The Wabash Courier, Volume 1, Number 32, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 17 January 1833 — Page 1

Published every Thursday Morning.

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THE MUSE.

For the Wabash Courier. TO

No, never will this broken heart The secret of its pain disclose, Since nothing earthly can impart One ray of joy —one hour's repose.

Tbegi seek no more, not e'en to thee To'soothe this bleeding-breast is given, & The grave my resting-place must be

I My only hope of joy is Heaven!

if*

The storms of life I cannot dread, j*or I have felt their coldest breath, Nor care how soon this aching head Is pillow'd 'ueath the shades of death! :-W'

For in thii breast are buried deep Long worshiped hopes, but faded now, An4 burning thoughts are hushed to sleep ^jnwith this seeming tranquil brow.

r*-

They filled one home with glee— •".Their graves are sever'd for and wide*,? JBjr mount, and stream, and sea.

.\The same fond mother bent at night O'er each fair sleeping brows She had each folded tiower in sight— 'Where are those dreamers now)

One'midst the forests of the West, By a dark stream is laid— The Indian knows his place of rest,

Far in the Cedar shade.

The tea, the blue lone sea, hath one, Holies where pearls lie deepHe was the loved of all, yet none

O'er his low bed may weep.

One sleeps where southern vines are drcst, Above the noble slain: He wrapt hit colors round his breast,

On a blood-red field of Spain*

And one—o'er her the myrtle shower* Its leaves, by soft winds tann'd 8he faded 'midst Italian flowers,

The last of that bright band.

And parted thus they rest, who play'd Beneath the same green tree voiees mingled as they pray'd

Aroyud one parent knee.

I^hey that with smiles lit up the hall, And chcer'd with songs the hearthAlas for love, if Mow wert all,

And nought beyond, Oh earth!

Louis the Fourteenth, of Franee, playing ,«t baokgammon, had a doubtful throw a dispute arose and all the courtiers remained jjlent. The Count de Grammont oarae in 4hai instant. "Dechta the matter," said the

King to "Ske," said the Count, "your Majesty If in the wrong." "How so," re-

Elicd

the King, "can you decide without no wing the question!" "Yes," ***d the Count, "because had the matter been doubtful, all the gentlemen would have given it for your Majesty."

An apothecary asserted in a large company "that mli bitter things were kot." "No," replied a physician, "a bitter cold day is an exception."

A captain of a vessel loading with coals, went into hi* merchant's counting house* and requested the loan of a rake. The merchant, looking towards hi* clerks replied, "I hare a number of them but none, I believe, who wish to be Mm*Ud eccr the eo*lt."

A RwmTOt.—A traveller In a steamboat, not particularly celebrated for its celerity,inquired of a g#)tleaan who stood next htm, what the boat was called upon which

the tatter replied,

jfc-%

GORDON.

THE GRAVES OF A HOUSEHOLD. .. BV MBS. HKMANS. "They grew in beauty, side by side,

think, sir, it is called

the 'Regulator,' for I cheers* all the other boats gelytl."

An frameoSb avalanche fell in the ieoath August from Mount Cancasas,aad blocked sip the passage which lead* from Russia to Georgia. Asmtr road has since teen mad*, to restore eoaaaaiciliMlt between the two coufttrie*.

fitf

-If*-! "J*™"

mSirnim

yaoM TH* Tiuscon

RECEPTION OF THE PROCLAMATION AT COLUMBIA. Presidential Edict against South Carolina.—In the House of Representatives, yesterday, Mr. Preston moved to suspend the orders of the day, in order that he might place befoie them a most important and extraordinary documenyinat had been transmitted to him by oar Senator in Congress. The or den were accordingly suspended, 'JMr. Preston then proceeded to say, that, in the midst of the grave deliberations of this House—in the face of the decision of the £reat sovereign power of the St*!*, rendered througfi a convention of her people in utter despite of the appeal by them made, from the tyranny of the General Government, to the high, inherent principles of the Constitution, and to the rights and liberties redemed to tlie State, against great alarming usurpations by the Federal Power a single branch of that Government, to the whole of which we deny the power in question, has assumed singly to decide the entire controversy—to take judicial and legislative, as well as executive cognizance of the matter, and to cut the Gordian knot of these constitutional difficulsieswith the sword.

