Vincennes Gazette, Volume 12, Number 43, Vincennes, Knox County, 1 April 1843 — Page 2

SATURDAY AruiL I, 1813. Wliig Principle. !,rA Will of the Nation uncontrolled by the trill of OXE 37.2 A: one Presidential term, a frugal Government, and no tub-Treasury, open or covert, in substance or in fact: no Government Bank, tut an institution capable of guarding (he People's treasure and administering to the People's wants. The appointment of the Secretary of The iix, testtictitr, ct t.ir m' r c j ,? isrj frchX irilc: J - i i 't Sim ii. ecoiomu in Vie rt inminUtriitij-i cf 'Vie L crer n-nwnt, e discontinuance of useless oficcs." aU sinecures, and For ' ' 'c '1 i: T a x t; Is A Y , OF KEN'TUCKV. FCR GOVERNOR, S.V1IUI3I BlGftEES.. FOH LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR, JOIIIY H. URADLEY. We are authorized to say that Mr. II. L. RUBLE, will serve as Constable, if elected on Monday next. Ten inches rise in the Wabash river within the last few days about 26 inches on the Rapids. A rapid rise daily looked fur. RELXEr LAWS. In the iastSta'.e Sentinel, we hsve read a etrangs article, relative to the late decision cf tho Illinois mortgage case, in the Supreme court of the United Slates. The editors say that they hold relief laws to be unconstitutional, an 1 yet they assert that the decision is inexpedient, intimate that it it unjust, and forbode that it will produce great excitement. I: seems to us plain, that it can never be inexpedient to pronounce sentence against an unconstitutional law. It is the dut of the courts to do it: and the sooner it is done, the better for all. Nor can such a decision be unjust nor should it produce excitement amongst a law abiding people. It is stated in the same paper, the Marshal of the district, intends making his sales without regard to the State appraisement lawa. Gen!. Hanna is a clever fellow; anJ wo think he will think twice, before he will determine to disregard the rules of the court, whose process he serves. Bt we do believe, that this decision will fee t:ed, if possible to produce an excite ment, an excitement against the Supreme Court cf the United Stares. The independence' that tribunal has always been obnoxious to the radical faction, t.ie c,e rmcracy, or the locofocality, or whaUpeer else, they may ca'l themselves or may be called. And only lately a Senator of that party has gravely proposed, to change the Constitution, so that the Judges shall hold their offices for certain periods, instead of the present tenure for life. We may add, when d'.d the leaders of that partv, if an opportunity was presented of producing an excitement, hesitate to attack any of the- principles of the constitution, or 3tiy of the institutions of the country? If possible, this decision wi'i be used to produce an excitement: and for that purpose it will be misrepresented. We are not satisfied that the decision, even in reference to the subject matter of it, is correct. The fact, tlui to respectable a member of court as Judge McLean dissented would excuso us lor doubting. Hut we have nothing more to say as to the question directly before the court. A majority of the court decided, and that is enough, so far as the point in question is concerned. But lawyers (ell us, that the opinions of Judges on'points not involved in the case before them, are not of authority, are of no more force- than the opinions of any other men, and are so always considered by Judges and lawvers. We understand that such opinions are called by lawyers obiter dicta, and are not regarded unless so far as they may be consistent with right reasons. The decision of the Su preme Court, so far as it relates to the Law of Illinois, in reference to the rights :i mortgagees, i an authority and obliga i0tv on the courts; but beyond this, so tar u it aJttts opinions on any subject, it is merely an assertion cf opinion, of no farce, and indeed of no wc;ght, unless so far 83 ifn nmnona are consonant wui

if the Supreme court had made any pre ious decisions touching the meaning of the expression, "obligation of contracts," and we hate been refered to the Dartmouth College case, 4th vol. Wheaton, pflges 12S, 429, and to Sturguess' case, 4th vol. Wheaton, page 200. In the first case, in reference to this provision of the constitution, the court sav: "It was intended to correct the mischiefs cf state laws, which had

