The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 35, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 7 February 1833 — Page 1
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BY T. BOWLING.
Published every Thursday Mormif*
TERm
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THE MUSE.
LINES SUGGESTED OX S BEING AN INFANT CORPSE.
And is this deathis death so fair, So beautiful a thing? 1 always had a gloomy thought
About the "tyrant king But now methinks if thi* be death I have not half the dread That once I thought that I should feel
When gazing on the dead.
Come, weeping mother, come and look Upon thine infant's face, And grief will fly thine aching heart
And peace will take its place. Sec, mother, see the pleasant smile That lingers there in Jove, As if to tell thee of the bliss
Of that bright world above.
•Tis true its pretty playful feet Are not upon the floor— '1 i« true its little loving arms
Are round thy neck no more, Nor shall the music of its voico E'er gfibt again thine ear, Nor shall those once bright sparkling eyes
Send forth affection's tear
But, mother, wonder not, 'tis dead— These things can be no more— But say, was e'er thy babe, the half
So beautiful before? Thou canst not wish it back to share In all the grief and woe That follow in tho path of all
Who have their lot below.
Oh! no, thy child is now with God, Thou wouldst not have it here, For it is far more happy now
Than wo can dream of here. And fear thou not it loves thee still, And with a fuller share, For love indeed that's deep on earth,
Is tenfold deeper there.
Ctesar having found a collection of letters, written by his enemies to Pompey, burnt them without reading—"For," said he, "though I am upon my guard against anger, yet it is safer to remove the emwe."
WhaVt in a name.—The Cork Reporter announces among the arrivals at the Hibernian Hotel, Kiilamcy, that of "Frederick Count Lplitgtrlusynegdmag, Copenhagen." How this gentle namoof the Count will puisle the Irish waiters."
A gentleman who often intruded in a library where ho did not subscribe, one day had his dog turned out by a crusty fellow, who gare him a tremendous kick, saying
lyou
are no subscriber, at any rate.' The gentleman took the hint, and never mow annoyed the establishment by his presence.
Baldns, a very eminent lawyer of the 14th century, and Menochius, who wrote on legal presumption in tho 16th century, both lay it down as clear law, that "if it be proved that a certain man's head has been cut off, a violent presumption will followTrom thence, that that NMtn it dead."
A beggar asking Dr. Smollet for alms, he gave him, through mistake, a guinea. The poor fellow on perceiving it,hobbled after him to return it upon which Smollett returned it to him, with another gninea, as a reward for his honesty, exclaiming at the same time, "What a lodging honesty has taken up with."
A W*w LJOHT.—Lorenzo Dow has jnst published a work entitled a "Short History in Miniature," giving a full account of the Georgia Missionary business, commencing back as for as 1793.
A Colombia (S. C.) correspondent of one of the Boston papers, has this discourteous description of Dr. Cooper: "He is jnst the oddest sight that ever was an accurate description of him would be a burlesque on humanity short legs, stooping, hump hack, slovenly dressed, and wearing an old white hat.—He rides a small, bobtail, pacing horse, ami when they are under weigh, it seems as fthe devil was making off with his last load."
Ijtnvtrateea Areaaxrtew—The master of a ship walking on deck, called into the hold, Who is there!"—a boy answered "Will, slr.M "What are you doing "Nothing, sir."
wls
Tom there?" "Yes," said
Tom.—"What are yon doing?" "Hslpiag W»U, sir."
(ten. Harrison.
A number of citizens from various parts of the State, made the late visit of Gen. Harrison, to Indianapolis, the occasion for tendering that gentleman a Public Dinner, which pras accordingly given on the 14th inst. It was numerously and respectably attended. The following was the seventh toast, to which Gen. H. responded in the speech below
By James Blait, Esq. President of the dag. Oar respected Guest, WILLIAH HKKKY HAKKISOM wise in council, mild in power, distinguished in arms his public services have endeared him to the citizens of Indiana.
