Vevay Times and Switzerland County Democrat, Volume 4, Number 39, Vevay, Switzerland County, 3 September 1840 — Page 1
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VOLUME IV.
VEVAY, INDIANA, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 3,1840.
NUMBEB39.
Published every Thursday Morning,
system of indirect taxation, by which so many millions of money were taken from the packets of individual citizens, thrown into tho hands of money incorporations,—misapplied tu objects of expense and speculation, until that very man himself gave up the principle and the system. That man is Henry Clay. £ut what arc the oilier executive usurpations
has had the power of placing them wherever it pleased. And yet this act, which diminished executive and increased legislative control over the public purse, is to the evil eye of Mr. Clay executive usurpation.
of the plated spoons that were purchased, for it in the lime of James Monroe, and llyj furniture appropriated by the fame aforesaid Congress.
yarded by tho democratic party at not only for temporary success, but for political supremacy, and that both parties will use I heir utmost exertions to carry their point. \Ve have only to say that If we Eomcltmcs feel cheered at onr prospect of success, we as often feel depressed by iho possibility of defeat. _ / In i»ur leading article a'fortnight since, we spoke decidedly nsto the' prospect of General Harrison’s success..-Our wished remain unchanged, but we have since seen reasons to doubt our conclusion; and though the.pride of consistency would induce us to bold out the same flattering prospect, we fee)-that's higher duty obliges us to speak the irulb. if subsequent reflection or information should lead us toa different mol*, ■ Tho whig party arc generally confldent—dated by cucresi—depressed by defeat, * D d it our article should .tend to check an overweening dependence on their own strength and excite them to greater exertions.to insure success, tt will not bo written in vain. Wo are no partisan piper—our predilections are whig—but this does not biaa our judgment or.obscure our understanding, ahd wliifo wo are willing to lend our aid to the side we politically prefer, wc shall look on matters calmly and dispassionately, There is a great and mighty en-_ ergy iri the United States, which cannol'bo long pro*irate, and ' whether Martin, Nan D men, or Wm. Henry Harrison be our next President,' wo' feel a few years'willrelieve.us from our "embarrassments, and place .us again fairly on the high road to wealth and grateness. V
Comer of Ferry and Market ttreeUy Fnay t Indiana.
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TB a MS;
Tlic people of the United States have at length a clear, display of the effects of Federal principles. So long as they were taught.in the courteous language and specious sophistry of Hamillon, and the philosophic theories-of .'Webster, they might be regarded as harmless and impracticable abstractions. But when they come forth in their, effects,—in the power of a thousand Banks—of ono hundred thousand stotklioMers, bankers, Presidents and cashiers,—in mercenary newspapers, in the speeches of member* gress—lying by the live-long Jay, and scattered throughout the country, from the sad die-bags of lying attorneys and lying merchants, *tis time, for the people to awake, to arise and vindicate the cause of liberty and truth.
. When Mr. Clay concluded his remarks on the power of the purse, he broke forth into a strain i of oratorical declamation on the magnitude of : the executive powers now sanctioned Dy the Democratic party. And he insists that the President is acquiring such a control over the people throughout the country, hy means of his oflico holders, and such an influence over Congrew, Ly lua patfociago, aa la enable lutn to manoge the logislaiive department at pleasure. If the power* ol Congress'and the President were ‘ combined in the hands of one man he would certainly be a great potentate. Buta President seeking such an object- would act totally at variance with the course of Jackson and Van Buren. Both have diminished, instead of increasing the powers of the Federal Government. And it is remarkable that Webster, whilst he accuses them of aiming at despotic power, complain? of them, not for deeds of despotism, but for refusing to exercise the powers conferred by (he Constitution. When Gen. Jackson was first elected President, he found the General Government already wielding a monied power of more than a hundred millions of dollars, —and rapidly advancing to hundreds of millions more. First by its creature, the Bank U. S., Whoee capital was, $35,000,000 Circulation, 16,000,000 Deposits, 16,000,000 $67,000,000 ; Second, Tariff—annual surplus . \ in the Treasury beyond the wants of Government, $10;000,000 1 Enhanced prices of Domestic .. . * • i manulaciurea m consequence of . . Protection, —paid by the consumer directly to the manufacturer, which 1 nuuld l>a»o boon caved hy lh»> buy- ■- - ’ — 1 er, if he could have purchased itt ' . , the cheapest market—at least ■ internal Improvements, &c.» 3,000,000 i $100,000,000 |
of which Mr. Clay complains! Tho veto of the Maysville Uoad, —ihe veto of Clay’s Land Bill. One prevented the extension of a gigantic system of national Internal Improvement over (lie country; the other the prosecution of State systems cut, oC tUa Federal treasury. If any man thinks there is the slightest ground for com* plaint against Gen. Jackson on these measures.