weakened the confidence between man and man, and embarrassed all transactions, between individuals, by dispensing with a faithful performance of engagetncnts; to guard against a power which Ind been extensively abused, and to restrain the legislature in future from violating the rights of property." In the same case the court say of this restriction, that it was not intended "to authorize a vexatious interference with the internal concerns or civil institutions of a state, to embarrass its legislation in the premutation of internal government, or to llhose PrPose8. which ought to very wilh 'varying circumstances. In the other case the court say: "The principle was the inviolability of contracts. The plain declaration that no state shall pass any law impairing tho obligation of contracts, includes all laws which infringe the principle the convention intended to hold sa cred, and no further. It des not extend to the remedy to enforce the obligation of a contract; the distinction between them exists in the nature of things, so that nithout impairing the obligation, the remedy may be modified as the stale may direct." The italics are our own. The states cannot by legislation afflict the na ture of contracts, or take away the power to use the remedies their laws afford gen erally, but they have the sole control of those remedies, which they may "vary with rarying circunstances." We republish from tha Western Sun of last week an article on Johnscm'a plan for the liquidation of the state debts. It is well worthy the attention of all who feel an interest in tho welfare of the country; and it especially merits tho attention of all candid Democrats of the locofoco school. It has generally been taken for granted that the people of the debtor states were able if they were willing, to meet the interest of their debb-by taxation. In some articles published in this paper, two years since, on this subject, i the writer, (and we presume from ths! signature, the same person who wroto the present article) contended that the states were not able to meef'the interest of their debts by taxation. We have been astonished that this part of the subject has not met with more attention. It certainly deserves the most serious consideration. In the conclusion of the present article the writer states that, "we are a very poor people, although our gross annual pro ducts somewhat exceed thirty millions of dollars. We probably have 120,000 fami lies their average gross product is about $250 each annually and their average surplus product is about sixteen dollars. prU am.r-allv. It seems to us that ttf

uv.ll amii. j - . j i UdVC tUSli . . j ...... . j tatement is at?ve the truth, it is basK ' tenl3 i9SUeii during Jackson's Presides7c presume, upon Jhe returps of the cv; it seem8 that afterwards, while WhitJnited States census, an I upC" the rfTorl comn was Commissioner, r-00,000 were

statement wo of the Auditor of Indiana made last x,ecember. The Auditor estimates our annual iroduct at 32, 693,039. In this esti mate, the agricultural products are given at $2 1.752, 137, and the manufactures at $710,881. But the least examination will show that large deductions should be made from these amounts. In making twenty-four millions of agricultural pro ducts, the live stogk is set down at $14,778,711. But this is the ,otal value, and not the value of lhat portion only which is fit for market. In estimating the annual product cf his farm, a farmer does not estimate the whole value of all his itock, hm he estimates that which becomes in the course of the year fit for market On the average, live stock is ht for market. at four years old; and consequently one fourth only of the total value should tie es timated as the annual product. Hence we have s3.691.G7G, instead of 8U,o8,744; and a deduction of Si 1,084.058 to bo made. In making up the table ot manufactures, the products of mills and distilleries are valued at $2,552,522, and the products of other manufactures, of which ihe raw material is produced within the state and as such is estimated otherwise, as wool, tobacco, skins, furs, hides, tallow, leather, are Btated at $1. H25,000. These two sums give us J,77, 000, of manufactures from our own raw materials. The raw materials we tlunK must have been worth more than halt, or ... u,.i Si! noo.OOO. Hence we have Ain.O0O.000 to be deducted from the Au -ctimatA nf $32.693.0:i8. 1 ne h!an is 9 1 9.693.U3S. If this is divi ded bv 120,000, the probable number of families in tho state, we shall have 5Ib4. instead of $250, as the probable average gross annual product of each family each year. And we ask, is it possible that out cf this pittance we can pay six dollars each family annually in addition to other

