The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 37, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 21 February 1833 — Page 2

the country? He knew of two ways only: the one is the money brought here by persons emigrating into the country the other is the cash received for the surplus products of the country, sold in markets without the State, or to be taken without the State. It may truly be said, the government appropriates money on roads, and to a few other objects within the State but it should be recollected that the citizens of the state first pay the same into the land offices, and much more; so that the government disbursements within the State, do not bring one cent of cash into the country. Should the State introduce cash into the country for banking purposes, enterprize will accompany it it has always been the case, it will always be the case. It is the love of money that raises and sustains the army and navy—it is the love of money that causes the enterprising citizens of the United States to risk their all in commerce on the high seas it has been said that

mark as a

"

the love of

money is the root of all evil." Mr. Vawter said that he did not use this re­-

charge against any one, but

to show that if cash was introduced into the country, that the industrious and enterprising citizen would obtain it by multiplying the products of the country, such as are absolutely necessary to the support of life, and without which man cannot subsist. He said that gentlemen urged as an objection to the bili, that if the money be obtained on a loan as contemplated, it would soon pass away and leave the country, Had the United States reasoned thus, said Mr. Vawter, when borrowing money to sustain the liberty of the country in the revolutionary war, what would have been the result? Has any evil be fallen the country in consequence the loan? I know of none, said he.— Again, sir, after the late war, the wisdom of Congress devised the plan of obtaining foreign capital or stock in the Bank of the United States—which capital gave the Bank a character at home and abroad, the notes of which have not at any time been more than one per cent, under par, in this country, and to a very great extent have had tho confidence of the community.— And here permit me, said he, to express my surprize in hearing gentlemen call in question the moral honesty, integrity, and ability of the citizens of Indiana, to manage a bank, and yet they contend that there is integrity, ability, and wisdom in the management and continuation of the United States Bank. But,sir,said he,I wish to bring the subject of borrowing money home. Indiana borrowed money at an early day to meet the debt contracted in passing from a territorial government to that of a State. Not a member on this floor has pointed to any evil produced thereby the citizens do not complain of the act. The gentleman from Harrison, (Mr. Payne.) has urged as an objection to banking that there has beenn great falling off of business in the several counties the State since the organization of the state government. Sir, permit me to tell that gentleman, that the change is produced by trading to the lower country and elsewhere—receiving cash for the surplus products of the country which enables the citizens to meet their contracts without suits. The surplus products of the country is its true wealth. I ask that gentleman, and this House, to compare the resources of Indiana in 1816 to 20, with the present time.— The wealth and population of Indiana were at that time very limited, compared with the present day. But, sir, in order to raise a reasonable hope for success in an undei taking like the propent, we must look to the natural resources within the State—to its gegraphical situation, for commerce and what the products of the country are and on an examination of this subject, there is nothing to be feared. The surplus products of the btate are such as no one can or will do without in any country, consisting of corn, wheat, hay, tobacco, flour, pork, beef, cattle, hogs, horses, and lumber, all of which arc constantly finding the way to market, with many other articles, for which cash is received, or they are exchanged for other articles of more value. The above articles may be increased to a very great extent. Should any suppose that the geographical situation of the State is such as to preclude it from commercial pursuits, I consider it, said he, a mistake. The rich and fertile lands of the State, arc most admirably supplied every where with navigable streams, meandering through or on the borders thereof—on the south is the Ohio river on the west is the Wabash —with the two White rivers meandering up through the middle of the state —on the north and north-west is Lake Michigan and the St. Josephs—northeast is the Miami of the Lake, and the contemplated Erie and Wabash Caual. Ask yourself, Mr. Speaker, if the active and industrious population already in the State, and the population that is constantly pressing into the country, are going to be idle spectators? No, sir, interest will prompt them on the north, like the South, to create and convey an immense surplus produce to

