Vincennes Gazette, Volume 10, Number 15, Vincennes, Knox County, 19 September 1840 — Page 1

7

vou i." v t 1 - V vi xc i :.;f', lxdiana, Saturday moiinlxg, September il AO. 15.

- - . "TIUrTII WIT.TOI T J'i" V!!.'

J

at Tit:: a !i'-:.r :i vs met. nxo at s.vkatooa. ox r.-n; AT iJT -sr, r io. r J .V. l"r.v -l.-i-.v'vrj. We are, h re. my friends, i.i t!iO miiht of :i gre it in vement of the People. That :i revol anon i:i public, sentiment on some

important questions ot public policy ,!' na begun, r: is in progr it is vain to attempt to eo;i ;d, and folly to deny. What will he t!io extent ol this revolution, what its immediate effects upon political men an 1 political measure? what Ultimate ialltieaee it any have on the integrity of the Constitution, and the permanent piosperitv of the country, remains to he seen. Meantime, no one can deny that aa extraordinary excitement exists in the cov.ntrv, piicli a-; Ins not been witnessed for more than ha'f a centiuv; not local, not confine d to any two v three, or ten States, hut pervading the whole, from North to South, and from East to West, with equal force and intensity. For an effect so ;rnitral. a cause of equal extent must exist. No cause, local or partial, can produce eoasco ueuees so general and universal, la some parts of the country, indeed, local causes may in some decree add to the flame, hut no local cause nor any number of local causes can account f r the general excited state of the public mind. In portions of the country devoted to agriculture, aa I manufactures, we hear romp! ants of want of market and of low s. Vet there are other portions of tae country which are consumer?, and not producers of food aa l manufactures, and as purchasers, they should, it would seem, he satisfied with the low prices of which the sellers complain; hut in these p-mirm. too. of the country, there is dissatisfaction and discontent. livery where there is complaining and a desire fir ch auge. There are those who think this exciter.Kut am mg the people transitory and crane--. -cut. I am not of that opinion. k-h far as 1 can jr. dge, a! tenti m to public a:nonT the people of the I n: S' lotos has increased, is increasing. 1 is not l,!o !v to be diminished: and. this not in one oart of the country, hut ail over. Thi ivrtiinly is the fie!, if we may judge from recent information. The breeze of popular excitement is hlo wing every where. It tans the air in Alabama and the Carolina, an 1 I am of opinion when it shall er T'O; t;u l Ho mac at ad range along the t'.fT" A!lghar'ies. it will grow stronger . i'd sTMigT. until, mingling with the r iles .,f the Umpire State, and the mountain ' ;--s oi New 1 log! and, it will blow hurricane. T; rc those again who think these va-t popular meeting' are got up by effort, but 1 s iv that no effort ran get them up, and no elftrl can keep them down There must, then, he som" general cause that an imates t(,, wiiole couatrv. in; i inai r;- ; It is upon ibis point I propose to ie inv opinion to-day. 1 have no design t offend any feeling, hot in perfect plainness to express my views to the vast multitude assembled here. J know there are among them manv who from first to last supported General Jackson. 1 know there ; iriny who, if conscience and patriot-i-L had permit'ed. would support his successor, and I should ill repay the attention with whi-:i they ::i iv honor me by any ivvihn-r or denunciation. Again, I come to n! iv no nart of oratory before von. If th' Ve inve been times ami occasions in my life when I might be supposed anxious to exhibit myself in such a light, that period has jv-rd, and this is not on? of the oc-ea-ions. I come to dictate and prescribe to no man. If my experience, not now short ia the affnrs of G ove rnment, entitle inv opini mst anv respect, those opin ems at the service of my fellow-ciu..: are What I shall sta'e as facts, I shall hold mvself a inv character response lor: what I shall state as opinions, all are aa.ee at liberty to reject or to receive: asking only suc h fair interpret itions of them as the fairness and sincerity with which they are uttered, may claim. What then lias excited the whole land IV :n Maine to Georgia; and that gives us assurance that, while we here are meeting in New York in such va-:t number?, other tike meetings are holding throughout all 4he States? That this cause must be gen- . r d as its effects is certain, for it agitates the whole country and not parts o?ily When that fluid in the human system m hspens ib'e to life becomes disordered, corrupted, or obstructed in its circulation, :sot the head or the heart alone suffer, but the whole body, head, heart and hand, all the members and all the extremities, are effected with debility, paralysis, numbness, and death. The analogy between the human system and the social and political system is complete, and what the lifeMood is to the former, circulation, money, rurrcney is to the latter, ami if that be disordered or corrupted, paralysis must fall on the system. The oii.hnal. leading, main cause, then. i. ' ii our d i lli cuhies and disasters, is the ,. rdered state of the Treasury. This is perhaps not a perfectly obvious truth, and vet one susceptible of easy demonstration. In order to explain this the more readily, I wish to bring vour minds to the consideration of the condition and the vast affairs of the United States. Our country is not a small province or canton, but a region extending over a large and diversified surfice, with a population of va'v