On Tuesday last we listened to Gov. Whitcombat the Town Hall, for a long time for several hours until we had heard all he had to say about all things except theTn'rifl and the substance cf all he could say about that; and indeed, until we were excessively fatigued our "cilidel of thought" benumbed, and our body tired out. The Governor, as usual, jyas very dignified sometimes very philosophical, occasionally too deep for ut, and all the time, recalled to our recollection the mountain and the mouse. It was appa-j ront the Governor had read the Gazette

it seemed that he was not entirely pieaseu with our article?; nevertheless, he did not complain much of any thing of importance. He pointen' to his "citidel of though" he looked at us he paused a .1 I .JD

little, and said, that "prejudiced persons jn cauing t'aQ docket of the Circuit should takesalts." And indeed, we tho (Courton Monday, the Court called this it a good prescription, worthy tha atten-tcaset a rec0gn,zailce 0f Geo. Zimmerle, lion of the whole locofoco party, frj t0 keep the peace towards Mrs. Zimmerasuredly, any sort of cleansing, moral or-f in particular, and all the world in genephysical, would help them. The Govern-!ra The prosecutrix was railed and apor complained of a statement wo lately pearej. She said, she wished to contin-

made, that he was a "mere boo man. i lie denied this, and availed himself of the opportunity to a sort o insinuate Mat he he was a Kentuckian told the folks that he had been a Kentucky school-master. But although doubtless he reraemoerwi i that Governor Iieger ts a native oi ine-r west, and could recollect that he had been a western Bchool master, ha did not recollect that he was born in Connecticut or any where about there. Just about this time, the Governor opened the fire of his "citidel" upon Internal Improvements, and asserted that Governor Bigger voted for the Survey Dill, but he forgot to tell the people that ho himself voted for it that he was a member of thvj Senate when it passed that he made no opposition to it that indeed it was not opposed by any in the Senate that it passed without opposition. Governor Whitcomb forget all this, but he recollected tint every man, woman and child knew that he was utterly opposed to tho system! He then passed to the Bill of 1830, and acknowledged he h3d voted for it. Dut he undertook t,-, rxnlain this vote, and the explanation was so inconsistent with any sense of. ih we felt like Hushing for the were in, for tho want of moral feeling exhaled by the individual who made tho explanation, as well as t-y the party who could toleratC.it. It was, that ho was instructed to vote i'?r an'' therefore did vote for it; bur, that ti';o"g'j instructed to v te for it, and feeling bourn, as a good democrat, (God help us.) to vote for it, he attempted to weigh it down by a multiplicity of additions. Gov. Whitcomb asserts the right of instruction, and acknowledges the duty of obedience, and yet. unblushingly tells the public that he attempted, assassin-like, to destroy that which he was alike bound by the will of his constituents by his own sense of duty, and by democratic principles, tosus tain that wbich he did ,riot dre - .yj against, nmt mis is tna man, uius uuyful of treachery to a confiding people, wio presents himself as the democratic candi date for the most responsible and honora ble office in the gilt ot the people, in opposition to honest, and honorable, and candid Samuel Digger a special plea against a "plain unvarnished late," It is loo degrading. The Governor then proceeded to the General Land Office. He intimated that his appointment was tb unsought rewara of modest merit, ami ; then he boasted much ol the reforms he; - - had mada m me lauu vuicc. uu thought that Gen. Jackson had made ev-j ery improvement that could be made atj .i t i xi liml W ashinffton. but it seems that the Old Ife ro had permitted every land patent that issued, to cost the people precisely two dollars and seven cents more than it should have cost. We do not Know now many ;ned. He complained about being turn W' out of office, but he did not recollect to tel his democratic inends an tne particulars of hisvisiito Cincinnati, of his courtship to Harrison, nor of his efforts to retain his office. Governor Whitcomb repeated the worn-out slander Jnat loan Noble devised the scheme of Interna, improvements, and he did not blush in doing it he only looked grave pointed to his "dome of reason," scratched his head, and repeated the slander. About this time tho Governor got to the Gazette again, and that brought him to the Tariff. We tried to understand him, and we nave trieu

ta ascertain from others if e. under sjop.yaj cast it imo buttermilk, and wo un him rieht. But inneed wa. can't j.,gt00j that if he was a witch it would t