of

the N. York market. They have the soil to produce it, their industry and enterprise will secure to them the benefit. From the view already taken, the agricultural resources of the country must in a short time be immense. The present population of Indiana is about

four

four hundred thousand and more industrious, enterprising, and hardy people, are not to be found any where.— The population in twenty years will be at least double what it now is, and if we judge the future by the past, our surplus products and commerce will be ten fold what it now is. On anticipating the future prospects of commerce, wealth and population, with a soil, climate, and navigable streams, checkering up the country in every direction. unequalled by any State in the Union, will the members of this legislature fold their hands together, and do nothing, although charged with the present and future growing interest of the State. But gentlemen oppose the present bank charter on the ground that the former State Bank failed.— True, and how many individuals have failed once, yet they endeavor to rise again, and all approve of so laudable an effort. Shall a State do less to regain a fair standing than one of her citizens? Reason says no. Had Columbus when determined on the discovery of the Western World, on his first and second disappointments, reasoned as the opponents of the present bank bill do, the honor and glory he has gained would have been reserved for some other person.

Gentlemen oppose the bank on the ground that it is too great a risk for the State to borrow money and engage in banking. Had the early adventurers to America reasoned thus, I ask where would be the highly cultivated fields, the beautiful villages and cities that are to be found throughout the country? I ask, sir, where would be the immense commerce now carried on, on the high seas, at the risk of the lives and fortunes of thousands of individuals? Should they reason as gentlemen do who oppose the present bill, and where the fame of Dewitt Clinton with the State of New York, indentified in the great canal of that State, a canal through which the immense surplus products of the northern part of Indiana will hereafter find the way to a profitable market.

Here Mr. V. remarked that gentlemen now in this House know, that he did oppose the borrowing of money last winter for the purpose of canaling. Sir, said he, it will be recollected that his principal objection was, that in point of time, it was premature and inexpedient. Having made these remarks explanatory of his views of the canal bill, he would endeavor to show that nothing of importance is effected without risk. The enterprizing boatmen that purchase the produce of the country to convey to a distant market, are compelled to risk their whole cargo on the tempestuous waves. The purchasers of cattle, hogs and horses for a remote market, are compelled to abide the fate of circumstances; and after severe losses, endeavor again to overcome such loss by a lawful and laudable enterprize of the same kind. Sir, said he, how does the farmers of the country act, when they fal, to obtain the reward of labor, they may have done in any year. Do they say we have failed once to obtain a crop, that they will try the farm no more? No, sir, they will make another effort, they will double their diligence and industry, they will plough and prepare their land, sow their seed —not knowing that they will ever be rewarded for the same, it is with a reasonable hope of success they make the second effort: should they fail a second time, yet they do not abandon the hope of ultimate success and such are the views of the friends to this bill—they look forward to the day when they can successfully demonstrate the practicability of the measure now under consideration. I have, said Mr. V., endeavored to show that the State having once failed, it should not be considered as sufficient objection to the passage of the bill under consideration. I cannot believe it possible the bank can fail with ail the guards thrown around it among others of placing the bank and each branch as a sentinel, to guard each other. It is one of the best features in the bill—each will watch the acts and doings of the others, and should there be any dishonesty, it will be the interest of the branches or bank acting correctly to have the business of such branch or bank closed, and the same is dissolved by virtue of the charter. The provisions for an examination at least twice in every year, into the condition of the bank and each branch, by commissioners appointed for that express purpose, with the power to report ail abuses, are calculated to prevent abuse and secure vigilance and faithfulness on the part of the several boards of directory. The bank and each branch are bound to make regular reports to the office of the Secretary of State. Another important measure for the public security—the restraint on the issues of paper for the first two years, to one dollar and fifty

cents for every dollar of specie capital paid in, forbids the idea of the bank or either branch failing. Sir, said Mr. V., it cannot be possible for the bank to fail it takes directly hold of mother earth for all its securities, and nothing but a revolution in nature can overturn the securities—such as an earthquake, that would destroy all the rich and beautiful fields, and landed estates in the country; unless a change should be effected in the securities of the bank, as suggested, it cannot fail. In the first place it is based on solid capital—the capital will be kept permanent by the constant press of emigration into the country, which must, and will advance the price of lands, and thereby increase the securities of the bank—at the same time the emigrants will bring with them into the country, the paper of the bank, silver or other funds of equal worth. With the increase of population, of enterprise, and commerce, will the products of the husbandman ever be in advance.