The principles,thus avowed, as those on which thc future liberties of this country were compulsively to rest, were not less new and startling, than was the mode of announcing them.— Who, and whom are we? Are we Russian serfs,or slaves of a Divan?— Are we on the banks of the Bosphorus, or thc Nerva, or is it on our own free streams that these things are proclaimed? Was our high and well considered appeal to Congress and the States in this manner to be met by the blind fury and indecency of a man who thus vents upon the liberties of the trv his own personal animoCn

potent missile of despicably ?ufigtrity. Of answer to its party Sophisms and disgraced invectives, it Was utterly unworthy. Bet the country and the world should know, how petfectly we despise and defy him! ana they should be told that, before they plant such principles as his upon our free soil, the bones of many an enemy shall whiten our shores—the carcasses of many a caitiff and traitor blacken our air.

He offered, therefore, the following resolution: Whereas, the President of the United States has issued his proclamation, denouncing the proceedings of this State, calling upon the citisens to renounce their primary allegiance and threatening them with military coercion, unwarranted by the constitution, and utterly inconsistent with the existence of a free State: Be it therefore,

Rctolvcd, That his Excellency the Governor be requested forthwith to issue his proclamation, warning tho good people of this State, against the attempt of the President of the United States to seduce them from their allegiance exhorting them to disregard his vain menances, and to be prepared to sustain the dignity and protect the liberty of the State, against the arbitrary measurs proposed by tho President.

Messrs. R. Barnwell Smith, Isaac Holmes, and F. Pickens successively arose, and expressed with great eloquence and spirit, views of equal detestation and contempt against this proceeding. Mr. Smith insisted, that as it breathed the very worst doctrines of consolidation, and called in the most violent methods ol enforcing them— more especially as it held even the tyrannical doctrine, that we had not even the right to secede^ all men, of all parties, must refaie to sanction it by their votes. He called, therefore, for the yeas and nays. They were taken: Yeas 90, Nap 24 every Union man voting against the resolution. raoM TH* BALTiuoas ATXIOT.

An eloquent address to the people of South Cyolina by Thomas S. Grimke, Esq. has recently issued from the Press iu pamphlet forra.^ It opens with the "Ordteance" thustf "The Ordinance paseed by your Convention at Columbia, a few days since, as the supreme law of the lahd, is the grave, not the bridal chamber of liberty. However the power and the triumph of party may dignify it, in the hour of it* birth, with titles to glory and praise,no spirit of prophecy is needful to know that whoa the revel* of that unholy spirit shall have passed away, it will be regarded, cm in the South Carolina of fixture year* with grief and mortification. In the saored aame of liberty, they have struck her down to the eurth, with the iron saaoe of the despot. In the name of liberty, they have forged for their feikw*citi*eos the Chain* of Slavery. In the pure and holy name of liberty they have polluted her shrine, they have laid on her altar the offering of Idolatry,they have trodden their Wo* worshipped und«r their feet.

Whea I look at the age sa which I live^at the history of my oeeatryt and her aotnl state of i*a(prevemeat when I oowAder the

A BTKCAJI

We should, he insisted, instant scorn and defiance,

7 fi &

BY T. DOWLlNCf. mRE-flAVTE, T1«0 COUNTf, ODUjlAl JA2WABT 17, 1S3&

K*KY TIDES AOAIHST THK rota vaorut.

wi*dom and forbearance, that have distinguished American councils aad the magnanimity which has always been one of the noblest elements of the Carolina character, I am filled with astonishment and grief at a measure, which must be repented of in sackcloth and suites, of shame and sorrow. God grant it may pot be our lot to repent of it, in tears stud blood, amid the ravages of fire and eword!"

Mr. Grimke thus speaks of the 'Test Oath': "As though in mockery of the very names of Judge, and Trial, and Jury, as hitherto understood, they have bound Judge and Ju ry to disregard Constitution, Law and Evi dence, and to decide according to a fixed p- I1®' the Judge or Jury mast, who isntto be their instruments. Were I a Judge or Juryman, before I would pollute my soul, and defilo jpy lips with such an oath, this right hand should be struck off as a coekade for the cap of a Dictator, or a signboardte point out the way to the Gibbet."

SLEEPING DURING CHURCH SERViCE Awake thou that sleepest A correspondent has sent us a few words of admonition to those that sleep during public worship, especially such of them as are professors of religion

We would insert his remarks, but we confess our views differ from those of some other people. We think few, if any, would sleep during a sermon, were not the minister in fault.— If he does not preach the gospel so as extraordinaries excepted, to keep people awake, he certainly does not preach it in its power. It must be that he covers up its mighty meaning, and hides from his audience their deep interest in it. We advise all ministers, whenever they find the habit of sleeping prevailing in their congregations either to take dismissions forthwith, or to make such alterations in their matter, or manner, or both, as will effectually break up the habit.