ons conditions, products, and pursuits. Il is in this variety that consists its prosperity: for the different parts become useful one to the. other, not hv identity, but bv

difference of production, anl thus each bv mtercnange. contributes to the interest the other, i i-nce our internal trade that which carries o:i this exchange of the products and industry of the different portions of the United States is one of our most important. I had almost said, the most! important interest. Its operations are easy and sileat, not always perceptible, but diffusing health and life thioughoul the system by the intercourse thus promoted from neighborhood to neighborhood, and from State to State. Let me explain this a little in detail. Vou are here in a grain growing State. Vour interest, then, is to have consumers, not growers of grain. The hands, that, ia the belt of earth in which grain best succeeds grow wheet, are interested to find mouths elsewhere to eat wdiat they raise. The m ant' rac Hirers of the north and ca?S need the grain of the middle states, and the cotton of the south, and these in turn buy the manufactures of the east. Nor is this solely matter of interest, but is in some degree brought about by the regulations of foreign governments. Our manufactures find no sale in Europe, and much of our grain is under ordinary circumstances excluded from its markets. In France it is never admitted, and in England contingently and uncertainly only, and in a manner to tantalize rather than gratify the American husbandman. This internal trade, moreover, moves as it were in a circle, and not directly; the great imports of th country are made in New York, whence they pa-s to the south and to the west: hut our exports are not mainly from New York but from thesouth the main imports then are mile at otic cor;: : ci tae 1 nam, am: tiie exports irom another The same tiling is true of other of trade. The produce of ffiio, none much of it descends, the river to New Orleans; hut Ohio is supplied with foreign cotamoiat through t' s anil 1 New domestic fab )r:es tnair.ly or; canals, the Lake, and the Ohio canal. Tito live stock o! Kentucky goes to t'ae Carolitias, hut Kentucky buys nothing there, but transmits the money to Baltimore or Philadelphia, and thete procures what she wants, to be sent to her across the Allcghanies. This circuit of trade, hi a country of srch g-e;;t extent as ours, demands, more than any country under heaven, a uniform currency for the whole people; that what is money in Carolina, shall be so elsewhere: that what the 'Kentucky drover receives, what the planter of Alabama.sells for, what the laborer in New York gcl in pay for his work and carries home to support his family, shall be of ascertained and uniform value. This is not the time nar the occasion for an cssav or dissertation on money: but I mean distinctly to express the opinion, that until the general government shall take in hand the currency of the coan'ry. until that government shall devise some means, I say not what, of i aising the whole currency to the level of gold and silver, there can be no prosperity. Let us retrace brieffv the history of the currency question in this country a most important branch of the commercial question. I appeal to :dl who have studied the history of those times anil the Constitution, whether our fathers, in framing thf Constitution which should unite us in common rights and a common glory, had. not also am nT their chi o: jects to provide a uniform system of currency for the whole country. U specially invite the iagenuons youth of the country to go back to the history of those tims, and particularly to the Virginia resolutions of 117C. m l to tae pro eearngs oi tue. rii.iu-mi":i at Annapolis in the same year aad the y wil! there find the prevailing argument for forming a General Government was in order to secure a uniform system of currency of Custom House duties, and a general regulation of commerce of the whole country. It was no longer to be the commerce of New York, or oi Massachusetts, hut of the United Slates, to be carried on under that star-spangled banner which bore on if. and into every sea, the glorious motto K Piurihus Umtm. This being a chief and cherished object, when the first Congress assembled under the constitution in New ork, General Washington in his speech naturally drew their attention to the necessity of a currency, looking probably at that time to the mint first established in Philadelphia, to provide that currency. I mention these circumstances to show that the difference in the currencies of the several States, and the want of a uniform system, both of commerce and currency, being among the chief inconveniencies to he remedied by the establishment of the Constitution, the subject very naturally and properly attracted the early attention r .i.- d...,; tr,o it I'm first term of the . 1 1 1 1 e 1 ir.-tiK in. . first Congress. m At the second term, the United Slates hank was established, without detamiag you by quoting papers nr speeches oi that d iv. I will simply refer any one curious to inquire to the" official documents of the time and to the coniempoiancous expressions, of public opinion on the leading measures of the day, for proof, that while one object of incorporating a National ha d;, was that it might oeca-