We left him when he entered upon ine Tariff nne3tion.but we have learned from those who remained, that he is in fovorof protecting our own industry, but he is not willing to give it more protection than a more "tariff for revenue will give that, he says, will be protection enough. He is apposed to the tariff of 1S41), for be says that is a protective tariff; and indeed we don t know w hat no is, aim we uou believe he knows himself. Wre were tired on Tuesday listening to him we are tired nnw writiner about him: and as we intend to vote for plain, unvarnished Samuel Big-! ger, any how, we shall leave nun in -paar-fec decsgust." For the Vincennes Gazette. ANOTHER CASUALTY. Our late Senaior in his address to the people of Knox, which he calls a ciicular, and very much resembles a large bladder inflated with wind, with a few beans or pebbles put in it to make a noise, says, that it was by a mere casualty that he had the fees of the Recorder reduced that he was imposed upon and deceived by others. Now I would respectiully enquire of the gentleman, if it were by a irnilsr canity that "fduabte portion of

the county of Knox was added to the county of Sullivan, which previously was the iarger county of the two' (the gross justice of which to the citizens of this coonly jt j3 unnecessary to comment up on) jow instead of writing doggerel anj nicknaming it poetry, and bedaubing yourself with praise over the signature Df "A Citizen," in your present" organ, tne Western Sun, tell us if you voted for curt,iJing the boundaries of old Noax; andif so, who imposed onanddeceived you 8ay who pulled tha wool over old Arpaa evet mis time?

A. L. STATE vs. ZIIVXOTERLE. REPORTED TOR THE T1SCEXXIS OAZKTTS. recMwnizance, and was sworn. Vjeo Zimmerle is a stout, thick, big 'moinr,ed, midd'e-acreu1 German, and gene rally employs himself in driving a team. Mrs. Zimmerle is a short, t'nck, miuuiej woman, a native of our own county; ,and they have been married only a few mont.'is. Mrs. Zimmerle stated her complaint that George had beaten her had thietened to beat her, and kill her. and that she was afraid he would kill her. The Court asked, if George had disturbed her since they had parted? She said no. But George could stand it no longer. He told the Court that the whole difficulty was caused by her father and family, who charged him with being a witch. Mrs. Zimmerlo a sort of denied this. George said he could prove it by Geo. Wyant, Esq.. to whom her father had gone for a Slate's warrant, and charged him wilh being a witch. Mr. Wyant was sworn, lie said the old man had apo'ied to him officially some time in the winter that he did not recollect much about it, but that he thought the old man only s;iid that there were sign'' that George was a wiich. lie could not recollect the signs. George now insisted that the old man should be sworn and examined. The old gentleman on his oath stated, in reply to George's question, wheter ho had not charged him with being a