THE TIMES.
TEVAY, THURSDA Y, SEPT. 3, 1810.
Mr. Clay’s Hanover Speech.
The Whig National Convention at Harrisburg, and their several State convention* generally, declined to nuke any declaration of principles for the public eye. Nobody knew what the Whig party of 1840. believed. General Harrison himself was asked, and refused to answer. Daniel Webster and Henry Clay were silent on political principles in Congress,—and when they come before the great Whig Convention at Baltimore, gave utterance only to boyish and boastful declamation. Webster asked the young Whigs what they came there for, and Clay.told them the time for argument was past.
let him look at the use which has been made of the twenty-seven millions of public money already deposited with tho Stales and expended by them. It has been wasted in public works which will not pay two per cent, revenue—and tf the States cannot construct profitable public works bow can the General Government!
[From the JV. Y.Smiay -Vor/ting Act«.
The presidential Election,
The more wo reflect on tho stale.of parties, lilts various ways in which measures and Icelioga are balanced tbioughout’ the Union, w'e become convinced that any thing lifts an accurate spec* utuiion as to ulterior results is a thing entirely out of the’ question.- On one side the great question of the .Sub-Treasury i*, by mutual consent, considered to be settled. If the Whig party shouid succeed in electing General Harrison, tuej hare no great leading measure to split upon —the policy of the country for come is settled, and settled by'tbefr.opponents,'and, it : Would be equally rash and ill advised in them to meddle with the Sub-Treasury . until time shall show that its operation is injurious. The reeling of tho people is generally supposed to be hostile to a National Hank, and the fair presumption is, that this vexed question will not be med - died with during General Harrison's term,'and .these two disposed ofduring tho next four years, tho question recurs—What are tho people to gain by the change—a. change of men without a. change of measures! Many sober and reflecting men also begin to enquire if the AVhig party succeed, and an attempt should bo made to .restore the country ami the currency to the position in which matters stood when General. Jackson look the he'm of elate, are. we. ib enter again noon & series of ezpcnmcnts to bring about that which nothing but cur own industry and resources can accomplish!—are we to bars another infliction of the credit system, to be followed by another crisis and collapse! and to raise us from which our strength and energy may-bo unequal! rather let us apply the test ot time to the acts of the administration, and try'Thqiir by actual results. ifottr apprehension should prove groundless, all is well; but, if well founded,'we may be temporally depressed under them—but our ehergica will reiojio, and we can alien cast them from us finally, and for ever. Business .is reviving—money Is. becoming easier—shipping are earning handsome, freights,'and no ‘nutter what is to bo the policy of the country for the next four years, if it is only settled wo. can accomo r date ourselves to circumstances' and get along with it. Tho elections throughout the Slates ate progressing, but’ take Louisiana for instance, and ive cannot safely say that the.elate is unquestionable Whig.' - The native . American feeling predominates in sonts sections, and the effect which General'Harrison’sletter will have is yet to be .decided/.-North * Carolina, and a large number-of the ..States are debateablo,ground. Wo wish sincerely wish, success to the Whig party, but we are so well aware of* the political uct-of the opposition that wo regard all speculation as to results as id e. Again, a largo confidence is expressed tjiat the agricultural interest generally will support Harrison, .on account of the low prices of wheat, but if we bear in, mind the deep hold the'democratic'feeling generally has taken in the soil—that our farmers are a well informed and thiokihg people, and knqw that the price of wheat is generally the relative standard uf value, and realize that— wltetv under the credit system as h has been called, wheat ranged from 111;, to 14, and molasses trom 50 to60c* and that now* molasses can be had from 85' to 30c. and all the necessaries of life in proportion—they' see that whit lus been depressed on one hind has been towered on the other, and that'the' balance sheet at the end of the year remains the same.' If we add to this the indisposition of the mercfiantile class to any great change by which the operations of commerce, now slowly reviving, should be rendered uncertain, we feel tint within the next three months there may bo changes which will present quite a different aspect, Again, in all ohr Atlantic cries wo have avast floating population, strongly inclined to the democratic side, but moved by impulse, and the party which can operate upon these with the most advantage, by association of feeling, or community ofinteresl, wilt