11 VWJ'W

sionaliy make loaii3 to Government, and take charge of the disbursement of its revenues, another object, quite as promi neat and important, was to furnish a circu.ation a paper circulation founded efion national resources, that should he cur rout ad over the country. Gen. Wash ington had the sagacity to see, what indeed minds le-s sagacious than his could not fail to perceive, that the confidence reposed in the United States under the eon stitution, and in George Washington as tne head of it, would impart to whatever came from Congress more authority and vatue to any thing emanating from single State. any The assumption by Congress of the Stale debts, illustrates this remark, for lie moment the. United Stales became bound for those debts and proceeded to find them, they rose enormously and rapidly in value. General Washington and his advisers saw that a mixed currency, if the paper had the mark of the Union, and bore on it the spread-eagle would command universal confidence throughout the country: and the result proved t'ae wisdom of their foresight. From the incorporation of the first bank to the expiration of its charter, embracing a period of great commercial and political vicissitudes, the currency of that bank was never objected to it. indeed, surpassed the hopes, aad equalled the desires of every body. The charter expired in 1811 how or whv. or from what state of parties, it is not mv purpose to discuss but the charter expired in 1811. War with England was declared in Juri", 1S12. Immediately up on the declara'i m of war, all the banks south of New England stopped payment. and those of New England ceased to is--ue notes, aad thus, in. eH, tae spec e pay tag t iore amounted to little or nothing. At the close- of tlir war, the condition of the currency, which had become very much ilora-iged. not improving. Mr. Madison prcsen'ed the subject to Congress. In his messages, both, in IhU 1 and 1 R I . he dwelt earn-st'y oa the subject, and in the latter year the second bank of the United Slates vt as incorporated, and went at once into operation. At its outset, owing probably to mismanagement perhaps unavoidably the bank met wiih heavy Ioses but it fulfilled its functions in providing r. currency for the whole country, and neither during the eight years i;f I'retiffent Mw'j :d:v " " i s r -tion. nor the lour years of President Adams' were any complaints on that score heard. And now I desire to call attention to a particular fact. There were several candidates for Presidency to succeed Mr. Monroe. (Jen. Jackson. Mr. Adams. Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay. None of them received a sufficient number of votes from the electors to he chosen President. Gen. Jackson received the largrt number of any hut the House of Jleprescn'a tives chose John Q. Adams President. From that moment a fierce opposition was commenced against Mr. Adam's administration. I do not piopo?e to discos the character or conduct of this opposition. The fact of its existence is all that I have to do with now, and that, from the inauguration, in .March. IS'l'y. to March, 18'.). an opposition, distinguished for its ability, perse vcrance. nut animate success, was aad flag of carried on under tae name Ccn. Jackson. All other candidates had disappeared Gen. Jack so:) was the sole opponent in,! r :lr ,-t.-.r fU rO i V n "11 (1TV r-.nt atgry political controversy enct:ed during which, every topic of complaint that could be dragged into the vortex was dragged in; and yet I hc f-prruri a'tenfinn to (hi fart not once during this four years' controversy lid Gen. Jackson himself or any press in his interest nor any of his friends in Congress or elsewhere, raise a single voice against the conditon of the currency, or propose any change therein. Of the hundreds here, possibly, who supported Jackson, not one dreamed that he was elected to put down established institutions and overthrow the currency of the country. Who, among all those that in the honest conviction of their hearts, cried "hurra for Jackson." believed, or expected, or desired, that he would interfere with the bank of the United States, or destroy the circulating medium of the country. I stand here upon the fact, and defy contradiction from any quarter that there was no complaint, then, any where, of the bank. There never was, before, a country of equal extent, where exchanges and circulation were carried on so cheaply, so conveniently, and so securely. Gpi. jarkson was inaugurated in March. 18.0, and pronounced an address upon that occasion, which I heard, as I did the oath he took to support the Constitution. In that address were enumerated various objects, requiring, as he. said. Uefotm hut among them was not the bank of the United States nor the currency. This was in March, 1820. In December 1820. Gen. Jackson came out with the declaration (than which, none have I ever heard, curpiised me m re) that "the constitutionality f the bank of the United States might be well questioned," and that it had failed to furnish a convenient and uniform currency to the country. What produced this change of views? Down to March, of the same year, nothi'i'T of this sort was indicated or threaten ed. What then induced the change'