This subiect brings to mind an ac•y^nt which an aged friend gave us Hts hearing $eorge Whitefield for the first time. College at Prii Whitefield wasi anxious to satis!

vas a member of

:eton. Hearing that ie attended, ms&w whether the

preacher reali# deserved all the cele ority he had acquired. The day was rainy, and the audience small, and the preacher accusipmed to address thousands at once, fid not feel his powers called forth as »t other times. After hearing about dne third of the sermon, our friend said to himsejf. The man is not so great a wonder, after all— quite common'place and superficial— nothing but show, and not a great deal of that:'' and looking round upon the audience, he saw that they appeared as uninterested as UMAJ, and that old father wboj irectly opposite thc pulpit, and^fSb always went to sleep after hearing the text and plan of the sermon, was enjoying his nop as usual. About this time Whitefield stopped. His face went rapidly through many changes, till it looked more like a rising thunder cloud than any thing else and begining very deliberately, he said.

If I had to

speak to you in my own name, you irieht rest your elbows on your knees and your heads upon your hands, and sleep—and once and awhile look up and say, what does the babbler talk off But I have not come to you in my own name. No I have come to vou in the name of the Lord God of kosts. and"—and here he brought down hand and foot at once, so as to make the whole house ring again—"and I must and will be heard,'' Every one in the House started, and old father among the rest.

wAy,

ay, continued

the preacher, looking directly at him

t4I

nave waked you up, have 1! I meant to do it I have not come here to preach to stalks and stones. I have come to you in the name of the Lord God of Hosts, and I must and will have as audience." And from that time, said our informant, he went on in a different style, andj:«ajis4eg|.just where he pleased." thc Marsh

It would be arrant view to an men, to imitate Whitefi$$ians.and' en lair would make alVrce.

wish that the sight of aKc rogation would make alVu Whitefield fell. The this feeling in the preacher dom fail to wake up the But should it ever fail, let th^? at

once

take a dismiseion.

see

laequal

Thefnl Which weigfks beavittf upon Eng|h$d at pretest—whe&eritbe regardejbi cause or efiect—is the inequality^ the possession of the means of living. In the wealthiest and meet industriop&eountry in the world, hundreds of thousands of pegpps have not daily find enough for the healthful support pf their bodies. The nation* al mean$ are ample for the abundant supply of all the inhabitants but these means tfe so Jpnequally distributed that staitatioitfftfid gluttony exist in dose iwattoAflfli One naif of the

close ura nau or uje

sutetancedistipate^nralfceGn^m--^

unes in the west end of London would

suffice toinvigorate the many thousands of frames that in the east end are stunted and weakened by physical want. Much misei7 is, doubtless, as in every community, caused by laziness and crime the sufferings of many are the result of individual folly and vice. But it is undeniable, that unwilling idleness is the doom of a large portion of able-bodied men and women. The supply of labor is not equal to the demand so that some can get no employment, and consequently are forced to be paupers to starve, and a large number earn by the hardest labor, just enough to supply food, bed and clothing. There is defect somewhere, when in the same community cxi^tthe extremes of superfluous possession and pinching deprivation. This inequality of human condition is, of course, ultimately to be ascribed to the

Whom thHj/xn represent? What is badfeovernment, thou knave,' Who lov'st bad government? It is the deadly will, that takes

What labor ought to keep—It is the deadly power that makes Bread dear and labor chcap." A London paper, relates the followingjto illustrate the pressure of population on the meaYis of subsistence. "The fact which we are about to state will serve to give some conception of the excess of labor in the market for all ordinary employments. An advertisement from a commercial house in tbe city, for a collecting clerk, at a salary of £80 a year with two sureties of £50 was inserted, a few days ago, in two^flking papers. The number of applicati^^mas 1199 There is scarcely any department of simple labor that is not similarly overstocked but although it is overstocked with numbers, it is not overstocked with talent. In the instance mentioned the applications were made by letter. Out of the whole mass bat 40 could be geleoted, as being of tolerable promise. Wo know anather instance, where in consequence of one advertisement for a situation of 30s. a week, out of several hundreds who attended, three of the most likely were tried, and found to be inefficient. One consequence of the utter want of any thing which can be called education in the laboring classes, and of the indifferent education of the middle classes, is the want of power in these large portions of our surplus population to obtain employment in new channels. The ^reason why Scotchmen have hitherto been spread over the world, is, that, from their being better educated, they brought more skilled labor into tbe market than others. They were qualified for a greater variety of employmen ts,and could change their occupations with lea* inconvenience. In all eases in which there was a competition for employment, the ability which tiiey derived from tlieir education, give them, the preference over other competitors, the inhabitants of other countries. Much distress and suffer-, ing arises to emigrants of the middle classes, from the want of education, and this cause, also, to a, considerable extent, shuts up that partial outlet."—Baltimore Time*.