JIff.jWrfyf and ffltw citisens 1 will not do injustUb to my present feelings, by attempting- t£ describe them. No terms that I can command wonld properly express them. But I must say, that if the services I have been able to render to the country at large, and to this state in particular, had been ten times as great as they really were, I should consider myself amply repaid by the continued evidence of confidence and kindness which I have received from the people of Indiana. I will further say that Indiana has no son, nor is there any human being in or out of the State, who has watched heir progress with more anxiety than I have done, or who more sincerely rejoicesat her uncommon prosperity. The progress of the whole western country, indeed, ander my own eye, has been so wonderful that it appears like a dream, and but for the presence of some of my early associates, I should almost believe that I bad been the subject of a miracle, such as we find in one of the old ohurch legends that I had actually slept for an age or two, and then awakened to see the regular progress which the country had made in that period of time. The change is no where more remarkable than on this spot and its vicinity. If a traveller had visited it twenty years ago, he would have witnessed a scene than which nothing would afford a more decided contrast to that which he would now behold. One unbroken forest would at that time have surrounded him, which the hand of man had made no effort to subdue. Its few miserable inhabitants subjected to all the deprivations and familiar with many of the crimes which mark the savage state. Here he might have seen victims of superstition chained down to the stake(I allude to facts within my own knowledge) and expiating by a cruel death the imputed crime of sorcery. There a few half clothed and half starved individuals, exercisiag all the powers of government (if government it could be called) without the aid of letters or of la*f, or of any fixed principles. What a contrast to the scene which is here presented? Within a small compass are assembled all the departments of a complicated government, administered^with all the knowledge that tho experien' ages and tho lights of science can inc affairs of a happy and enlightened eople.— The time was, and at no distant ,4od, when we could contemplate these 4py circumstances of our country, v/it'* unmingled delight. Our government was no longer considered an experiment. In addition to its acknowledged excellencies, it appeared to possess all the elements of stability, which its enemies have denied to it. It was believed that its future history, for ages to come, would present tho same picture of national prosperity and happiness, as the pages which had beon already writteu. How these brilliant prospects have been changed in a few short months, I need not say. It would be equally unavailing to inquire by whom, and for what purpose, the apple of discord was thrown amongst us. The evil exists— and it is the part of wisdom to endeavor to find a remedy, and if that cannot be done, to limit its effects as much at possible. By moderation and firmness, much may be accomplished. Let us make every exertion to bring back tho infatuated men who are pulling to pieces the fair fabric of our government, to a sense of their error. Let us say to them, direct your rage as you were wont, against the system of policy which is the object of your vengeance (and on which you have already made successful inroads) until you can accomplish by constitutional means the destruction of our manufactories. Let the desolation of the flourishing towns and villages to which they have given birth and support, be as complete as that of the ancient city of abomination, leaving no brick, or stone remaining upon another. Destroy, if you will, if you must, the hopes of the middle and western husbandmen deprivo him, if it must be so, as be follows his plough, of all hope of an adequate reward for his labor. But spare—oh spare, the sacred institutions of your country spare that Union which -is the source of all her prosperity in peace and her strength in war: upon which the hopes of the oppressed throughout the world are founded, and whose success is rung in the ears of their tyrants as the knell of their departing power.
At a crisis like the preeent, 1 think it incumbent upon every patriot seriously to reflect and decide upon the coarse that js to be taken to avert the evils with which we are threatened. For myself, 1 am willing to do any thing that is reasonable to satisfy our brethren of the sooth but there appear to be difficulties in the way almost unsurraountable. They require not only relief frtm the operations of the protective system, bat that we should give op the principle. What is the proposition of their celebrated dtdinance? That we should reduce the imposts so that the amount collected shall be exactly equal to the ordinary expenses of the government. That being done, they will agree, provided it is admitted to be a concession on their part, that the duties levied on the unprotected articles shall be equal to those on the articles for which we claim protection. Was ever so extrfoadinary, I will add, so limiting a proposition made in a spirit of compromise? We mast sot only forego our right as a majority to continue a measure which has been adopted, as ire believe, ander the a action of the eenttitotion1bet we most gives
&b
A MTIIM or HAIRR TSDK IOIOTT TH* WIB or THI REORL*.1'—Osman.
np the principle. In other words, we must surrender ts the minority the right to explain the constitution for us.
