Vincennes Gazette, Volume 10, Number 5, Vincennes, Knox County, 11 July 1840 — Page 1

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"truth without fear." VOLUME X. VIN'CENNES, INDIANA, SATURDAY 3IORNING, JJL.Y II, 1810. NO. 5.

Gni XT .1 ft rTcrr 7 t-:j r nnini-Mi-. 1 -1 niir dii..Aik.iiJUii O ii a a. J ill Hon. Shcrrod Williams. Moth Uend, Jlav 1, 18 jG.

r-Jiu: 1 have me honor to acknowledge determining which of those that are irom the receipt of your letter of ihe 7th ulu- time to time proposed, would be of this mo, in which you reqviest me to answer description. This circumstance, the exthe following iuestiotis: ' citement of which has already been prolst. 'Will you, if elected President of duced by appropriation of this kind, and United Slates, sign and approve a .bill the jealousies which it woul d no doubt condtstiibuticg the surplus revenue of the tinue to produce if persisted in, give addiEnited Slates, to each Stat according tional claims to the mode of appropriating to the Federal population of each, for in-ja!i the Surplus - Revenue of the United ternal improvement, Education, and to States in t!ie manner above suggested.

such other objects as the legislatures ot the;

(several Slates may see lit to apply the ' accomplishing its own schemes of Inter Batn-i! ' nal Improvement. Still thera will be par2d. "Will you sign and approve aicular cases when a contemplated imbiil distributing the proceeds of Hie sales provement will be of greater advantage to of the Public Lands to each Slate, accor-tho Union generally, and some particular dmftothe Fedeial population of each, ' States, than to that in which it is to be for I'le purposes above f-pe-;hHi.r' j made. In such cases, as welt as those :?d. "Will you sign and approve bills in the New States, where the value of the making appropriations to improve naviga-! public, domain will be greatly enhanced by hie streams above ports of entry.'" jan improvement in the means of cominu"lib. "Will you sign and approve (if ' nicaliou, the General Governni"nt should it becomes necessary to secure and sav e . certainly largely contribute. To approfrom depreciation the revenue and tinan- j priations of the latter character there has ees of the nation, and to afford a uniform never been any very warm opposition. sound currency, to the People of the Upon the who!", the distribution of the United States) a bill, with proper modi'.i- j surplus revenue amongst the S'ates seems cations and restrictions, for chartering a j likely to remove most, if not all the causOand of the United States?" es of dissension of which the internal im"oih. "What is your opinion as to the provement Systen has been the fruitful

Constitutional power of the Senate orsource. There is nothing in my opinion, i louse of Representatives of the Congress more sacredly incumbent upon those who

of the Uniied States to expunge or oblit erate from the journals the Records and proceedings of a previous session?" From the manner in which the first questions are slated, it appears that you do not a-di my opinion as to the p aliey or propriety of the measures to which they respectively refer; but what would be my course if tiiey were presented to me (being in the Presidential Chair of the Uniied States) in the shape of Hi. Is, that had been !nly passed by the Senate and House if Representatives. From the opinions t d of the intention of rhich I li.ivo formic Constitution, as lo cases in whi vet.) power snoui exercised bv the Pic -idem. L won ive contented myseu with giving an a urinative answer to the four firi questions; hut, from the deep imprest which h is been and indeed i no v felt i.i relation to ad the subjects, I think it proper to express mv views upon each .oie separately. I answer, then, Ut. That llu immetliate return of all the surplus money which h. or ouht to be, in the Treasury of iho Coiled States, lo the possession of the People from whom ii was taken, is called for by every principle of piicy, and, indeed, i f safely to our institution.-; and I know of no mode if d dug it better than that recommended by the present Chief Magistrate, in his firt annual Message to Congress, in the following words: To avoid these evils it appears to me that the most safe, just and Federal disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue, would be its appointment . . . i . t fi.n )V.i the several Mates aecoiuig to tne ratio of Representation." This proposition his reference to a state of things which now actually exists, wiui the exception of llu amount of money thus to be di-posed of: for it could not have been antic ipated by the President that the surplus a'o.;ve the real wants or convenient expenditures of the Government would become so large, as that of retaining it in the Treasury would so much diminish the circulating medium as greatly to embarrass the business of tie country. What other disposition can be made of it with a view t get it into immediate circulation, but to place it in the hands of the State authorities? So great is ihe amount, and so rapidly is ii increasing, that it could not be expended for n very considerable tima on the comparatively few objects to which it could be appropriated by the General Government, hut the desired distribution amongst the People could he immediately effected by the States, from the infinite variety of ways in which, it might be employed by them. By them it might be loaned to rheir own Hanking Institutions, or even to individuals a mode of distribution by the General Government, which I sincerely hope is in the contemplation of no friend to his Country. 1. Whilst "l have alwiys broadly admitted that Public Lands were the common property of all tho States, I have been die advocate of that mode of disposing of them, which would create the greatest number of freeholders; and I conceive that in this way the interests of rdl would bJ as wellse'cuted as by any other disposition: but since, by the small size of the tracks in which the lands are now bid out, and the reduction of the price, ihis desirable situation is easily attainable by any person of tolerable industry, I am perfectly reconciled to the distribution ol the proceeds of the sales as provided for by iht? bills introduced into the Senate by Air. Clay: the in'crests of all seems to he well provided for by this P.ill: and as for the opposition which ha hitherto been mad, to the disposition of the lands heretofore contemplated by the Representatives of the New States there is no probability-of its being adopted. I think it ought no longer to be insisted on. 3d. As I believe that no money should l.PtArin from the Treasury of the United States to be expended on internal Im-I