witch7 that until he became acquainted with George, he had not believed in witches, but that now ho hid seoi? so many signs, that he did not know what to believe that George not long since married his daughter that for a time he permitted 'Mm to live in Ivs fj.ni!v, but that George so'on became so disagree: hie, lhat he sent .theni to themselves m a cabin on his firm. The Judge asked, how he was dissgreeaMe? n'3 u'1 ncs said", that it was chieily by his conver sation, which wss unfit for a decent ti.ni- - hfrinrHMes ssvvays telling about wiwh-i dkjjfnd what he had seen ! (Tafl 'd ste & done in Germany. The Judge asked, if he knew how George treated his wife? The witness said that on one occasion Geoige insulted her in his hearing. Bit the Court. How? Witness. They were in the next room. George told her that she could not cook that her victuals was not fit for the dogs. and that 1 thought was an insult; for she Kvd f.mlfpd for vhirtv vcars. and we keen Mn VV J 1 prlvalQ Entertainment, audit would be indeed, if she could not cook! i 1 Tin Georne. Have you not charged rae with being a witch, all over the country? "Witness. I do not know whether he is a witch, but there are strange signs. By the Court. What are the signs? Witness. Since the difficulty my sheep ami cattle have been alU'icted in a way they never were before, although I have taken more care of them than I had previously done; and this and other signs made me think of what George said he had done and had seen done in Germany. The witness here told divers long stories of George's exploits in the Fatherland, especially ono of a certain wagon and team, that on a certain occasion would not go, then did go a mile, as if the devil was after it. J3u George -But did not you say that you had ir'ed me with a hot horse shoe, and found me to be a witch? Witness. I did not ssy I did it. By Me Court. What did you say? Witness. I said that some of the fani!v hail mnile a horse snoe red hot, and Jer bum him on the thighs. Ihtthe Court. Did it burn him? fVilness. My daughter said that she examined him, aJid that he was sore for three weeks. By the Court. Let the recognizance be dischargedFrom the Western Sun. In the Western Sun of tho 11th, I have read an article front the Democratic lieview on tho issue of two hundred millions of stock by tho United States on the pledge of tha proceeds of the public lands. It is a great misfortune for the readers of the Democratic Review, that many of its articles ars written by foreigners, by men who are very good democrats in the foreign sense of the term, but who know little of the spirit of our institutions, and are often ignorant of our history. The author of this article seems to be such an one; at least he displays just uch ignorance as might be expected from such an one. He says that wnen uie Union was formed it had no domain; F.nd ifeat the public lands "were ceded to the Union at the urgent solicitation of conffran." He eems to be ignorant, that a