The United States and Great Britain entered into a war because the exercise of a right claimed by OM and denied by the other, had produced practical results which were highly offensive and injurious. Bat upon the occurrence of circumstances which prevented a continuance of the practice which had produced the war, both partial, wisely determined to put a stop to it, and nolonger to poor out the blood of their citizens atxi «ohject« tqtsettle »a abstract principle. But our countrymen of South Carolina, (if I can call them so after their declaration of independent sovereignty) will not be contented with a settlement of their supposed ffrievpposed griet nqsrfl, if ances ID that manner. Tfeey reqxti understand them, what would be tantamount to an acknowledgment of onr error, asking pardon for onr fault, and promising not to repeat it.
The proposition to reduce the revenue to an amount equal to what are termed the legitimate expenses of the government, will also, I fear, present a great obstacle to the adjustment of our difficulties with our southern brethren. (jAnd fronj all that has been said or written apon the sibject, it appears that the important question of what are and what are not objects upon ^hich the General Government can constitutionally expend its revenues, is to be determined by the minority. At least it is to be understood that appropriations for internal improvements are not to be considered as belonging to the former, although a different decision has been repeatedly made by the majority of the people of the United States, through their representatives.
In relation to the mode of redress which is claimed by the State of South Carolina, and which is likely to bring her in conflict with the General Government, 1 trust that there is but one sentiment in this assembly—that all are determined to adhere to the Union,and to support its government in the exercise of all the powers with which it has been invested by the constitution. The extent of these powers,and the obligations of the States are, in my opinion, well defined in the late proclamation of the President. That instrument has been stigmatized as «lira-federal. I cannot see that it any way merits that odious appellation. If the principles there set forth are not the true principles of the Constitution, the sages wbo formed it were either treacherous to their employers, or were equally deoeived with the people who adopted it. If the South Carolina interpretation be oorrect, the motives assigned for the adoption of the constitution are all fallacies. The instrument promises to dp that which is not done—to secure what is not secured.— And not only have the people of the United States bfeln deceived, but the whole civilized world. It is impossiblc|that the plaudits of the wise and virtuous friends of liberty in other countries could have been bestowed upon such a constitution as that. They could not fail to perceive that however imposing it might appear in theory, however artfully distributed might be the powers it confers, the doctrmss of nullification admitted, would render the whole abortive, and the instrument itself become a nullity. Although it might commence in prosperity, it would soon end in ruin, resembling a splendid building, the key-stone of whose supporting arch had been so unskilfully or negligently fitted that the weaker of its inmates in folly or for mischief might remove it, and proscnt scene of wide spread desolation.
If the reasoning by whieh the dootrinc of nullification is supported be correct, it would equally apply to the subdivisions of a State as to the States of the Union. And a county of Indinna on the Ohio might nullify a law of the state appropriatiug money on the WabalA, on tho ground of its being unequal and unjust, and taking money from their pockets to put it in the pockets of others.
But the doctrine of nullification and sccession is more dangerous when claimed by a State than a section of a state. If the right is admitted, it could be exercised as well in war
as
in peace. And what would be
your
situation if at sttch a period the States on the lower Mississippi were to leave the confederacy? And what would be the situation the whole Union if their President was a citizen of a seceding State.* The tfbctrioj, of the seceders claims for their State a paramount allegiance from their citizens.— Would the wise authors of the constitution have clothed the chief magistrate of the Union with the extensive powers he possesses, jvith. the knowledge that another sovereignty possessed superior claims to his duty?