I ask gentlemen to recollect the condition of the country before the organization of the bank of the United States. Eastern capitalists then established exchange offices in the principal towns in the west, at which places eastern funds were obtained at from three to five per cent. If the State will not establish a bank and branches, at which exchange can be effected, on the winding up of the monied matters of the bank of tlic United States, the eastern capitalists re-invest their capital in western stocks, or establish exchange offices for brokerage purposes in all the principal towns in the west for money is like water—the one finds its common level, the other, where its owner can, with certainty, make it most productive.

Mr. V. said, he feared that nothing could be said that would make the present charter acceptable to its opposers. For one he would be highly gratified to find them disposed to introduce, at this time, one more generally acceptable.

Ohio and Mississippi Mail Line.—By the steamer Henry Clay, arrived on Sunday, the first mail from New-Or-leans, by this line, was received. She delivered mails at Natchez, Vicksburg, Memphis, Shawneetown and Henderson, and peformed the trip up in ten days—five days less than the usual time of conveying the mail by land. The Henry Clay brought the first mail, by steam, from New-Orleans to Louisville.

This line will be highly serviceable to the public. Certain calculations can now be made by those engaged in purchasing and shipping produce; travellers find, every other day, a safe and agreeable conveyance between Louisville and New-Orleans and the rapidity with which information is disseminated is greatly increased. The mail will now be carried from NewOrleans to Washington in sixteen days —and, from Washington to N. Orleans in 12 days.

The line is the property of gentlemen of great enterprise and of the highest respectability. They are entirely responsible, not only to the government, but for every engagement the association may enter into.

The compensation they are to receive for the services they are performing, must depend, we learn, in some degree, on the action of Congress. If this statement be correct, we trust the subject will be attended to, before the close of the present session. In no instance ought the government to omit to do ample justice to those who are exerting their capital and their skill to systematize the carrying business on our mighty rivers-to increase the facilities of commerce, and to augment the strength of the Union by overcoming the distance between distant points, and to give additional velocity to the spread of intelligence.—Louisville Ad.

FROM THE U.S. TELEGRAPH. It was the chief object of the proprietor in establishing the Metropolitan to present, in its pages, a synoptical view of the rise and progress, and also the present condition of every college, literary society, club, library, association, or by whatever other name persons who have associated for literary objects, may have designated themselves. We feel convinced that our object only requires to be known, to call forth the assistance of those who can enable us to perfect our plan, by transmitting brief accounts of the institution, with which they may, respectively, be connected.

In the case of colleges and other public institutions, where there is an edifice, presenting a suitable object for an engraving, we will ourselves be at the expense of engraving it, in addition to the historical sketch, if we are favored with a drawing. We have already presented in the, Metropolitan, views and historical sketches of Georgetown College, District of Columbia, and Yale College, New Haven, Conn.

A woman was found dead in Fitzwater Street, Philadelphia, on the 10th ult- The Coroner's jury brought in a verdict that her death was caused by intoxication, and accidentally failing from the upstairs door on the pavement below.

FOREIGN.

LATE AND IMPORTANT.

Capitulation of the Citadel of Antwerp— destruction of the Dutch Flotilla. By the arrival of the ship Florida, Captain Griswold, from London, the N. Y. Advertiser has advices from that city to the evening of the 27th Dec. five days later than former dates. These papers inform us that Antwerp, after a siege of 26 days has captulated to the French. The annexed letter from the correspondent of the London papers, gives the particulars of the capitulation:

Bercham, Head Quarters of Marshal Gerard, 1l o'clock at night, Sunday, Dec. 23.

