Vincennes Gazette, Volume 6, Number 44, Vincennes, Knox County, 1 April 1837 — Page 1

"truth without rrAn."

VOLUJII2 VI. VUVCENIVES, SATURDAY MOIIMIVG, APRIL, 1, 1837. DUMBER 41

cession or rui3i.iu lands.

Eemarlrs cf IHr. C alien n. On hit proposition to cede the public lands to the new S'ales tepon the payment of &ne-i,uru rj t.'ie gross aoiount y ike tcues. n Senate or U. States, Ted. 7, 1837 The bill to suspend the sales of tiie Public Lands being under consideration, Mr. Calhoux offered the lllowinr as a substitute: Be it enacted lj the Senate and House of Representatives cf the i'nltcd states of America m Lonzcrcxs a-ssan-bled. That all tho public lands within the States of Alabama, .Mississippi, I.-ju isiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, Indian i,U!'.io, and Michigan, with the exceptions of the cites of fortifications, navy and dock yards, arsenals, magazines, and all oilier public buildings, be ceded to the States within the limits of which they are respectively ntuated, on the following conditions: First. That the said Elates shall severally pass acts, to be irrevocable, that they will annually pay to the United States thirty-three and one third per cent, on the gross amount of the sales of such lands, on or before the first day of February of each succeeding year. Secondly. That the minimum price, as now fixed by law, shall remain unchanged until the first day of January, eighteen hundred and forty-two; after which time, the price of all lands heretofore offered at public sale, and then remaining unsold ten years or upwards, preceding the first day of January aforesaid, may he reduced by said States to a price not less than per acre; and all lands that may have been offered at public sale, and remaining unsold fifteen years or upwards preceding the first day of January, eighteen hundred and forty-seven, may thereafter he reduced by sai l States to a price nit less than per acre, and ail land that may have hc-en ode red at public sale, maininj unsold twenty y irs or preceding the first d iv of January hundred and tiny-two, may tii and rcup wards eighteen n be rednced by said States to a thn per acre: and !l"t an Is PSS may havo be .'it (UiCre ;i!C sal: ami remaining unso..i iun y years or upwards pieeedhig the first day of January, eighteen hundred and fiUy-sevt-n, may there r.f.er hi reduced by said States to a price not less man per acre: and ail lands that may have t een oil. I'C 1 at rubl e s;de and remaining unsoul ilurtv vcars or upwards, preceding the first day of January, eighteen hundred and sixtytwo, may thereafter be reduced bv said Slate to" a price not less than ' per; Here; and all lands that shall have been of-1 fered at public sa'e and remaining unsold thirty-five years er upwards, shall be cctied "immediately to the S.aies in hieh eiid lands are situated; provided. That all lands which shall remain unsold idler having been offered at pu! side for ten vears, and winch do m above provisions, tdiail come under the e sul jet to the provisi ms ot graduation and cession. torcsaia at no respective penous m tenfif.eeii, twenty, twenty-five, tlurtv, and thirty-five years after s.i'iii sale eomm mcing: from the expiration ot ten years it er the , esme had beeti ottered at public sale. Thirdly, That the lends shall be sub ieet to the same legal subdivisions in the ale and survey as is now provided bv law, reserving for each township the sixteenth 3 section. or the substitute, a.5 heretofore j provided by law; and the land not yet offered for sale, shall be fust offered by the State at public auction and be sold, for cash only, in the manner now provided by law. And any land now or hereafter remaining unsold after the same shall have been offered for sale at public auction, shall be subject to entry for cash only, according to the graduation which may be fixed by the Stales respectively under the provisions of this act. Fourth, This cession together wiih the portion of the sales to be retained by the Stales respectively under the provisions of this act, shall be in full of the five pcrcenl, fund, or any part thereof, not already advanced to any State: and the said States hall be exclusively liable for all charges that mav hereafter accrue from the surveys, sales, and management of the publie" lands and extinguishment of Indian title within the limits of said Slates respectively. Fifth, That.on a failure to comply with any of the above conditions, or a violation;" of the same, on the part of any of the aid States, the cession herein made to the State failing to comply with, or violating said conditions, shall be thereby rendered null and void; and all grants or titles thereafter made by said State, for any portion of the publlic lands within the limits of the same ceded by this act. shall be, and is hereby, declared to be null and rcid, and of no'effect whatever. Sec. 2. Jnd be it further enae'ed. That whenever the President of the United States shall be officially notified that any of the said States has passed an art incompliance with the above conditions, it hall be his duty forth-with to adopt such measures as he 'shall think proper to close the lsnd offices, including the surveying department, within the limits of said State; and that the commissions of all officers connected therewith shall expire on ixr '.9 x?"i by fc:3h tut -which dsy

