very differently understood. Our definition of it is simple, but may not come quite up to the refined views of our worthy Senator. We have been instructed to consider all men respectable, while, by honest dealing, industry, and well-doing, they up their allotted station in society, whether they expand law in our Courts, work at the press, the anvil, or-the plough. This may be rank heresy in the opinion of some, but to us it certainly sounds like an orthodox position. On this score, at least, the world will award him no advantages. Why, then, may we not claim something more than the semblance" of respectability Can Mr. F. lay his finger on any act of ours that would render our claim to respectability at all doubtful If so, we defy him to produce the evidence, oral or written. Upon this point we are emphatic, and all must so understand us. If that gentleman can produce as good vouchers" for his claim to respectability" as we can, where we were known from boyhood,, he has nothing to fear from such an investigation as we now proudly challenge.

Mr. Farrington talks of the "misrepresen--tations" of the Wabash Courier, but studiously avoids any attempt to disprove them— pethaps lest he should be soiled by a collision with one having but the semblance of respectability It is much easier to call ugly

names than to overturn facts re-echoed by a large majority of the People. A long prosing article, he thinks, may lead some into a belief that much was done by the Legislature but let the reader examine it closely, and the whole bubble will burst into an 'airy

nothing.' The fact is, Mr. F and some others, whatever praise their individual exertions may be entitled to, must have been sorrounded by a majority of men who had but the

'

semblance" of industry—.the "sem­

blance" of accommodation—and but the "semblance" of a disposition to do any thing but—make speeches and expound the constitution! This is the mystery of the whole business, and the People of Indiana will so regard it. Unlike the orators of much better times, however, "action action .'action was entirely overlooked, and talking, talking, talking, substituted in its place.

Having said this much in reply to tho "per sonal" and objectionable portion of Mr. F's remarks, we owe an apology for detaining the reader so long with an affair of this kind, it is the last time that a Circular written to indulge in private griefs, or to deal in personal reflections, shall find space in our columns. We respect a useful public man (which we consider Mr. Farrington) while he manifests a proper regard for the freedom of the press, but when he attempts to curtail that freedom, by denouncing its conductor, he will find us as prompt and ready to defend our course, as he has been hasty in availing it.

POLITENESS.—Visit a Printing Office, carry the editor's best exchange papers away, without leave, look over his manuscripts, and then tell every person what is forthcoming in his next paper!

FROM THE LOUISVILLE JOURNAL.

INDIAN WAR.

We received, last evening, the following letter, which contains information of considerable moment. The writer has our thanks:

CANTOMENT GIBSON, JAN. 12, 1833. Dear Friends: I take this opportunity of informing you of our situation. Capt. Ford's company of U. 8. Rangers left this place on the 5th inst, by order of Col, Arbuckle, on an expedition against the Pawnees, but, to their surprise, they were attacked on the 9th, by a band of Camansha Indians five hundred in number. They fought with great bravery for the space of an hour and a half, but they were surrounded and overpowered and compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war. I was at the fort when the express came in. One of the Lieutenants made his escape, and brought information that the savages, at the time of his leaving them, were massacreing

alive. There is every probability of a bloody war with the Camansha Indians JAMES SMITH,

A Ranger under Capt. Boon.

The Legislator of New York has chosen NATHANIEL P.

TALMADGE

United States Se­-

nator, to supply the place of the CHARLES E. DUDLEY,, whose term of service expires on the 3d of March next.