voice from the crowd said 'Martin Win Burcn.) If tint be so, immediately rejoined Mr. Webster, it was the production of mighty consequences by a cause not at all proportioned. II will state in connection widi, and in elucidation of,this subjeeX, certain transactions, which constitute one of those contingencies in human affairs, where casual circumstances acting upon the peculiar temper and characters, affect the fate of nations. A movement was made in the autumn of 182 in order to effect a change in certain officers of the branch of the bank of the U. States in Portsmouth, N. II. Mr. Woodbury, then a senator from Nc rv

Hampshire, transmitted to the President of the bank at Philadelphia, a request, purpVft.iuv, proceed from merchants and men of business of all parties, asking the removal of the President of that Branch not on political grounds, but as acceptable and advantageous to the business community. At the same time Mr. Woodbury addressed a letter, marked confidential, to the then secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Ingham, suggesting that his Department should on political grounds, ob tain from the mother Hank the removal of the hranch President. This letter was transmitted to the president of the mother Bank, and readied him about the same time as the oilier; so that; looking upon this picture "and upon that, upon one hi iter that urgfd the removal on political grounds, aad on the othei that denied the political considerations entered into the matter at all, he concluded to let things remain as they were. Appeals were then artfully made to the President. His feelings were emisted, a id it is well known that when he had an object ia view, his character was to go ahead. I mean to speak noevil, t:or di-respect of ( Jen. Jackson. He has passed off" the stagp of his retirement at the i I'TKiitace. which il would he as well, perhaps that friends should not distu;b, audi where I sincerely wish lie may m tranquility pass the residue of his days. hut. General Jackson's character was ou rie took the hack track never; aad however his friends might diff'r, or whether they concurred or dissented they were fain alwajs to submit. (Jen. Jackson then put forth the pretension that appomir.ents by the hank should have regard to the wishes of the Treasury: the matter was formerly .submitted to the Direetrrs of the hank: and they as formally d V "t" n.i'Y'd that the Treasury could ,v:? rightluby or properly hac nny thing to say in the matter. A long and somewhat "angry correspondence ensued: for Gen. Jackson found in the President of the hank a man who had something of a spice of his own quality. The result was that the bank resisted, and refused the required acquiescence in the dictations of the Treasury. This happened in October, 1 8'd rnd in Decem'ier we had the Message. in which, for Ihe flr-t time, the hank was arraigned,. Then came the application of the hank f.r re-incorporation, the passage of a bill for that purpose ihrough both Houses, and the President's Vt!oo it. The hank of the United Slates 'otin thus put down, a multitude of new Sta'e Panks sprang up: end next came a law. adopting some of these as Depositc hanks. Now, what I have to say in regard ta General Jajkson in this matter, is this: lie Fait! he could cstab!ih e currency:nnd, whiher successful or not in ibis, it is at lea't to be said in his favor nnd praise, that he never did renounce the obligation of the Federal Government to take care of the currency pap; r as well as metalie of the people. It was in furtherance of this duty, which he felt called on to discharge, of fproviding a better currency, that he recom mended the exclusion of small bills. Why hecanse, a's it was argued, it would improve the genera! mixed curren cy of the country: and, although he did not as distinctly as Mr. Madison, recognize the duty of the federal Government to provide a currency for the people, he never renounced it, but on the contrary, in his Message of December, 3o, holds tiffs explicit language: "hv the use of the State hanks, winch do not derive their charters from the General Government, and are not controlled by its authority, it is ascertained that the moneys of the United States can be col lected and distributed without loss or inconvenience, and thJ all the tvanfs of the cennmunity, in relation to exchange and currency, are supplied as well as they have ever been before. Message, Dec. 2, 183 ". It is not here a question whether these hanks did. or not, effect the purpose u hich General Jackson takes so much praise to himself of accomplishing through their agency that of supplying the country with as good a currency as they ever cni ... ...i... .r .1 .1 jovru. lull win, ii uus was noi a oui of the federal Government, is it mentioned at all? In his last message in December, hdi , reviewing; the benefits of his experiments on the currency, he thus speaks: "At the lime of the removal of the Deposits, it was alledged bv th advocates of the hank of the United States, that the State hanks, whatever might be the regulations of the Treasury Department, could not make the transfer required by the Government or negotiate thf domestic exchanges of the country. It is nrw rccll ascertained that the real domestic