The capitulation is at length signed, and the brave Gen. Chasse is a prisoner of war in the hands of the French. The negotiations were carried on during the whole of the day, and it is only within the last hour that the terms have been definitely settled. Chasse at first demanded that himself and garrison should be allowed to return to Holland. To this, Gerard positively refused, and desired that the citadel should surrender at discretion. A second parliamentaire was then sent by Gen Chasse with a different proposition. The Marshal having consulted a Council of War, returned for answer that Chasse should give up all the forts belonging to Belgium, along the Scheldt and that, on these conditions being acceded to, he would consent to the first demand of the Dutch General.

Chasse, after a little delay, sent a third parliamentary with a note to Gerard, stating that he had no control over forts Lilo and Liefkenshock, which were placed under the orders of Capt. Bake. Gerard, at length, sent his alternative to Chasse, and desired a categorical answer with as short delay as possible. The Marshal demanded that Lillo and Liefkenshock, with all the forts and dependencies of the citadel should be given up, when the garrison would be permitted to leave the citadel with all the honors of war or, that the dependencies only should be given up, and the garrison remain prisoners of war until the forts of Lillo and Liefkenshock were in possession of the Belgians. Chasse accepted the latter condition, and the capitulation was signed at 10 o'clock, by which the Belgians are to take possession of the outposts of the gates of the esplanade and secours, and that the Tete de Flandrc, forts Burght and D'Auslruwil were to be immediately evacuated.

The deplorable condition in which Major de la Fontaine found the citadel, beggars all description. Not a house was left which could shelter the garrison; their ammunition and provisions were either destroyed, burnt or blown up, and only sufficient food was left for one day's rations. The casements or vaulted passages, were all knocked down and Chasse himself was seated in a vault at a table, with every thing around him destroyed by bombs. The garrison bore their misfortunes with great bravery and devotedness, and until Friday night not a murmur escaped their lips.

On that night a depulation of the garrison waited on Chasse, and urged him to make a desperate sortie, and either to succeed in spiking the guns of the besiegers, or fall in the attempt.— They complained that the fire of the enemy prevented them from standing to their guns, and that they preferred risking their lives on the field of battle, to being murdered by bombs coming from an enemy away from their sight whom they could take no sure aim. Chasse felt the force of his remonstrance—termed a mutiny by the French and Belgians—and from that moment he seriously thought of a capitulation. To attempt a sortie he knew was more than madness—to continue to depend on the citadel in its delapidated state was impossible—and having proved to the world the bravery of his men, and satisfied the honor of his country, he considered it no degradation to succumb to superior force.

The first interview the French parliamentary had with Chasse, he was introduced with his eyes covered.-— The veteran, the instant he saw him, ordered the bandage to be removed.—

"We have no more secrets," said he, "Admire the glorious works of your bombs—tell Marshal Gerard the exact situation of the citadel."

There was much firing during the afternoon along the lower part of the Scheldt, and the horizon was illuminated with the reflection of some large fire in the neighborhood of Liefkenshock. It was reported here that the fleet had succeeded in passing the French batteries, and had anchored near Fort du Nord. Gerard sent to Chasse requesting him to order the vessels from continuing their fire, and was informed that he bad no control over the fleet, but would make a signal for the purposing of his intention to cappitulate. It is rumored that the gunboats in the poldersand near the citadel are to be considered as forming part of the dependencies of the citadel

The citadel having been disposed of, the surrender of Forts Lillo and Lief­

kenshock in the next. I have often told you that these Forts are surrounded by about two leagues of water, and that the French themselves considered it impossible to take them without the assistance of a fleet. The Belgians are not anxious for the reduction of these two Forts, for so long as they remain in the hands of the Dutch, they cannot be called on to give up Venloo, part of Limburg, or part of Luxemburg. Considering, therefore, the opinions of the French and the wishes of the Belgians, I think we may, and safely, calculate the French, sheltering themselves under the treaty of the 12th October, will be in no great haste to leave the country.