have their support. We do.not even consider the elections lor slate or purely local purposes a decided ex [lression.cn the Presidential question, for we know jo Louisiana ! that Edward Livingston could always command , an election, because lhey said he was a gentle-mani-and spoke French like a native, and the conclusion to which we have deliberately arrived is, that we must have something in the shape of positive date to go upon before weean venture to sneak decidedly. " * V , We place little or no dependence'whatever, on large political gatherings of the people. ; The enthusiasm may. be great for the moment, under the. excitement of a highly, gifted end popular speaker—but'the people, aeperate, and go'their way, one to his farm, another to hjs merchandize—immediate objects'clailn their attention—they are brought under different influences, and when the election somes on, they-may be found arrayed In the ranks of the administration. We know that ever since the commencement- of. the independence.of the United States,:whig and democratic-principle* have,been antagonist to each other, and that the present atroggle.ti re-
The next accusation made by Mr. Clay against Gen. Jackson, is for maintaining the uinly of the executive department. This charge is akin to that of proscription so often made heretofore, and which, as it would form the worst feature of the present charge, would, if true, certainly bare a prominent place, in the argument. But as no proof has ever been offered to sustain it, —as on the contrary it bos uniformly been maintained that there has constantly been a majority of tho federal officers opposed to the Democratic party, and recently, that even of those in the District of Columbia, tho Whigs were not only greater in number but in compensation, it is but fair to conclude from Mr. Clay's silence on the subj?ct, that this calumny on Gen. Jackson and Martin Van Uurcn has been abandoned.
The
But when Mr, Clay arrived at Hanover, he had changed his opinion,—and he gave the people of that county a long-winded argument. This speech is a great concession to the Democrats.' It acknowledges tho justice of their rebuke, of the Whigs for previous concealment and reserve. It illustrates the hypocrisy of the censure, cast on General Jackson, for the publication of bis opinions on the present crisis. For why has ho not & right to be hoard as well as Clay! But above all it absolves Van Buren from the charge of departing from (he policy of Gen. Jackson, —and it likewise tacitly absolves the President from tho accusations of extravagance in expenditure. For throughout the whole of this long speech, not a word is said of the tbtrly-cino millions; whereas, if the charge of extravagance were true, it would be sufficient of itself to put down the Administration. We like Mr. Clay's speech for several other reasons. It revives tho old accusations against the Jackson Administration, and relies ot> them as the actual motives for change. He does not calculate on' defeating Mr. Van Buren because he has changed from Gen. Jackson, but because, as Mr. Clay thinks, the people hare changed. And then a programme is presented of the duties of the new Administration. Mr. Clay prefaces his statement of the policy of the next President with an amusing disclaimer of any specific knowledge of Gen. Harrison's view*. Of course, if Harrison is elected, Clay will be PreriJenl defacto t for the Clay party is the main stem of the Whigs, and Gen. Harrison has uniformly been one of the most zealous disciples of that school. , ,
ntrastl
Tlie Contrast! Central Harrison't letter /oj.l/r. Van BurtnU teller to. the Whig Central Com• Mturt. Cary, i- Co, t of milUeof llUnoitfjiulpulh ElieaUlA City, tithed. “You bare not) gentle* “After the most mature men, In the'course joa deliberation 1 bare come hare - pursued) 'rairjuoged to _ the determination. to either the extent ofyour write no more for the prtnt own rights, bor the itnpor* on the Abolition question. Inncc of a free common!* Mjf course in this matter cation of opinion between has received the ilecidctl the constituent and * pro* approbation of the groat pored Itepresei'lalrTC. Tbo majority. of ' air friends, authority of the elector to Kast, West, North nodical! in good faith on tho' South,” tc, [candidate for bis favor, for “One oflhcstrangcstrea-jaii unreserved avowal of mils against my publishinsjhti opinions in regard to all any further opinions uponjiuutiers gf public concerns the abolition or any other that it may become his pfpolitical question, is thclficial duty to act upon, is vile coarse or mr oppo-Jubt only * of inestimable Dents In ‘mutilating and value to the success of popes verting every thing that lilkalinslitutionslixe ones, I bavo heretofore ipokeu'but may, I thinx, without or written,” kc. [exaggeration be regarded “I beg you 'to consider m indispensable to tho this tetter as confidential, maintenance of Rcpublinut on any account to bt can Government. 1 ’ used or alluded to in nny publication.”