provemenls but for those which are strictly National, the answer to this question

would be easy hut from the difficulty of Each state will then have the means of are concerned in the Administration of our Government, than that of preserving harmony between tne Slates. From the construction of our system, there has been, and probably ever will be, m o-?. or less jealousy between the General and State Governments; but there is nothing in the Constitution; nothing in the character of the relation which the Slates bear to eaeli other, which can create any unfriendly feeling if tho common guardian aJministers its favor with an even and impanial hand. That this may be the rase. a I those to whom any portion of this del-j iea'.e power is entrusted, should always a-'t upon the principles of forbearance and conciliation, evermore ready to sacrifice th-J interest of their immediate constituents, rather than violate the rights of the other members of the family. Those who pursue a didlnnt course, whose nde is never to stop short of the attainment of all which they may consider their due, will often be found to have trespassed upon the boundary they had themselves established. The observations with which I shall conclude this letter, on the su'ject i f ihe veto power by the President, will apply to this as wed as your other questions. ttli. I have before me a newspaper, in which I am designated by its distinguished editor, "The Ila-tk and Federal Candidate.'''' I think it would puzzle the writer to adduce any act of my life which warrants him in identifying me with the interest of the first, or the politics of the Utter. Having no means of ascertaining ihe sentiments of the directors and stockholders of the Bank of the United States, (which is the one, I presume, with which it was intended to associate me,) I cannot say what their course is likely to be in relation to the ensuing election for president. Should they, however give me their snppor, it will be evidence, at least, that the opposition which I gave to their Institution in my capacity of representative from Ohio, in Congress, proceeded, in their opinion, from a sense of djty which I could not disregard. The Journals of the second session of the Thirteenth, and those of the Fourteenth Congress, will show that my votes are recorded against them upon every question in which their interest was involved. I did, indeed, exert myself in the Convention of Ohio to procure a repeal of the law, which had imposed 'an enormous Tax upon the branches which had been located in its boundaries at the request of the citizens. The ground of those exertions was not the interest of the Rank; hut to save what I consider the honor cf the State, and to prevent a controversy between the State officers and those of the United States. In the spring of 1531, I had also the honor to preside at a meeting of the citizens of Hamilton County, called for the purpose of expressing their sentiments in relation to the removal of the Public .Money from the custody of the Hank, by the sole authority of the Executive. As President of the .Meeting, I explained at some length the objects for which it was convened, but I advanced no opinion in relation to the rechartering of the Rank. A most respectful memorial to the President in relation to the removal o" the deposites was adopted, as were also resolutions in favor of the rechartering the Rank; but as I have already said, this was not the purpose lor which the meeting .vas called, and not one upon which, as presiding officer, I was called upon to give an opinion, but in the event of an equal division of the votes. As a private citizen, no man can be more entirely clear of any motive, either for rechartering the old institution, or creatintr t now one under the authority of the United States. I never had a single share in the former, nor indeed, in any bank, with one exception and that many years ago failed, with the loss of the entire stock. I have no inclination to venture a lin in that way, even if I should ever