confederacy of the "glorious old thirteen

existed previous to the Union; that ex cepting that of Georgia, no cussion oi landi has been in vie to the Unom; an having been made to the Conffderaoy ; a:id he seems to have forgott-.m, if lie ever knew, tli3t by the constitution of the Union, the United States have ni power to receive gtants of land except for fortifications, &c. unless it be that mot odious and dangerous of nil powers, an implied power. Indeed, not only was the acceptance of the Georgia grant the exercise of an implied power, but all the lands west of the Mississippi, now nearly all the public domain, were acquired by the exercise of precisely such a power a power implied doubtful odious to all true Democrats exercised by our Sovereign Democrat of the day. President Jefferson, in a treaty with the French Sovereign Democrat, Mr. Buonaparte. The acquisition of Louisiana was proper, fit, expedient; but where is the constitutional power for it to be found? This cant about power is ridiculous. Implied powers have been exercised under every administration of the Union. By General Washington when be sane ioned the assumption of tha Revolutionary debts of the Slates, and the Charter of the Bank of the United States, and in other instan ces. By Mr. Jefferson when he boughtj Louisiana, when he assumed three millions of dollars of debts due the British merchants, and in other instances. By General Jackson when he dismissed Mr. Duane, and removed the deposite3 from the Binkof the United State?; when ht gvo the deposes to his Pet Slate Banks, and by his Secretary Mr. Taney recommended, I should say, ordered them ii discount on the depositee, the commencement of that system of paper inflation, rag currency, which ha? produced so much distress ami misery, and in other instances. Tho revolutionary pension system, nay, the whole pension system, u,iloss so far as the grant of pension is n part uf the terms of enlistment, is an implied power. The grants of lands for Colleges. Rnds and Canals, S-iats of Government, t-nd Salines, amounting to near four millions of dollars, under successive administrations, were all implied powers. Such were, the grants of School Sections, the reservations uf the two percent fund and of the three percent, fund, the National Road and su:ii too vere the S irp'us Revenue deposit act, and Mi. Van B iren' issue of Treasury notes and inmrncrshle nthr instances ."a"i be shown of implied p )vrs sanctioned by :h wisdom of the n iitori. by I) jrcrats. and hv D.i.n icralhi a hni'iiMraii'ins. What then is the criterion? Whn is an irn plin.i power good, when bad? When will t'ie exercise of an implied powr -accord with Democratic principles, and vhtn ntuTi tether t'i writer in tha i -? m ).:n:io R ; J view ij ignorant v the consort action of the government ur else wripen only fori i.ffrtct and eonti fm' of the i2'i rnf" ot ; vpj, :,kr f,e dmngarde 1 ihe light? of . ". n;rn .nowlede. " This wrilei -"o'rts Phis writer o'hrts to Mr. Johnson s plan for threo principal, rca'om, whii'h I shall br.efly review. Tliq first reaso-1 ?. ibat it is n breach of tho condition? ot; w.'.-ich the land waceded to the Union. He rightly state? the purpose of the grant to b' -"t-'ie common use and benefit of ail the States," and he seems to think lhat these land can only be so applied by placing ihs pr oeedj in ihe Treasury and expf ndin; them in the, support of the government. It would not be dtrneuh to shew, that, from the very peculiar languige, used in th grants from the States, something else was intended; a distribution, perhaps among the State, after the payment of the Revolutionary debt. Bnt it is not necessary to show this. However, it i? clear, that if this writer's views are co-rect, all the grants of public lands by Congress 'have been unconstitutional and are void. If he proves any thing, he proves too much, and his argument "13 worthless. If he is riht, every adminisuation in this particular has been wrong. For. to repeat Mr. Calhoun's question, "what interest has South Carolina in a Canal in Ohio?" In a college, School, or Seat of Government in Indiana, or in the cultivation of tropical plants in Florida? This writer contends that Johnson's plan would apply ihe lands for tho benefit of "a few indebted States. He asserts this, but does not attempt to prove it. If it was true, I would give up. He asserts that 'the occasion is the embarrassment of a few States," that the motive is "the relief of those States," and hence he concludes, that the use and 'nn.ivMin f.C -Iiihnsnn's nlan i. not "ihel M"'uu - i common use and benefit of all the States. The statement is not fair; I might say that it is not true and tho reasoning is not correct. Admit, that the distresses of some of tho Stales have given occasion for ihe plan, and that the motiva is the relief of some only of the States, does it follow, that the plan does not, or shall nor, afford equivalent benefits to all the States? If it does so follow, then this writer is right; if it does not so follow, then he is wrong. Mr. Johnson's plan proposes an issue of stock toaii the States, occording to their lederal numbers: to ih" debtor Sutes for the payment cf their debt?, to tho States not in debt for such purposes as they may please. It affords then an equivalent to each State. It is an issue for the benefit of all the Stages. 1 1 is an appropriation of the proceeds of the public lands for the use and benefit all the States. It might be objected thatthe consent of all the States should he obtained, and this writer intimates the objection. But by the constitution, the C!nsfnt of a majority ol Senators and Representatives, sanctioned by the President, the President being democratically 'the representative of is a principle common to Democrats and