I am aware that the South Carolina politicians claim support for their doctrine from the celebrated resolutions of Virginia and Kentucky in the year 1798. ft is, however, fortunate for the country that the venerable sage of Montpelier, the patriotic- and enlightened Madison is still alive to give his own version fit the former of these which were the offspring of his own pen„ Frotn this eloquent exposition of the powers of the. general government, in relation to the Stated it is evident that the principles of the resolutions are not suchTis they have been said to be, and that they are far, very far, from supporting South Carolina in the course she J^as taken. But under any circumstances, ductions of that kind, written in periods of high party excitement, are not to be relied upon. No matter by whom written, they are unsafe guides to direct us in searching for the true principles of our government. But in the precepts and practice of the father of bis country, we possess a guide to which implicit fiuth and credit may be given. Upon his mind no party impression was ever made From him no sectional interest, in opposition to that of the whole country, could ever find mpport. His opinions of the powers conferred upon the general government by the constitution which he had assisted to frame, may be ascertained by the coarse of bis administration, and by his occasional commendations to congress and his opinion of the inestimable vain* of the Union, from hii fare well addree* to his fellow citizen.
Mr. President, w* have arrived at an aw. IW erisis mad it appears 16 be the d»ty of
TERRE-HAUTE, VIG« COUNTY, INDIANA: FEBRUARY 7, 1833. New Series—VQIi. 1,-MO. 33?
erery citizen to decide upon the course that tes to be adopted. I have been accustomed ftpm my earliest youth to identify the continuance of the Union and the preservation of onr free insti tutions. If South Carolina succeeds in her attempt to separate befaelffrom her sister States in the manner she has determined upon, there cap be no doubt that others will follow her example, and in a short time there will be a general breaking up of UteVnion. Who is there that can oontemte such an event without feelings of horr? And how is it to be effected? How are the allotments of the twenty-four nation* as they are now sometimes called to be •B*de? And bow is the common property to he vtivided? I do not allude to the money in
r*"
«*#Uno&/or jfcar wbick,
iscollectea in our arsenals &. dock yards, nor even to the ships of war in our ports, although I should suppose that no one who haa American feelings, could without a sigh, surrender his portion of the glorious old Ironsides, associated «s she is in the mind of every patriot, with so many brilliant recollections. But I refer to that vast inheritance of national reuowt acquired in a thousand victories by sea and land, from the glorious epoch of seventeen kundred and seventy five, to the brilliant jtnale of New Orleans. And what in this matter will be your course?— Will you send a commissioner to Tippecaftoe to disturb with unhallowed feet the ashes of the gallant dead so recently reinterred in their homely sepulchred to ascertain what portion of the glory of that victory should be allotted to the firmvalor of he ea3t, what to the ardent gallantry of Kentucky, and what to the devoted heroism of your own sns But they fought not for fame like that. When th\yall determined to abide the issue of victory or death, which was distinctly presented to them as the only alternative which the service they had undertaken presented, it was in the character of American soldiers. Will you deprive them in death of a,distinction which was their glory when living? A band of sworn brothers, tliey were united by common principles. They fought as they believed for a common country. A common death was their portion.— A common grave received them.
And there let them rest with their glory." Mr. President, the great and good Lafayette has earnestly implored the advocates of disunion to restrain their rash efforts, at least until he and those like him, who have fought and bled io the wnr of the revolution, shall have passed from tho scene of this life to receive their reward in anothe&ggind a better world. As the senior officer, fm^in behalf of those who have been since called into the service of their country to defend that independence and Union which had been so gloriously established by their predecessors, I ask dm for s£orb**tn*oce. Amidst the genetal wreck of the Union and the carving out of new nations, where are those who have long worn the uniform and grown grey undor a helmet surmounted with the arms and the motto of that Union, to seek a home aud a country What in such a crisis, shall be my fate? Shall I claim from Ohio, to whom I owe great obligations, and cast no longing, lingering look" to the venerated stafe that gave me birth? Shall I forget noble, generous Kentucky, who defended me from persecution, and who adopted me as her citizen, for the purpose of giving inc the command of her gallant sons? Above all, shall I be a stranger in the lan^ of Indiana? In that State whose infancy I nurtured with a parent's care, and which I still love with a parent's affection? Shall I be no longer the fellow citizen of those who have permitted me to consider them as my children? Yes! By yon bright heaven, I swear that whilst I pay all due respect to the sovereignty of the State in which I live, as limited by the constitution, whilst I yield obedience to her directions when exercising a civil office undor her authority, that my paramount allegiancc is only due and
Bhall
only be given to thai
paramount sovereignty which by the constitution rests in the people of the U. States, which is the rightful guardian of our national palladium, and which alone possesses the power to display that glorious star spangled banner which I so long followed, under the auspices of the hcroic Wayne, and which has been the rallying point of the army of the Union in the achievement of so many victories.