possess the means. With the exception above mentioned, of stock in a bank, long since broken, I never put out a dollar at interest in my life. My interest beinff entirely identified with the cultivation of the soil, I am immediately and personally connected with no other. I have made this statement to show you that I am not committed to any course in relation to the chartering of the bank of the United States and that I might, if so disposed, join in the popular cry of denunciation against the old institution, and upon its misconduct, predicate an opposition to the chartering of another. I shall not, however, take this course so oppoeite to that which I hope I have followed through life, but will give you my sentiments clearly and fully, not only with regard to the future conduct of the government on the subject of a national bank, but in relation to the operation of that which ii now defunct. I was not in Congress when the late hank was chartered, but was a member of the Pith Congress after its first session, when the conduct of the bank, in its incipient measures was examined into and believing from the result of the investigation, that the charter had been violated. I voted for the judicial investigation, with a view of annulling its charier. The resolution for that purpose, however, failed and shortly after, the management of its affairs was committed to the talent and integrity of Mr. Cheves. From that period to its final dissolution, (although I m ist confess I am not a very competent judge of such matters,) I have no idea that an in'titution could have been conducted with more ability, integrity, and public advantage than it hrts been. Under those impressions, I agree wnb General Jackson in the opinion expressed in one of his mrssages to Congiess, from which I make the fn'huving extract;

"Thai a bank of the United Sfa'rs, compcfrn! to n!! the dulin irhirh be. re quired by the (iovrnm')il niint Or. so organized .v nf to infringe on cur del egated powers, or the reserved rights of tho States, I d iot entertain a dou'tt." Hut ihe period for rechartering the old in stitution has passed, as Pennsylvania lias wisely taken care to appropriate to her self the bencdiisof its large capital. The question, then, for me to answer, is whether under the present circumstan ces von state, if elected to the office of President, I would sign an act to charter another bank. I answer, I would, if it were clearly ascertained that the public I M I interest in ielation to me cooecuon anu disbursement of the revenve would suffer ma'eriall with-out one, and there were unequivocal mani ftstations of publio opinion in its favor. 1 think, however, the experiment snould be fairly trie 1, to ascertain wheth er the financial operations of the govern ment cannot be carried on without the aid of a national hank. If it is not necessary for that pupose, it does not appear to me that one can be constitutionally chartered. There is no construction which I can give to the constitution which would authorize it, on the ground of affording facilities to commerce. The meas ire, if adopted, most have for its object the carrying into effect, ("facilitating at least the exercise of,) some one of the powers positively granted lo the general government. If others flow from it, producing equal or greater advantages to the nation, so much the better but these cannot be made the ground for justifying the recourse to it. The excitement which has been produced by the bank question, the number and respectability of those who deny the riht to congress to charter one, strongly recommended the course above suggest ed. 5th. I distinctly answer to this ques tion, that, in mv opinion, neither house of congress can constitutionally expunge ihe record of the proceedings of their predecessors. The power to rescind certainly belongs to them and is, for every public legitU mate purpose, an mai is un-essai. The attempt to expunge their journal, ii . i . . now making in the senate of the United States, 1 am satisfied could never be made but in a period of the highest party excitement, when the voice of reason and generous feeling is stifled by long protracted and bitter controversy. In relation to the exercise of the veto power of the President, there is, I think, an important difference in opinion of the present chief magistrate and myself. I express this opinion with less diffidence, because I believe mine is in strict accordance with those of all the preiious presidents to General Jackson. The veto power, or the control of the enactment of laws by the legislative body, was not known in the United States previously to the formation of the present federal constitution. It does not appear however, to have been in much favor. Tbe principle was to be found in but three of the State constitutions, and in but one of them (Massachusetts,) was the executive power lodged in l!se hands of a single chief magistrate. One other State, (South Carolina,) had, indeed, not only adopted this principle, but had given its single executive magistrate an absolute nriVive uoon the acts of the legislature. Iu"all other instances it has befn a quali fied negative, like that of the U, States