exchanges performed through discounts

uy inc LiutcU Mates Hank and its twen l!J-flvc Brandies, were one third less than those of the Depositc Banks for an equal period of tunc, and if a comparison be instituted between the amounts of series rendered by these institutions, on the broader basis which ha been used by the advocates of the United States Bank, in estimating what they consid er the domestic exchanges, the result will be still more favorable to the Depositc Banks" Here we have the distinct assertion, that through the State hanks he had ac complished more, ia establishing a gr od currency and easy exchanges, than hail been done by the hank of the United States. However this fact may be, all this, I say, amount to acknowledgment of the the dutv of the General Government, and as an emanation of the power of coining money, and as the representative of that metalie money, the exclusive power of coining which is in Congress to provide a uniform currency. I contend for this principle, that down to die end of Gen. Jackson's administration, no administration of this country had turned their back upon this power; and, I now proceed to show, by extracts from Mr. Van huren's letter to Sherrod Williams, to which, since he has largely re ferred to it lately, there can be no unfitness ia my n ferring, that lie, too. admitted ihe obligation of supplying a uniform currency and convenient medium of exchnmrewhich he thinks ran be effected by the State Depositc hanks: "Sincerely believing, for the reasons which have just been staled, that the publie funds may be safely and conveniently transmitted from one portion of the Union i to another; t!i3t domestic exchanges can be as successfully ami as cheaply effected, and the currency lie rendered at least as sound under the existing system, as those objects could be aceorrrplished by means of a National hank, I would no seek a remedy for the evils to which you allude should they unfortunately ocoecur, through such a medium, even if the constitutional objections were not in the way." Aug. s" 183f. He denies not the duty of superinte! ding the currency, but thinks the Depositc hanks of the States under the control of Congress, can effect the purpose. This letter was written when Mr. Van huren ") a cundidatf for the Presidency, Two mondis only after General Jackson hid r"tired, and when his vigorous hand was no longer there to uphold it. the. league of Slate hanks fell and crumbled into atoms; and when Mr. Van huren had been only two months President, he convoked a special session of Congress for the ensuing September. The country was in wide spread confusion paralysed in its commerce its rurrency utterly deranged. What was to be done? What would Mr. Van huren recommend? He could not i-m back to the hank of the is United States, far he laid committed him. self against its constitutionality; nor could he, with any great prospect of succes-. urnh rtake to reconstruct the eagu of Deposite oanks; for il had recently f Tiled and the country had lost confidence in it What then was to be done? Me could go neither back ward nor forward. What did he do? I mean not to ppeak disrespectfully, but I say. he escaped! Afraid to touch the fragments oflhe broken hanks unable to touch the United States hank; he folded up his arms aad said, the Government has nothing lo do with piovidiug a currency for the people. That I may do him no wrong, I will read his own language. His predecessors had all said, we ril not turn our back upon this duty of Gorernmcnt lo provide a uniform currency his language is. we will turn our backs on this question, lie proposes nothing for the country, nothing for the relief of commerce, or the regulations of exchanges, but simply the means of getting money into the Treasury without loss: From Mr. J'an Daren'' s first Message.' "It is not the province of Government to aid individuals in the transfer of their funds, otherwise than through the facilities of the Post office Department. As justly it might be called on to provide for the transportation of their merc.hantize. "If therefore, I refrain from suggesting to Congress any special plan for regulating the exchanges of the currency releaving mercantile embarrassments or interfering with the ordinary operations of foreign domestic commerce, it is from a conviction that such are not within the constitutional province of the General Government,and that their adoption would not promote the real and permanent welfare of those they might be designed lo aid." I put it to you. my friends, if thiat is a statesman's argument. You can transport your merchandize yourselves, you can build ships and make your own wagons; but can yon maka a currency? Can you say what shall be money, and what shall not be money and determine its value here and elsewhere? Why, it would be as reasonable to say, the people would make war for themselves and peace for themselves, as to say that they may exercise this other, not less exclusively attribute of sovereignty, of making a currency for themselves, lie insists that