shall not be beyond six mouths from the day he received the official notification of the passage of said act. Siic. 3. Jlnd be it further enacted. That on such notification being made, the said State shall be relieved from all compacts, acts, or ordinance imposing restrictions on the right of said Slate to lax any lands bv her authority subsequent to the

sale thereof, ceded by this act; and all maps, titles, records, books documents and papers, in the General Land Office at Washington, relative to said lands, shall he subject to the order and disposition of the executive of said State. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted. That all lands of the United States within the limits of the State of Tennesee, with the exceptions enumerated in the first section of this act, shall be, and the same are hereby, ceded to said State. In reply to the objections urn-ed against this substitute bv Messrs. Benton and BiciiANAX, Mr. Caliioln said: lie wished the Senate to be assured that, in ottering the proposition he had presented, he had no indirect or concealed purpose. He was peileelly sincere in proposing and advocating it, and that on ic highest possible ground. When the Senate had entered upon the present discussion, he had little thonirht of olierin."-a proposition like this. lie had, indeed, always seen that there was a period coming when the Government must cede to the new States the possession of their own sod; but he had never thought till now that period was so near. What lie had seen this session, however, and especially the nature and character of the bill which was now likely to pass, had fully satisfied him that the time had arrived. There were at present eighteen Senators from the new States. In tour years there would be six more, which would make twenty-four. All, therefore, must see that in a very short peiiod those States would have this! question in their own hands. And it had been openly said thr.t they ought not to accept of the present proposition, because they would soon be aide to get better terms. lie thought, therefore, that, instead of attempting to resist any longer what must eventually happen, it would be better for all concerned that Congress should yield at once to the force of circumstances, and cede the public domain. His objects in this movement were high and solemn objects. He wished to break 1 .1 I. r .1. s uuv 11 u, m i.u; ncoy oiaics. lie uesireii uiai tins government snouiu cease to hold the relation of a landlord. lie wished, further, to draw this great fund out of the vortex of the Presidential contest, with which it had openly been announced to the Senate there was an avowed design to connect it. He thought lne country had been sufficiently agitated, corrupted and debased by the influence of that contest, and he wished to t ike this great enguine out of the hands of power. If he were a candidate for the Presidency, he would wish to leave it there, lie wished toco further; he sought to remove the immense amount of patronage connected with the management of this do main a patronage w hich had corrupted both the old and the new States to an enormous extent, lie sought to coun'.eract the centralism, which was the great danger of this government, and thereby Iii nreservp the liberties of thp neonle much I i . ' . ' ' longer than would otherw ise be possible. As to what was to be received for these lands he cared nothing about it. He would have consented at once to yield the whole, and withdraw altogether ihe landlordship of the General Government over them, had he not believed that it would lie most for the benefit of the new States themselves that it should continue somewhat longer. These were the views which had induced him to present the amendment. He offered no gilded pill. lie threw in no apple of discord, lie was no bidder for popularity, lie prescribed to himself a more humble aim, which was ample to do hi? duty. lie sought to counteract the corrupting tendency of the existing course of tilings. He sought to weaken this Government by divesting it of at least a part of the immense patronage it wielded. He held that very great landed estate required a local administration, conducted by persons more intimately acquainted with local wants and interests than ihe members of a central government could possibly lie. If any body asked him for a proof of the truth of his positions, he might point them to the bill now before the Senate. Such were the sentiments, shortly stated, which had governed him on this occasion. The substitute being rejected. Mr. Calhoun, on the 9th February. introduced the same as a substantive proposition in the foim of a bill, and in reply to Mr. Clay. Mr. Calhoun said, that he had come there with a fixed resolution to resist all attempts at innovation upon our system in relation to the public lands; and he might add, with no small hope that he should be successful. Mr. C said he took it as rather unkind, though he was sure it had not been so intended, that the Senator 4Yom Kentucky should sav that there was any analogy between this bill and that from the Committee on the Public Lands, which Mr. C. hal itrennously eppotad. Thi measure,