Mr. President, the crisis calls for sacrifices from all wbo love their country, and every thing should be yielded that can in any way contribute to restore the harmony and preserve the integrity of the Union.— That the way which duty points out may be more clearly seen, let me entreat you to bani*!b that party spirit, the offspring of inferior interests, which in a greater or less degree has pervaded every sectio'n of the country. A spirit which, if it is ever true to the country, is neter untrue to itself: and which is frequently the grave of every patriot principleas of every social feeling.
Amidst the difficulties which surround us, there is one safe course, and only one and that is to adhere to the constitution, such as it came from the bands of the father of his country, and such as be understood it.
I eutreat you, fellow citizens, by yoor hope* of, happiness for yourselves and your posterity, by the interests of liberty throughout the world, by the blood of your Spencer, your Warrick, and your Randolph, and that of. the other heroes who have fallen iu defence of their country, give no ct&a nance to the principle of nullification, nor admit the right of any member of the con|, federacy to secede from it without the consent of the majority of the rest. Again I entreat you to adhere to the constitution.— Let your motto in peace be, Washington, Union, and the Constitution and your war cry still, the Constitution, Union, and Washington. r. President, I beg leave to offer
DIAKA Destined by the fertility of her •oil, the bravery, intelligence, and patriotism of her sons, to become a brilliant star in our national constellation: may she be ever faithful in the discharge of her obligations to the family compact, and take for her motto, Washington, Union, and the Confutation.
(OlKlfiR.
From Washington, WASHINGTON CORRB|PON.O^|#-
COftKESrOJlDBXCK OF TETK fctCHHONO WRIQ, j, Washington, Jan. 3, 1833. The fog is beginning to claar
jiff,
&nd the
purposes of the Administratis^ are BOW pretty distinctly shown. GOT. Dickuaon, who is in the confidence *f Mr. Tan Burea, and his friendti yesterday told a gentlfeman of New England that the tariff was safe—that the Bill reported in the Hot|se will not pass the Senate this session, and that he had great hopes that any bill which Iggght pass next year would be arrested in, thi Senate. Gen. Ward, from N^w York, whta if also a
who a fc#iS*ys ago was anxiously electioneering in behalf of Mr. Verplank's Bill, said yesterday, that he was opposed to doing any tiling until they had first ascertained what South Caroliha would do the impression aruong the knowing ones to-day is, that the Administration, which had been for some days $&|i|nug, inclining rather to a desire to pas# the wl reported by Mr. Verplank, have come to a fixed determination to prevent an accommodation, although they desire that the bill should pass the house and fail in the Senate, nnder a belief that by such a manoeuvre the Responsibility will be thrown upon Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoup( as members of that body at the same time 'the President would fU left in a condition to carry out his threats against South Carolina, which it is said he is greatly eneouraged to do by the letters pouring in upon him from
The Prfe?idential candidates, too, are coming in for their share of the arrangements.— Therets no doubt but that many of Mr. Clay's friends have resolved to put him in nomination again, while Mr. Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, is already in nomination as the candidate of the Anti-Slave-holding National Republican and Bauk party. It is supposed by his friends that he can concentrate the Northern vote. Judge McLean, of Ohio, has'also a strong interest in Pennsylvania, and will come forward upon rather neutral grounds, while Mr. Van Buren claims to inherit the Jackson party, and it is said, that being dissatisfied with the present nominal editor of theGovernment official organ —Blair is to be otherwise provided for, and that Major Noah is to take his place* with au assurance fhai he will be appointed ^Printer to Congress. It is supposed that the news from N. Carolina, and despatches from Richmond, giving assurances that the resolutions reported ly our committee of 21, would be greatly modified, have had their full effect in fixing the determination of Mr. Van 13uren's friends to delay any adjustment of the tariff until the President has had fair opportunity to test his popularity by an attempt to carry out upon South Carolina, the principles of the Proclamation. You will see that the South is already considered as a conquered Province,xand that tho only question seriously discussed by her oppressors is, how they shall allot the spoils—would this be so if we were true to ourselves?