The people of South Carolinaseem, however, not to have been long pleased with this investment of power in their Governor, as it lasted but two years having been adopted in 177G, and repealed in 1778 from which time the acts of the legislature of that stale have been entirely freed from executive control. Since the adoption of the Constitution of the U. States, the veto principle has been adopted by several other stales and un til very lately, it seemed to be growing very rapidly into favor. Refore we can form a correct opinion of the manner in which this power should be exercised it is proper to unders'and the reasons which have induced its adoption. In its theory, it is manifestly an innovation upon the first principle of republican government that the majority should rule. Why should a single individual control the will of that majority. It will he said that there is more probability of finding greater wisdom in the chair than in the halls of the legislature. Nor can it possibly be supposed, that an individual residing in the centre of an extensive country, can be as well acquainted with the wants and wishes of a numerous people, as those who come immediately from amongst them the partakers, for a portion of the year, in thrir various labors and employments and the witnesses of tho eflVcts of laws in their more minute as well as gei.eral operations. As far, then, as it regards a knowledge of ihe wants and wishes of the people, wisdom to discover remedies for increasing the public prosperity, it would seem that ih" legislative bodies did not require the aid of an executive magistrate. Hut there is a principle, recognized by all the Aniericau institutions, which was unknown to the ancient republics. They all acknowledge ligh'-- in the minority, which cannot rightfdiy he taken from lliem. Experience had shown that in large assemblies, these rights were not always respected. It would be in vein that they should be enumerated, and respect for them enjoined in the constitution. A popular assembly, under the influence of that spirit of prty which is always discoverable in a greater or less dogn e in all republics, nvght. and would, as it was believed, sometimes disregard them. To guar I against this danger, and to secure the rights of each individual, the expedient of creating a department independent of the others, and amenable only t the laws, was adopted. Security was thus given against any palpable violation of ihe constitution, to the injury of individuals, or a minority party. Hut it was still possible for a wilful and

excited majoi iiy to enact laws of the great est injustice and tyranny, without viola ting the letter of their charter. And this I take to be the origin of the veto power, as wcii in the ftate governments, as that of tbe United States. It appears to have been the intention to create an umpire between the contending factions, which had existed it was believed, and would centimie io exist. If there was any propriety in adopting this ptinciciple in tho government of a state, all the reasons in favor of it existed in a ten-fol-l decree for incornorati nr it in tint of the United States. The operations of the latter, extending ever an immense tract of country, embracing the products of almost every clime, and that country too di vided into a number of separate govern merits, in many respects independent of each other and of the common federal head, left but little hope that they could always be carried on in harmony. Il would at times predominate in the bosoms of the immediate representatives of the people and theftates.icombnations formed destructive of the public good, or unjust nd nnoressive to a minority. Where ii - could a power to check these local feel incs, and to destroy the elTec's of unjust combinations, he better placed than in the hands of that department whose aulhori tv, being derived from the same common sovereign, is co-ordinate with the rest, and which enjoys tbe great distinction of beinc at once the immediate representative of the whole people, as well as of each par ticular state? In the former character, the interests of the whole community would be rigidly supported, and, in the latter, the rights of each member steadfastly maintained. The representation from the state authorities in the electoral colleges, I consider one of the most felicitous features in the constitution. It serves as an eternal momento to the chief magistrate that il is his duty to guard the interests of the weak against the unjustaggressions of the strong and powerful. From these premises you will conclude that I consider the qualified veto upon the acts of the legislature, conferred by the constitution upon the President, as a conservative power, intended only to be used to secure the instrument itself from violation, or, in times of high party excitement, to protect the weaker members of the Union. Such, indeed, is my opinion, and such we must believe to be the opinion of nearly all the distinguished men who have filled the executive chair. If I were president of the U. States, an act which did not involve eithor of the principles above enumerated, must have been passed under very peculiar circumstances of precipitancy or opposition to the known public will, to induce me to , refuse it my sanction.