What then is meant by the unity of the executive department, and why is it wrong to preserve it. The execution of tho laws is the main constitutional duty of the President, and his fidelity (o this trust is pledged in alt the solemnity of his oath of office. Now the modes of execu-
ting a taw may vary materially, but it is clear that such a duty, to he performed faithfully, must be uniform. Now how can the President rely on uniformity of action in the executive department, unless he appoints men of the same views of duty with himself! Mr. Clay complains that Gen, Jackson acted on his own understanding of the Constitution and not the judicial construction of the Supremo Court. Docs lie mean that a President ought not on constitutional grounds veto a bill from Congress, when a law of the same kind has been judicially pronounced constitutional! If that be right then Congress could
It will bo seen that the money power was ingeniously contrived. The tariff which levied
Harrison dodges enquiry, from (ho childish fear of being perverted.. Mr, Van Curen braves the perversions of the meat desperate parly that ever disgraced the country. Mark thu difference! ■ ?
the tax, operated to thrice its amount, in favor of the manufacturer. The deposit in the Bank was another application of the same money which again was increased by the additional circulation based on the deposit. And finally the same money was expended in Internal Improvement. So that every dollar, in its collection, deposit and expenditure, was made to act three times for tho purposes of the power that gave it tilts direction. Now then if Gen. Jackson were the despot, that Mr.Clay pretends, what could please him bettor than to continue in the exorcise of a power like this, through a Congress elected by the very people who hid adopted his name as a watchword in every election. Hat Gen. Jackson beheld the great and grow iug money power, with the eye of a statesman, and the anxiety of a patriot. He attacked and overthrew it with a com - age more exalted and intrepid, than that which broke in thunder from the ramparts of New Orleans. He vetoed, tho system of Internal Improvement and the U. S, Bank, and withstood the residue of hla lcnn, undaunted and victorious, the howling execration of disappointed po-. littcal avarice and upstart monted aristocracy. It was however protended that he was not sincere in his professions. That he only wanted to secure the alliance of ninety-six deposit banks instead of.one United States Bank—of one hun? Ured millions of capital .instead of thirty-five. But Martin Van Buren treading in his footsteps, with
Extract Jf am a Ltllef from a tUtlinguuked Amiri' can now j'a Europe.
/‘Notwithstanding tho'shouting of the Opposition papers winch 1 receive and read, Icannot believe eodntclligent a people-as oiira will.ever, saention, by the election of Heneral Harrison, the fatal doctrine which is involved in it, that n set of interested men, tncri.hama.and bankers, shall be ennusted will* the tremendous power, through tho instrumentality of the currency; of stretch--|ng or contracting .at pleasure, the measure of. value for the property of all the rest of the community, la spite of all the dii-t and. smoke which a violent party contest always raises, r majority, at-least, before the election, must be made to fee that such a measure , would be, in essence and effeer, the same as to. entrasl the power to the sartio set of hands, and the products of. them, and •afterwards to suit their Interests to. ajter.it at pleasure. - A naked proposition "like, the latter, every man, however dull er excited by' part; feeling or prejudice, would bo alarmed at. and reject, without a-.nionifnl'shesitation! and ycl, what ts the'difference between having the pries of yonr'lanil, your wheal, your cotton ‘ and tobacco*'fixed and .unfixed at pleasure'by tile purchaser, and giving the-purchaser the: power of fixing, and unfix tog tho.chain, or the bushel, or weights, by which they arc measured! “Such is the light in which tho question’involved in the Presidential election is viewed by disinterested and' intelligent* men in Europe. The majority of bnukereand merchants, to whom . the opposite .doctrine would give the control' over the fortunes of the rest of tho community, sido with the opposition'to the present Administration.” '
not discuss the constitutionality of such a measure. For the decisions of the Supreme Court arc just a* authoritative and obligatory on the legislative as on the executive department. And when two great parties in the Republic differ in the Construction of the Constitution, the one that secures the appointment of chief justice first, which might happen by success in a tingle Presidential election, secures a perpetual triumph in contempt of any subsequent decision of the people. If this doctrine be true, then John Adams, in the simple act of appointing John Marshall Chief Justice, exorted more power over the destinies of this country, than any subsequent popular election. For the character impressed on the Government, by the federal construction of the Constitution, could nut be changed by any course of administration.* And yet Mr. Clay deprecates the extent of executive power.
Mr. Clay imputes as usual the present distress to tho “single cause of the action, encroachments, and the usurpations of the Executive branch of the Government.”.
Then the Stale governments must have been all conducted wisely. Indiana was right in going in debt thirteen millions and fooling the money away. A tax of three hundred thousand dollars last year,—of half a million next year, will cause no distress amongst the people. And then the Banking system of course is blameless. The action,encroachments, and the usurpations of three hundred and twenty millions of Banking capital, arc neror mentioned.—But then we are to be told, that ifilic Stales or Banks have done wrong it was the fault of Gen. Jackson and Martin Yao Burcn. Well, let ua see.