Byron't Opinion of Beauty.—I do not speak of mere beauty (continued Byron) of feature or complexion, but of expression, that looking out of the soul through the eyes, whieh in my opinion, constitutes true beauty. Women have been pointed out to me as beautiful, who never could have interested my feelings from their want of countenance and others, who were little remarked, have struck me as being captivating, from the force of countenance. A woman's face ought tc bo like an April day—suscoptible of change and variety but sunshine should often gleam over it, to replace the clouds and showers that may obscure its lustre, which poetical description aside, (said Byron,) in sober prose means that good-hnmor-ed smiles ought to be ready to chase away the expression of pensiveness or care that sentiment or earthly ill calls fortb. Women were meant to be the exciters of all that is finest in our nature, and the soothers of all that is turbulent and harsh. Of what use, then, can a handsome automaton be, after one has got acquainted with a face that knows no change, though it causcs many? 7'his is a style of looks 1 could not bear the sight of for a week, and yet such are the looks that pass in society, for pretty, bondsome, and beautiful.—M. Magazine*
BRAL'TIFCL EXTRACT.
I saw a mourner standing eventide, over the grave of one dearest to him on earth.— The memory of joys that were past came crowding on his soul.—"And is tbi#," said he, "all that remains so loved and so lovely I call but no voice answers. Oh! my loved one will not hear! O Death! inexorable Death!—#hat hast thou done? I«et me iie down and forget my sorrow in the slumber of the grave."
While he thought thus in agony, the gentle form of Christianity came by bade him J^^wk upward, and to the eye of faith the iMKeavens were disclosed. He heard the song ite-Tand transport of the great multitude which no man can number, around the throne.— fh*»j were the spirits of the jnst made perfect there, the spirit of her be mourned'—
Their happiness was pure, permanent, perfect. The mourner then wiped the tears from bis eyes, took courage and thanked God. All the days of my appointed time," raid he, "will I wait till my change come." And he returned to the duties of life, no longer sorrowing as those who have no "nope.
How THIS !—The New Tork Courier and Enquirer states, that Mr. Van Bar en will not support the principles of the Proclamation. Having ridden into office on the shoulders of Gen. Jackson, is he about to desert the Chief under whom he considered it so much {lory to serve, and set up for himself
Ut
.^'k^jS *i
'1j ,V
*.
Bxtracts from a Modern pictionary* STUM BOAT.—A ipachiM^raatsd for tha express purpose of chickj|jp the too rapid growth of population, bucsldinato death two oY three thousand {MjQkannimHy.
DMTOB.—A vile wretch, "whose crime of misfortune and poTcrty is punished with Up relenting severity by onr best lawgivers.
THIEF.—an unfortunate, whose means of subsistence being gone, he is kindly and promptly supplied by the charity of our laws with tomfortable apartments, where he ha* plenty to eat abd nothing to do.
STATI Paieos.—A large, tiff? CGMktnodious building, erected at public expense, for the more comfortable accommodation of the aboye. -A «.«r
drink. WITPFXSS* STAMP.—In a Court of Justice, a kind of pillory, where a person is obliged to receive ev /y species of verbal insult without being able to resent it.
THKG*AVS.—An ugly bole in the ground, which lovqrs and poets wish they were in, but take lAonmon pains to keep out of.