In any thing I have said as to the military manoeuvre of Gerard, I do not mean to throw any slur on the bravery of the French army. Their conduct in the trenches had been admirable, and for conscripts they have shewn coolness and discipline that would honor the most experienced army. The conduct of the Dutch is worthy of praise; they speak highly of their bravery and lament their fate.—This afternoon several French miners handed through the breach a quantity of brandy, and a part of their day's rations, to their more unfortunate opponents.

M. Glassom, the French Diplomatist, assisted at the council of Marshal Gerard this afternoon.

The city of Antwerp presents an aspect very different to what it did a few days since. The shops are open again, the gay merchandize is once more at the windows, and rolling into the town with its emigrant inhabitants.

Marshal Gerard, the Duke of Orleans, and Nemours, accompanied by a brilliant staff, paid a visit this morning to the prisoner Chasse, in his hovel, in the vault of the citadel. I think it would have been better taste had Gerard visited his prisoner with less ostentation.

The following is from the Antwerp paper, the Journal du Commerce.— When the news of the capitulation was known, general joy prevailed in Antwerp. People met and congratulated each other without distinction of rank or party. The Dutch saved nothing from the citadel or its neighborhood. Early in the evening the gun boat No. 3, which it is said has on board things of value, as well as important documents, was obliged to surrender to the French garrison of Fort Philippi.

Towards 9 o'clock the Dutch set fire to six other gun boats, moored under the citadel they all became a prey of the flames: 5 others were also sunk by them! During the night the steamer Chasse was also blown up.

The citadel offers a picture of extreme desolation—no building remains entire—all are totally destroyed or crippled by the projectiles of the besiegers—not a foot of ground but what is ploughed up by the balls and bombs. One important building was destroyed with all its contents. It would appear that this loss determined the besieged to capitulate. It is clear they held out to the last extremity.

The London Evening papers of the 27th December, contain further and highly interesting details from the theatre of hostilities, and of the occurrences that took place up to one o'clock on the afternoon of the 25th. We quote the following:

The garrison marched out to the quay of the citadel on Monday afternoon, under the command of General Favange (Chasse himself being unable to move, from an attack of the rheumatism,) and laid down their arms according to the terms agreed on.— They were then escorted back to their quarters, where they will remain until the answer to the communication made tot he Hague is received. If the King of Holland should refuse to surrender the other forts on the Scheldt, (of which the fullest expectation is entertained at Antwerp,) these gallant men are to be subjected to the treatment of prisoners of war, and confined at Menin and Ypres.

But the conduct of the French and Belgians with regard to the gun-boats stationed between the Citadel and the Tete de Flanders, deserves to be designated as atrocious. The gun-boats were in no degree dependent upon the Citadel, nor were they un der the orders of General Chasse; their commander, Captain Koopman, acted under in structions direct from his Sovereign. They were not, therefore, included in the capitulation of the Citadel; and actually kept from it. Nevertheless, in defiance of this distinct understanding, and in violation of Belgic neutrality, when Captain Koopman, on the cession of hostilities, thought proper to drop down the river with his little fleet, the Belgians, from some of the works on the banks with the assistance of the French artillerymen, opened a heavy fire upon the gun-boats and their gallant commander finding that it was next impossible to effect a passage by the opposing batteries, blew up and sunk his vessels (with the exception of one which escaped,) rather than to fall into the hands of either French or Belgians, by whom they might have been subsequently used against Forts Lillo and Liefkenshock.

In the State of New York the population is two millions. In that population, there has been no conviction for murder, or any other capital offence, the past year. The militia of New York amounts to 188,000 men. The scholars in her common schools, amount to 494,989,-—almost half a million.