Liking is not always tho child of ity, butwhataoever is liked, to the is beautiful-—Sir P. Sidney,

Ti£

^•-^"Vbat Sith a trade, hath an estate,

rhe

Ev*

'man

at once take a dismission. that sleeps daring worship, b6 3*8 the strongest testimony in his powvr that, to him, tbe labors of his ministry are useless, and every such nap should be considered as a veto, that the minister should either mend or leave the place. "No profession of attachment at other times should be allowed to balance this testimony for it is certain as any thin*can be, that no »an receives benefit* from sermons preached while jje asleep Ferment ChremkU*

thath«th a calling hath an of-

je of profit and honor: but then the trade most be worked at, and the calling well followed, or neither the estate nor the office will enable us to pay our taxes.—Franklin,

Hail! ye small sweet courtesies of life, for smooth do ye make the road of it, like grace and beality which beget inclinations to love at first sight: His ye who open the door and let the stranger in.—Stone.

SoiBTViNe

ed swat

Strains.—amatroo#g-

65,

residing

alt

t' TvS

COURIER.

Setttft-earoUna.

Proclamation,

By the Governor of So«th-C*fotoa* WHSSUB^S, the President of th£ nited States hath issued his Procla^ mation concerning an "ORDfltAJic® TH®

PooftLB

And

REBELLION...

Pawtucket,

(R. I.), has recently become tbe mother of

fiffe, healthy child

SOUTHS CAROLIH

jbuliify certain acts of the Congi the United States," laying "dt and imposts for the protection of mestic manufactures."

WHEREAS,

the Legislatui

South Carolina, now in Session, tal

... into consideration, the mattersC'

iu ||u |||jf|

ha,e

rnherent

imperfection of human nature but it is the aristocratical iustitution3 the work of man—which have taken so deep a root in Europe that are the immediate cause of it. The natural differences among men are great, and it should be the ainf of human laws to counteract rather than co-operate with this natural tendency to inequality.

The author of Corn-Law Rhymes— a poet of great power—has given expression to the feelings of the impoverished multitude in these strong lines: ••Whu* government

Resolution to the following effect, viz:

UWH»KAS,

Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be requested, forthwith, to issue his Proclamation, warning the good People of this State against the attempt of the President of the United States to seduce them ftom their allegiance, exhorting them to disregard his vain menaces, and to be prepared to sustain the dignity, and protect the liberty oT the State, against the arbitrary measures proposed by the President."

Now,

I, ROBERT Y. HAYNE,

ernor of South Carolina, in obedience to the said Reslution, do hereby i&ue this my Proclamation, solemnly warning the good peopleof this State against the dangerous and pernicious doctrine promulgated in the said Proclamation of the President, as calculated to mislead theirjudgments as to the true char? acter of the governmept under frhiph they live, and the paramount obUgppm whicht they owe to the State, ana ifested by intended to seduce thorn from, their allegiance, and by drawing then) to the support of the violent and unlawful measures contemplated by the President, to involve them in the guilt of

... "J-J

I would earnestly admonish them to beware of the specious*fal® doctrines by which it is now attempted be- shewn that the several States have aot retained their entire sover'4tgnty that "the allegiance of their citizens was transferred, in the first instance, to the Government of the United States but "a State cannot be said to be sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obedience to laws not made by it that even under the royal government we had no separate character that the Constitution has created a national government," which is not a compact between Sovereign States" that a State has NO RIGHT TO SECEDE," in a word, that ours is a NATIONAL GOVERNMENT, in which the people of all the States are represented, and by which we are constituted "ONE PEOPLE" and "that our representatives in Congress are all representatives of the United States and not of the particular States from which the^ come doctrines which uproot tbe very foundation of our political system—annihilate the rights of the States—and utterly destroy the liberties of the citizens.

It requires no reasoning to shew what the bare statement of these propositions demonstrate, that such a Government as is here described, has not a single feature of a confederated repub.'ic. It i» in truth, an accurate delineation drawn with a bold hand, of a great consolidated empire—"one and indivisible?' and under whatever specious form its powers may be masked, is in fact the worst of all despotisms, if the spirit of an arbitrary Government is suffered to.pervade institutions professing to be free. Such was not the overnment for which our fathers ought and bled, and offered up their lives and fortunes as a willing sacrifice. Such was not the goverhment, which the great and patriotic men who called the Union into being, fan the plenitude of their wisdoms, framed. Such was not tbe government which the fathers of thc republican faith, led on by the Apostle of American Liberty, promulgated and successfully maintained in 1 98, and by which they produced the great political revolution effected at that auspicious era. To a government based on such principles, South Carolina has not been a voluntary party, and to such a government she never vtill give her assent.