EsKMlJfcvoWBorrower and lender. man employod by the Porp»%ention t^fLep in the open air. v«snce of tb«t c.rry o7£H*'lRT•
An agwle8l
eTery
and
old, being TOfcfe&r
quar
ter, making tenders of corps of volunteers, and inflating him to the belief that his Proclamation was the most popular act of his life. There is no doubt tniat this is the darling paMt. of his mind—vengeance upon S. Carolt'tijr ind the poor old man is credulous enoughVv believe that tho horde of officehunters, who have sicsed upon this occasion to float upon the current and propitiate his favor, are sincere and to be believed.
beW'early eighty years
ca8|,|Vated
on the sub
ject of religion, lyf.„ ^ng young sealot, when the following nsued: Well, said the young oonVert, you most be sensible, my aged friend, that yoo are fast advancing towards the close of your earthly journey, and I wish to know whether you ever met with a change? "ill
r':
O yes, said the venerable Sire^-miny.£— No man can live to my age, without meeting with many change*.
But says the young man, have yon got a new heart Why, as to that, says the patriarch, my heart, I expect is as old as tho rest part of me.
But you must have a new hearty or yo* can never go to heaven. How shall I get it, enquired the iage?
By going to meeting, and by praying, said the other. Have^ou got anew heart? said the aged father.
Yes, returned the/nour youth, I have. How didyotf get it? By prayer and supplication, answered he. Well, replied the man of years, you have been very fortunate, and I advise you in the next place to pray for a new head.
Religious Enquirer.
Family Medicints.—One of the most effectual means of curing a cut, bruiso, or bum, is said to be tho inside coating of the shell ot raw egg. Apply the moist surface to the wound it will adhere of itself, leave no scar, and heal any wound, without pain, mora speedily than any plaster or salve in the universe.
ELOQUENCE.
"The bar is emphatically the school of eloquence," says a distinguished novelist. Let him look at the following specimens:—"Behold him! see him! look at him! gentlomen of the jury,there he standi valking about with the
cloak
of hypocrisy in his mouth, trying
to withdraw three oak trees out of my client's pocket." 'Sir,' said another, "a man who could do that, sir, must have heart sir—gem'men of the jury—an black, sir—as black sir, (a bystander saw his distress, and thrust out his hat towards him)—as black, sir, as your hat, gem'men of the jury." "She was youthful," said a third, as "love, beautiful as an angel, (it was on petition foi divorce)—and virtuous—as—as—could be expected."
The following extract evinces a kindred spirit. It was delivered by a member of the Indiana Legislature on a bill to enconrage the killing of wolves. The wolf, Mr. Speaker, is the most ferocious animal that prowls in our western forests, or roams in the prairies of Iudiatia. He creeps from his lurking pluce at the still hour of midnight, when all nature is locked in the silent ombrace of Morpheus: and ere the gates of the east are unbarred, or bright Phoebus risis in all golden majesty, whole litters of pigs are destroyed."—Conn. Mirror.
An Irishman named Levingstone, a soldier of Warrens' Brigade, was suddenly stopped by a party during a dark night, a horseman's pistol presented to his breast, and asked to which side he belonged. Tho suppositioa that it might be a British party rendered bis situation extremely critical. Ho replied, 1 think it would be more in the way of civility just to drop a hint which side you are pleased to favor. No, Teddy, said the first speaker, declare your sentiments or die.— Then, by I will not die with a lie in my mouth: American to extremity, do your worst and bed to you, you spalpeen.—• The officer replied, we are friends, and I rejoice to meet with a man so faithful to tha cause of his country.
RKSUKS.—In the course of bis canvass A few days ago, Sir Vyvyan called on a p»Ht ical cobbler, who, on being asked tof his vota replied, "No, sir, I wont give you my vote, but I'll give you this"—producing a halter. Sir Richard's prompt reply was, "Really, my friend, I am much obliged to you, hut I should be sorry to deprive Jou of such a valuable family relic."
Mechanics Rising.—The Mayor of this city is a leather dresser the Mayor of Boston a mechanic the late Mayor of Washington, is a printer the Mayor of Baltimore is a saddler the Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts was a journeymen printer .Mr. Barge** M. C. of Rhode Island was a blacksmith there are three printer* in the Senate of Pennsylvania, and six in the House, and at least twenty in the Legislature of Massachusetts. N. Y. Gat.
The greatest advantage I know of keifff thought a wit by the world, is that tt fiv** one the greater freedom of playing the fooi.