In another part of ids speech, Mr. Clay makes an accusation equally unfounded: He says, that Marlin Van Buren, in assuming in one of his messages to be a part of the legislative power, has transcended the limits of the Constitution. And the charge has been quite current among wordy politicians of the Whigs. Now the Constitution expressly requires the concurrence of the President to make a law, or in .case it is refused insists on majorities in each house of Cot;-' gresa of two thirds of the members. And it is in such cases, which are very rare, (we believe one has never yet occurred,) that,the President docs not exercise precisely as much power as either of the two house's. But the.sin of removing the. Deposits is of
General Jackson vetoed the Bank charter, and thus cut off—no only diverted the application of—-thirty-five millions of Banking capital. Well, hut Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun reduced the Protectiro Tariff to a revenue standard, and thus withdrew from the vaults of the Banks, and the credit syatem, the use of the annual surplus ot from ten to thirty millions. - Ami Gon. Jacksod is guilty and Mr. Clay is guiltless for*noth..
the same purity of’purpose and constancy offorwhich ho stood by the side of tho old chieftain in hit hour of storm and of trial, has by the ever-glorious constitutional Treasury Bill dissolved all connection between Government and Bank. This relinquishment of the money power, .this voluntary restoration of their own purees to the people, which previous legislation had seized and opened, has no parallel for its patriotism, in the history of this country, but the voluntary relinquishment of the power of the sword by Gen. Washington when at the close of the war he retired to the shades of Mi. Vernon. And 'jet Henry Clay, himself the advocate of Bank,of Tariff, and Internal Improvement, calls Jackson* and Van Buren despots. And Martin
Federal Confidence pot to the.Tkst.—If the Opposition is really *p sanguine, of-fiUcoesa as il pretends to bo, whydocs not its candidate resign his clerkship? Why doe* the ,15 htg hero holiTon to.his lucrative sinecure office! A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush.—Globe '
Gen. Jackson by tho veto, only changed the management, of thirty-five millions of Bank cap-' ltd. Henry Clay, the father ofilhe tariff, founded a system of taxation, that at lengh took from the pockets of the people, annually, thirty millions of dollars more than the wants of government, devdted this money to speculation, then reduced tho tariff, and cut off the supply,—and he did not cause the present distress; Will it bo pretended-that the change in the plica of deposit was material! - Would, not thehigh tariff throw a surplus into the treasury if the U. 3. Bank had .continued. Would not the depontes have been loaned by that Bank! W ould sot its final reduction produce distress! The troth is, that our pecuniary 1 distress must be mainly imputed Id the man who originated that
Diamond cut'Diamond.—A gentleman in Utica notified in the U. Democrat, he “wished to bet $1,000, that Blarlin Van Huren .will bo re-elected President.” Two of the Whiga called to lake the bet—and 1»I the gentleman turned out to be another Whig! The bet was mad* and the cashnaked up, .
course not forgotten in an effort to blast the tamo of Gen., Jackson. He is accused of effecting-by that measure the seizure of the Treasury. It is
well known, jhat when the Deposits were taken from the United States Bank, they were placed in the local Batiks where they were subjectmoro completely to the power of Congress than before. For then they were by express law removable by the Secretary.of the Treasury, and by
Von Duron is accused of extravagance in expending the money, taken unjustly out of the pockets of the people by Henry Clay’s tariff, and approprialed by the twenlytfifth Congress, in one branch of which the friends of Clay antf Divet were in majority all the while. And to complete this career of political infttny, Martin Van:Daren' U to bo held up to the condbmrtaUoli of the republican citizens ol the land t because there it still to be found in the executive mansion some
Anecdote.— K few day* agtf, two sons of Erin eiofped to read a Harrison handbill, and observing iho letters O. K, in large, type at the top, one (puzzled to know the meaning) queried hi* companion, wto replied. “Ocfit do you .tot know that! it main* that hb is still in charge of Ills Oald Keepert.—CaltktU Recorder.
a law too (the charter of the Bank) which Congress could not repeal. But,the President subjected the public'money td-the auction of ConIgreis, unfettered by the restraints of a charter, land accordingly every session since Congress
• Miss -Ply, of Massachusetts, hi*, recovered $305 of. Sir.' Frost, lor a'breach of. marriage promise Ho courted her one year', and the jury allowed hoc one dollar per day for the titae>..