If the opinion I have given of the motives of the framers of the constitution, in giving the veto power to the president, is correct, it follows, that they never could have expected that he w ho was constimtuted the umpire between contending factions, should ever identify himself with ihe interests of one of them, and voluntarily razee himself from the proud eminence of leader of a nation to that of chief of a party. I can easily conceive the existence of a state of things by which the

chief magistrate of a state may be forced to act upon party principles; but sucli a course is entirely opposed to all the obligations which the constitution imposes on a president of the United States. The immense influence he possesses will always give to his party the preponderance, and the very circumstance of its being an executive party will be the caue of info nig more bitterness and viniiictive leeiing in these domestic contests. Under these circumstances, the qualified veto given by the constitution may, if the president should think proper to change its charac ter, become as absolute in power as that possessed by the kings of England and France. From the great variety of local interests acting upon the members of the two Houses of Congress, and from the difficulty of keeping all the individuals of a large party under the control of party discipline, laws will often be passed by small majorities adverse to th ; interests of the dominant party; but if the president hould think proper to use the veto power for the purpose of promoting the interests of his party, it will be in vain to expect that a majority so large as two-thirds in Doth branches would be found in opposi tion to his wishes. In the hands of such a, president, the qualified veto of the constitution would in practice he absolute. I have, upon another occasion, express ed mv views upon the danger of a dominant executive party. It may, pcihans, Oe said, that the chie f illustrate y nnd I it impossible lo avoid the influence of parly spirit. Several cf our chief magistrates however, have been able to escape its influence-; or, what is the same thing, to act as if they did not feel it. As one mode of avoiding it, it would he my aim to in terfere with the legis'ation of Congress as little as possible. Tie clause in the constitution which makes it the duty of the president to give Congress information of ihe state of the Union, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, could never be intended to make him tbe source of iegislarion. Information should always be frankly given, and recommendations upon such matters as come more immediately under his cognizance than theirs. Hut there it should end. If he should undertake to prepare the business of legislation for the action of Congress, or to assume the character of code-maker for the nation, the personal interest which he will take in the success of his measures will necessarily convert him into a parti san, and wil!;totallv incapacitate him from performing the part of that impauial umpire, which is the character that 1 have supposed the constitution intends him to assume when the acts passed by the IpgMature are submitted to his decision. I do not think it by any means necessary that lie should take the lead as a reformer, even when reformation is, in his opinion, necessary. Reformers will be never wanting when it is well understood that the power which wields the whole patronage of the nation will not oppose the reformation. I have the honor to be, with great con sideration and respect, sir, your humble servant. W. II. HARRISON. To the Hon. Sherrod Williams. From the 'Toledo Made Extra. LETTER To the Chairman of the Democratic Convention of the 3d Congressional District of the .State of u:uo, lo Of holder at St. Marys, on the ilSth of the present month, Mai, i t 4). Sir: The position my name occupies, as one of the delegation from this county, to represent its democracy in your Convention, and the conclusions to which my mind has been drawn, in relation to the noiicv of the administration, impose upon no i!-f ilntv from which 1 have no dis111 l V X V T " " " - position to shrink a duty which I will endeavor to perform in that spirit of candor, conciliation, and manly frankness, which, I trust, will ever distinguish my intercourse with my fejlow citizens, upon every important question that may arie for their decision. I cannot, sir, paticipate in the deliberations of your convention; nor by any acts of mine, however feeble or unimportant they may be, longer contribute to strengthen a case which the settled convictions of my judgement the irresistable testimony of events teach me, is at war with the best interests of my county with the stability and permanency of its most cherished institutions. A cause which is in open hostility lo all those cardinal principles of democracy by which in the tendency of its measures, is fraught with incalculable danger to the very existence of the Republic; and which seeks, bv the elevation of a chief Magistrate whose acls are condemned by the almost .unanimous voice of the American People

could that voice ba heard in its own undisguised it language of disapprobation, as is heard in the confiding intercourso of private life, free from the withering influence of party prejudice and party tyranny to subvert the very principles upon which our Government is based. Hut, in making this communication, Mr. Chirman, I shall not trespass upon the pa' tience of your Convention, nor tamper with feelings differing from my own, by a recurrence to the reasons that have brought conviction to my mind, any further than may be necessary to justify the course I have taken. 1 will only referiu languag as brief, and terms as conciliatory, as I am capable of employing, to one or two of the more prominent of the manyfohl errors and and abuses to which my attention has been directed; and to which much of the danger with which it is threatened, are unquestionably to be altf'b'Hed.