Congress has no power to regulate currency or exchanges none to mitigate the embarrassments of the country none to relieve its prostrate industry and even if the power did exist, it would be unwise, in his opinion, to exercise it! These are the doctrine of the President's first message, and I have no opinion of it now, that I did not then entertain. I desire not to appear wise after the event; I am not a prophet, nor the son of a prophet, and yet I declare that when I heard the declarations of this message, and reflected on its consequences, I saw, all of suffering, loss, and evil that is now before us. Let us compare this declaration with that of one now numbered with the mighty dead of one, who ha? left behind a reputation excelled by that of no oilier man, as understanding thoroughly the Constitution of one born and cradled with it, taking part in its inception, and closing his public career by administering it highest office I need not name James Madison. In his message lo Congress in December, 181 ", when the war had closed, and ihe country was laboring under the disor

dered currency of that perioJ, the Presi dent thus spoke: "It is essential to every modification of the finances, that the benefits of a uniform national currency should be restored to the community. The absence of the precious metal will, it is believed, be a temporary evil; but until they can again be rendered the general medium of exchange il tie voices on the. wisdom of Congress to provide a substitute, which shall equally engage the confidence, and ac-omni-'dnte the irantx of the citizens firoug.'uiut the Union. If the operation f t!itXft'cs Hanks cannot produce this result. I lie prohahfc operation of a Sa tin.vil Bank will, mi rit consideration. At that session, Congress incorporated the hank of the United States, and at die hex; s,.,ion the President held this language, respecting the currency and that hank:"' Prom Mr. Ma Uson' last mc.3S(iyc. "For the interest of the community at large, as well1 as for the purposes of the Treasury, it is essential, i hat the nation should possess- a currency of equal value, credit, and use, wherever it may circulate. The Constitution has entrusted Congress, exlti-ively, with the power of creating and regulating a cmrency of that description; and the measures taken, during the last session, in execution of the power, give every promise of success. The hank of the United Slates has been organized under auspices tho most favorable, and cannot fail to be an important auxiliary to those measures." How that sounds now as an argument for the Sub-Treasury! Now you have set tin a doctrine vitally effecting the business and pursuits of the country, fatal to your fimihes, and you must determine for yours dves if it shall be the doetrino of the country, hut before determining, look well at the Constitution wcih all precedent nnd if names and authority are to be appealed to, contrast those of President Van huren, with those of the dead Patriarch, whose words I have ju.t read to you, and decide accordingly. We have heard much from the Administration against banks fmd banking systems. I do not mean to discuss that topic but I will say, tti.it their tampering with the currency, aad course in relation to it. lias more than all oilier causes increased these banks. ( 7 fo be concluded next wrek.) Platt inaiou aoaix invaii-:i. Lake Champlain i i the hands of the British! . iinrriean Waters Bxjdorcd and sounded by (he authorities if (treat Britain!! For several weeks we have been informed by captains of schooners upon our Lake, that a number of hritish Officers have been exploring and sounding our waters, under a pretence that they were out upon a fishing excursion! This reminds us of the spy which the Persian Army sent out to review the Spartans. He reported that the Spartans were doing nothing but combing their hair. A knowing one remarked. that this was the mode the Spartans had adopted to prepare for battle. The hritish have perhaps adopted a similar plan to prepare for war tinder the pretence of a fishing and pleasure excursion. It is certain that they have been sounding and taking the chart of our Lake. We mention this because our Custom House Officers aie so friendly to the hritish that they would never molest them. Last Monday we saw them sounding our waters in the vicinity of the breakwater. They then came ashore marched through our streets and took a chart of our village and roads! The editor of this paper, in company with a young man, proposed to his companion, that we should go and meet the hritish and demand of then) what right they had in thus proceeding? Our associate agreed to this, and we accordingly made the inquiry. Thev informed us that they had permission from our rulers!! This we could not believe, upon which the C7"tritish showed us the authority which they had from our Government to take a chart of our position and survey Pake Champlain!!! Zi Who wid now doubt an alliance of Van huren with the hritish' Platts. Whig.