reluctantly lorced upon iiim by the lie

cessity ot the case, had been introduced with a desire to terminate great political evils. He did assure that honorable Senator, whatever might be the obligation of e.uty which he lelt in opposing this measure, a no less imperative obligation urged Mr. C. to bring it forward. There is, said Mr. C. too much power here; the tendency of this Government to central ism, is overpowering; and among the many powerful instruments which can be and arc brought to bear on the securing and extending executive power, this control of the public lands is one of the greatest and most effectual. It now gives to any Administration disposed so to use it, control over nine States, eight certainly, of this Union. Those States, so far as the public lands are concerned, arc the vassals of this Government. We are in the place of a great landlord, and they of tenants; we have the ow nership and control over the soil they occupy. Can there he any doubt as to how such an ascendency will be used in the present corrupt state of the country' Is there any doubt as to how it has been used' or that the influence derived from it is a growing influence' We must find some remedy for such a state of things, or sink under it. It is in vain to tell us that the Senators from the new States are as capable of giving an in dependent vote on the measures connected with the public lands as those fom the old States. It is impossible, in then-lure of things. Their constituents have that feeling of ownership which is inseparable from the occupation of the soil; and it must and will control the action of their representatives. And now I put it to the bosom of every Senator, whether the mere moneyed income derived from the public domain is to lie compared for one moment to the great advantage of putting these Senators on the same independent footing with ourselves? I look with sympathy upon their condition, and I feci very sure that they will be liberated from it with joy. Such, I am very sure, would be my feelings in the like circumstances. So long as there was no attempt to use the control of the public lands for purposes of a political character, their condition was very different; but since this has been swept into the great vortex of political influence, their situation is wholly changed. I am for knocking offlheir chains. Sir, said Mr. (,'., I have, on a deliberate view of the whole case, entered upon this course, and I am resolved to go for this measure with all my power. 1 seek not its popularity or influence. I had rather that some other individual, had moved in it, as more than one Senator here can bear inc witness: but none would move: ami 1 have therefore determined to proceed. I believe the time has arrived, and I am resolved to go on in the face of all the imputations to which my motives may be liable. 1 have often done my duty under very diflieulteircumstaiiccs, as all who hear me will know. As to popularity, I dispise it. I would not turn my heel to obtain it. It is.; fleeting shadow, unworthy of the pursuit of an upright man. Sn, sir, I move here on n conscientious conviction of high and imperious dutv; and I shall therefore go forward unt 1 I have effected my object, if it can be effected. I believe it w ill prove, in its practical results, a great blessing to the country. I am convinced no stronger measure can be devised for withdrawing the public lands from the great game of political scrambling and gambling for the Presidency. As to the details of the bill, I am under the impression that the sum demanded from the new States for the cession of these lands should be moderate, especially considering that they will be charged with the whole trouble and expense of their administration, and that from the nature of the human mind, they will necessarily have the feeling that they possess a better right to these lands than others, from the fact of their occupancy. The next reason is, that we may prevent any disturbance from a feeling of discontent. but that the arrangement we make may be viewed as a liberal one, even by the new States themselves. So desirous am I to c fleet this object, that I will consent to modify this feature of the bill, by inserting almost any rate per cent, which the new States shall, on the whole, deem most prudent and advisable. Another reason why I have set the per cent, at a low rale is a desire that the plan should operate as a benefit to the new States. I wish to counteract the tendency to running down of the price of land, and to secure its sale at prices calculated for the benefit of all parlies. To secure this I have inserted a provision that if there shall be any departure from this condition of the cession, the grant itself shall bevoid,so as to make it a judicial question. The bill was further opposed by Mr. Webster, when Mr. Calhoux replied as follows: I must expres3 my regret that this bill should be opposed at this early stage, and in so unusual a manner. As long as 1 have been a member of this and the other House, I cannot recollect more than three or four instances before the present, in which a bill has been opposed at its second reading, and then under very peculiar circumstances. And why, may I ask, is the usual course departed from on the present eeciiion! Why not bt tliif bill rc-eive