Wings, that in our government lbs

jority must govern. . The second objection i Johnson pi rn is a perversior ers of congress. This wri:-: mits tne power of cottres te.-ts the right. He says : another mauer." He says has no riuht to use the pubis any purpose, "other than that they mav use the money inthj Admil.ed. What then? W is a later importation, or is i ih&t th. f he jo- ' rete i ut i Vi t t A: ignorant thasi on could web . r -The man never knew, or he has forgotten. that a Democratic President, Jac kson, and democratic congress, did distribute the money in the Treasury among the State. And if it is democratic to distribute the money in the Treasury, why is it not democratic' to distribute the pro-" ceeds of the lands, or the lands themselves? The Government had surplu mo ney; it distiibnted it. The Government surplus lands; why not distribute them? Mas What is the difference in principle demo cratically? The true "occasion" for th distribution of the serplus funds, was that a Democratic administration had destroyed the safe and proper place of deposit for its safe keeping, the Bank of the United States, and had scattered it amongst its pSut3 banks ,Y7hich had banked upcr it and expended the- currency until all was in danger. The ."motive" was, to' save the monev from bring stolen, snd to lessen the influence of the Executive.The "occasion" frr Johnson's plan is, that nut a few of the Stares, b it a majority of them in number, and cmbfcing in federal numbers more than two thirds cf the Union, arc in distress and digra -e. Tho 'motive'' for it, is to restore State credit to a.l the States in general, end to tb.9 debtor States, being morj than two-third-t of the Union i:i particular; to restore public confidence; to upho'd rep-ibli icart intentv; to do justice, and especiauy to ri'T.ove the nect?-?ity fir direct tax? on the people of the debtor states, a majority of the Union, to a i amount ivhich thexf cannot and will net pay. Is this riht nn') er hi? , Ti-e lasi of this writer's three reasons i3, that the pr jeel is unwise. And to prove this, b fi"iimM that Mr. Johnson propopoirs "a d ibt f "2 O.OOO.OOO, created i.i a mot.er.t, witho it a dollar uf expenditure, mi I without mailing any provision ft: future ex'g -ni'ies." And that surely would bt? tmwie. But the assu-npt'on is false. It is without pretencii of truth frr it fmndaiion. The debt exists. The debtor S le5! own it and it bears moro than six pvr cnt iuert. What i the Union but ttie a" Ttf-iie of a i 1 the Stiles? Wont the p-Mipie of iV Union, but th? aggr -g:ite of the people of :t!l ihe States? What" are the debts of Plates eomposin" core ifrtn a nnjority cf federal injmh'rs in the Union, but "the debts of a mij inty of the Union? And what diffcrunce'des it make to us whether w jo ifie r.ior.ey s a j the Union, or as The j the L nun, or as the Unionf Wooweth m !"', mi', it must be p--ud hy taxation, or Iro.n ::r Side or national resources, Ii e easiest and cheapest way is surely the l.est. We now are bound to pay six per cent, interest; by Johnson's p!sn we csn hav? the money at three per cent, interest; we ebi'l be required to pay six millions of dollars annually instead of I mill o is. .We shsdl save six million each ye?r. The public works are nor i.n;inisK d, in a course of "dilapidation t--id r l.ii By Johnson's plan, wp thall be enabled to complete thoss of them, which re worth completion, and render them productive. Will all this be wisp or unwise? Shall we omit to do it for fear of au abstraction? The writer concludes by asserting the duty end ability of t'.ie debtor States tc pay the interest of their debts by taxation. I deny ihe abjlily, and I challenge him or any oilier Democrat to the proof. If he is right, the majotity here and elsewliere are a set of scoundrels. But I deny that too. The people are honest, and would tax themselves, if they were able to pay. It cannot be shown by any reasonable calculation, lhat the total surplus product of Inddiana, in any year, has ieached two millions of dollars; and many years must pass, even with prices far exceeding our hard money prices, befoieour surplus products can reach that amount. We are a very poor people, although our gross annual products somewhat exceedthirty millions of dollars. We probably hae 120,;00 families their average gross product is about :250, each annually, and their average surplus product about sixteen dollars each annually. Tho State owes about twelve millions of dollars on which interest is to be provided.That interest is at least $7-0,000, or six 'dollars each family. More than a third of our surplus product in the best of times, and probably half of it now. Can we; should we pay such taxes, in addition ta our ordinary taxes? It is ustless almost to sav wo wi.l not, we cannot. Sr J. John Porter, the nephew of the Gov--emor of-Pennsylvania, was convicted of larceny last week at Philadelphia, and" was allowed to leave the court in the custody of his cousin, Sheriff Win. A. Porter. The voung gentleman robbed his employers, and made presents to his kept mistress. A new ir.al has been moved for, on what grounds does not appear. If thr.t is nt granted, it is said ho will ba pardoned by his excellent uncle. N. V. Sunday Mercury. The Hon. Henry Clay, associated with his srn, J. B. Clay, Eq., is again a praetitienpr at the bar. Louisville Journal."