The records of our history do, indeed, afford the piototype of these sentiments, which, is to be found in the recorded opinion of those, who, when the Constitution was framed, were in iavor of "firm National Government," in which the-ftates conk) stand in tbe same reiatioo to the Union, that the

&3L

Mew lerfcs-VOL I.-NO. 39*

^0pted of the priocipfe thus

the President of TH^United

States has issued his Proclamation, denouncing the proceedings of this Stnte, calling upon the citizens thereof to renounce their primary allegiance, and threatening them with military coercion, unwarranted by the Constitution, and utterly incousistent with the existence of a free State, be it therefore,

Gov

Colonies did towards the mother coun*. tra. The Journals of the Convention ./• and the secret history of the debate*** will show that this party did propoM secure to the Federal Government^ an absolute supremacy over the Statev by giving then) a negative upon their" laws but the same history also teaches «*ithat all these propositsons were re-v jected, and a Federal Government „vV\was finally established, recognizing the* sovereignty of thc States, and leaving^ the constitutional compact on the foot-

log of all other compacts betweea ^part&* having no common superior.**?

p, lpMiUjiinijrffc It» the natural aod neceawry con-'*/

Itatively announced by the President,^ -w as constituting the very basis of our political system, that the Federal Government is unlimited and supreme

being the exclusive judge of the extent' of its own powers, the lawsofCongresi' I sanctioned by the Executive and Judi-" ciary, whether passed in direct viola-1 tion of the Constitution and the rights of the States, or not, are "the supreme' law of the land." Hence it is that the President considers the words "made' in pursuance of the Constitution," as mere surplusage and, therefore, when he professes to recite the provision ofL, the Constitution on thissubject,hestate« that our "SOCIAL con?ACT in express terms declares that the lam of the 17. nited States, its Constitution, and the treaties made under it are the supreme law of the land," and speaks throughout of "the explicit to the laws of the the States"—as if a law of Congress was of itself supreme, while it was ne-

cit lupremacy given Union over those of

cessary to the validity of a treaty that it should be made in pursuance of the kv Constitution. Such, however, is uot .theprovision of the constitution. That trument expressly provides that

tifution and laws of the United which shall be made in pursuance' shall be the supreme law of the s" Jand^any thing in the Constitution or laws ofitny State to thejypntsar/ not-^# withstanding. y, seen that a law of ,oo #uch, cah have no validity unless made "in pursuance of the* Constitution." An unconstitutional act is therefore null and void, and the only point that can arise in this case if^ whether, to the Federal Government,

or any department thereof, has been.'^ exclusively reserved the right to de-

cide authoritatively for the State this^ question of Constitutionality. If this' be so, to which of the departments, it may be asked, is this right of final judg* ment given? If it be to Congressthen is Congress not only elevated a- -}*4 bove the other departments of the Federal Government, but it is put a-* bove the Constitution itself. Thls,^. however, the President himself has^ publicly and solemnly denied, claiming^ a is in a id a

world—the right to refuse to execute acts of Congress and solemn treaties*^ even after they had received the sanc-^v, tion of every department of thc Feder-i I al Govei nment.

It is unnecessary to enter into an elaborate examination of the subject. It surely cannot admit of a doubt, that by the Declaration of IndepeiK dence, the several colonies became "free, sovereign, and indepeneent States," and our political bistoij will abundantly abew that at every snbsequent change in their condition up to tbe formation of our present Constitution, the States preserved their sovereignty. The discovery of this new feature in oar system, that the States exist oolv as members of the A Union—that before the Declaration of Independence, we were known onlyu "United Colonies,** and that even uader the article of coafrdeatioo, the 7'

rfs

v*|fcA

«iu

4the

W *4" yx

That the Executive possesses tbiir% right of deciding finally and exclusive*! ly as to the validity of acts of CongreM, will hardly be pretended—and that it belong? to the Judiciary, except so! far as may be necessary to the decision of questions, which may incidentally come before them, in "cases of law and equity," has been denied by none, more strongly than the President him-r self, who on a memorable occasion re^ fused to acknowledge the binding authority of the Federal Court,and claimed for bimself and has exercised the right of enforcing the laws, not atxord-1-ing to their judgment, but "hisown^ understanding of them." And yet when it serves the purpose of bringing odium upon South Carolina,44 hii native State," the President has no hesitation in regarding the attempt of a State to release herself from the control of the Federal Judic^Py, in a matter affecting her sovereign Yigbts, as a violation of the Constitution.

•A.-

Hrt

•J