Of these, the most striking and disastrous in its effects upon the prosperity and welfare of the people the most dangerous in its tendency to their liberty and happiness is undoubtedly the alarming usurpations of the late and present Administrations in their efforts lo unite tho moneyed with the executive patronage of the Government. To reduce the circulating nvedium of the country to a standard of infidelity below the wants of industry and enterprise. To unsettle, and greatly diminish, the fixed value of property, which has brought poverty and suffering upon thousands of the most worthy and valuable of our fellow-citizens, and spread ruin and desolation throughout the land. To depress the great mass of the laboring and productive classes of tho community, by reducing prices of labcr and industry, to the standard of the most degraded portions, mid the worst governed nations, of the world; and finally, to take from the poor men that powerful and f!hi:iry incentive to action that incomparably lenirieemt stiinulous to an cou 'ione-t, upright, and industrious r3 of life, whi' h a wholesome and well regulated credit system is so adrnirably -;M-ula'ed to impart. A. hi to this, the still more recent and anptdiin" development, of a design upon the liberties of the people, in the late rceo in mr ml jtion of one of the branches of :he National C ouucil, for raising equipping, ar.d disciplining an effective army ol" 10 ,000 men a hand of mercenary soldiers to be at all times at the beck of the paity in power: and it no longer leaves any room to do-. l-.i tlmt ihe tendency of the Administration is to perpetuate its power, nt whatever sacrifice of popular rights it may dem and. Other causes I might namr?, f.r thry are numerous and startling: but these J trust were there none others, will bo dcen.ed sufficient C justify the morse- I have taken. One other consideration, however, 1 will mention, as having induced ui'", more c specially at ibis time, to seek an pportunity to lav my views be fore the political party cf which your Convention is composed. .My name has been freely used by a portion id that party, in connection with its candidacy for representative from this district to the next Slate Legislature. In the coming election, so important in its results upon the welfare of the country, I desire to go into the contest with a pure heart and to see this great Government of ttiis hitherto prosperous and happy people, wrested from the hands of the si'oil.smmn rescued from the grasp of those Vandals, who have laid the axe at the root of the sacred tree of liberty and to see it committed to the guidance of others, more capable, more devoted to their country's good. With these sentiments, Mr. Chairman, I have the honor to be Your very humble serv't. ANDREW PALMER. Puevtva tiik arFsrro. We forjjet where we met with the following laconic example f 'popping the question : ' "Pray, n.adain, ! you like luiUem toast?'' "Yes, sir." "Buttered on both fides" -Ye.-, sir." "Will you marry me!" The mode aJojite.l by an eccentric physician is almost as condensed. A lady C8me to consult him. He prescribed and took hi. guinea. 'Madam,' sai J he, 'I wish to sec you again tomorrow. In the interval, take the medicine here prescribed, and, ere we meet agnin, make up your mind to give me a plain yes or no to the question I now put to you. I am inclined to wed but not to woo. Will you allow me to lay out my foe in the purchase of your wed Jing ring?' Fra. zcrs Magazine. Er7 Twenty highly respectable citizens of Fulton township, Hamilton county, Ohio, have a card in the Cincinna'i Republican of Monday, announcing their abandonment of Mr. Van Uuren and setling forth the reasons that have constrained them to take this step. They speak like men who have nerved themselves to the work of devoting all their energies to the cause of their country. Lou. Journal. Green Tfa. One instance of what it can do was afforded by tho late Dr. Shaw, of the Museum, who, solely for the sake of experiment, practiced drinking it till he had lost the use of one of h'i9 arms. Thi I heard from himself, and he concluded the recital very gravely, by saying, 'And then, madam, when I had carried the experiment thus far, I discontinued it, and recovered the use of my arm.' Mi3.j Hawkins' Memoirs,