A shocking fire recently took place in an Eastern stage, from lady's stove, Mr. W—, a brush manufacturer, lost all his stock in trade, consisting of a thundering pair of whiskers as big as hearth brushes. no insurance.

Mr. Linton's Circular.

To the people of the second Congressional District, composed of the counties of Knox, Daviess, Martin, Lawrence, Owen, Green,

Sullivan, Vigo, Clay, and Putnam. FELLOW CITIZENS: I am a candidate to represent you in the Congress of the United States. In assuming this attitude before you, I consult the urgent, wishes of a number of my fellow-citi-zens, and exercise a proud right, common to every American citizen.

Twenty-five years have elapsed since I became an inhabitant of the western country, having removed from Pennsylvania, of which State I am a native, and fourteen years will soon have passed, since I fixed my residence in Indiana. The latter period, with but little interruption, has been spent in the prosecution of the mercantile business. I have served three years in the Senate of our Stale, representing the counties of Sullivan, Vigo, and Clay, and held various other public trusts; and of the manner in which I have discharged the duties pertaining to each, it does not become me to speak. With this brief word of my own history, beg to submit a few of my own views touching western interests.

The paramount interest of this State, and of every other in this confederacy, I verily believe to be the preservation of the Union; to accomplish this by such compromise as shall not wear the aspect of having resulted from intimidation, or sacrifice some lending interest of a majority of the American people, I regard as the first duty at the present time, and indeed at all times, of the National Legislature. Appropriate concessions failing, persuasion exerted without effect, and faction gaining strength, the Constitution contemned, and the laws disobeyed, I am clear in my convictions, not only as to the expediency, but the constitutional right on the part of the General Government, to compel the obedience of a refractory member, by a resort to force.

That our revenue system should be adjusted, so as to insure reasonable and solid protection to American industry, few I believe, in the Western country, who have examined the subject, can be found willing to express a doubt—I have none. We have within these States and Territories the elements from which may be combined, net only all the necessaries of life, but many of its luxuries. We have the art and the labor to convert them to our purposes, and, surely when this can be done, and by it we can cause a home market to spring up, lead to domestic exchanges, to commerce among ourselves which pays no duties, it ought to be regarded as presenting strong claims to our favour. To be independent of foreign legislation, of foreign wars, or other collisions, by which the value of our estates, and the expenses of our families are held at their mercy, must be the true policy of every American legislator, and closely interwoven with the feelings and patriotism of every American citizen. Having entered this life with no other advantages than such as nature gave me, I cannot be supposed favourable to measures which lead to monopoly or aristocracy. Exclusive privileges or advantages belong to no set of men, nor do I believe that in protecting our industry from foreign competition and injury, we countenance any thing of the kind.

The public lands have for some years been a subject of interesting discussion to the new States, and now that the national debt is virtually paid, we may expect some final and favorable adjustment of the question.

Whether a cession to the States within which the lands lie, or a distribution of their proceeds among the several States be finally determined on, does not affect one important point in the discussion—that of a reduction in price. Few acquainted with the progress of our settlements, the onerous operation of taxation in new States, where large tracts of land cannot be reached for revenue purposes, question the expediency of having them disposed of in some way, by which they can be made to contribute something toward the expenses of State Government. My opinion is, that lands which have been a given time in market, and remain unsold at one dollar and twen-ty-five cents per acre, should be reduced in price, and if not sold at the reduced prices, should be given gratuitously to settlers. This policy would consult the interests of the States within which the lands lie, by holding up new objects of taxation. It would add value, by increasing our population and improvements to lands already purchased, and would give to heads of families a home, in almost every instance where a home might be desirable.

Under the present prosperous state of our financial affairs, when the integrity of the Union is more in danger from the abundance of its treasure, than it ever was from its poverty, it would seem but just to pursue that course of legislation in regard to the public lands, which would provide a home for every family. It seems to me but a just equivalent for that ser-