- - its second reading and be referred, as

other bills are, to a commttee, to be con sidercd and reported on? The reply is to prevent agitation; that is, as I under stand it, to prevent the feelings of the public irom being excited and its attention thrcetcd to this highly important subject. I If that be the inteution, 1 tell gentlemen they will fail in their object. The subject is already before the public; and, if my lite be spared. 1 shall keep it there shall agitate it till the public attention shall be roused to a full and thorough investigation of a measure that I firmly believe is not less essential to the interest oi the whole Union, than it is to that of the new States. 1 tell them more; that the very unusual and extraordinary course thev have odopted in opposition to this bill, will but more deeply agitate the public mind, and the more intensely attract its attention to the subject. It will naturally excite the inqui ry. Why not let this bill take the ordina ry course? Why not let it go to a com mittee to investigate its provisions, and present all the arguments lor and against it, fully, and fairly, so 'hat its merits and demerits, such as they are, may be clearly understood? Opposition to so reasonable a course will make the impression, that the subject is to suppress investigation, whatever may be the motive of gentlemen, and will naturally excite suspicion and more diligent enquiry. In making these remarks, I am not ignorant that the merits of the bill are fully open to discussion on the pending question; but it is impossible that a hasty discussion, at this last stage of the session, and when the lime of the Senate is so fully engrossed with other subjects, can be so satisfactory as would be a report in which the view s of the majority and minority of the committee, after a full consultation, might be calmly and deliberately spread at large befre the public. And why not adopt so natural a course? Besides being more favorable to investigation, it would consume less time: a point of no small importance at the present stage ol the session. If referred, the committee would doubtless be so constituted as to comprehend both friends and opponents of the measure. Among the latter, if my wishes should be consulted. I would be glad to seethe name of ihe Senator from Massachusetts, (.Mr. Wi:rsti:r.) who is so capable of doing full justice to whatever side he undertook to defend. It is thus that the whole merits of the measure would he fully presented, and if it be so liable to objections as is supposed, the result my be to satisfy the new States themselves that it ought not to be adopted. But if, on the other hand, the argument should prove to be decidedly in its favor, as I firmly and conscientiously believe, the very agitation which gentlemen seem so much to dread, would be promptly terminated by the adoption of the measure. Thus regarding the subject, 1 cannot but regret that this bill has not been permitted to lake the usual course, and that I am compelled, in this hasty manner, without premeditation, to reply to the arguments of the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. W.) which, after mature deliberation, he has urged with all his force against the measure. I shall begin with inv reply to his constitutional objections, lie holds that the measure is unconstitutional, because we have no authority to give away the public lands. 1 do not feel myself obliged to meet this objection. It is not true in fact. The bill makes no gift. It cedes the public lands to the States wiihin which they are respectively situated, subject to various conditions, and among others, that they shall pay over one third of the gross amount of the sales to the United States; that they shall surrender all their claims against the Government under the two and tree per cent, funds, and take the whole trouble and expense cd the management of the lands including the extinguishment of the Indian titles. But I waive the de cisive answer. I meet the Senator on his own ground, and with a conclusive argu meut, as far at least as he is concerned. lie admits, that it would not he a violation of the constitution for Congress to make a donation of land to an individual: and what, I ask, is there to prevent it from making a donation to two; to an hundred: or to a thousand? and if to them individual ly, w hy not to them in thcaggreg.de, as a community or a State? He, indeed, admits that Congress may make a donation of public lands to a State for useful purposes. If to one State, why not to several States to the new States, if the measure should be thought to be wise and proper: If there be a distinction, I ac knowledge my intellect is too obtuse to perceive it; but as the bdl makes no gift, I feel under no necessity of pressing the argument further. The Senator's next position is, that we have no right to delegate the trust of ad ministering the public domain confided to us by the constitution, to the States. Here, again. I mav o! ject, that the argument has no foundation in truth. The bill delegates no trust. It makes a concession a sale of the public lands to the new states, and what the Senator calls trusts are but con ditions annexed to the sales conditions alike beneficial to them and to the old Slates. The simple question then is, can Congress sell public lands to a State? Sup pose the State ol tJiiio were 10 oner ui pay CI Co an acre for the remnant of the

public lands within her limits, could not Congress sell it to her? And, if it may sell lor SI 25, may it not for a dollar; for 75 cents; or a less sum, if it should be deemed the true value? Again; if C ongress can make an absolute sale, may it. not mke a conditional one? and if so, why may it not make the disposition proposed in this bill? That is the question, and 1 would be glad to have it answered, If I ever had any constitutionol scruples

on the subject, the arguments of the Sen- duty. ator would have satisfied me that they) The Senator next insists that the acquiwcre without the shadow of foundation. sition of these lands will prove no benefit Wis reasoning faculties are well known; to the new Stales, and predicts that it would

and if these are the strongest constitutional objections that he can advance, we may be assured that the bill is perfect' y free from all objections of that description. Having now despatched the objections against ihe constitutionality of this bill, I shall next consider the arguments which the senator urged against its expediency, He savs that 1 placed the necessity of

this bill on the fact of the passage of the'quent thereto, shall be null and of no ef-

land lull reported by the committee on public lands, and, as it was uncertain whether it would become a law, the ground on which the necessity of this bill was based, may yet fail. The Senate will re - member the remarks I made on asking leave to introduce this bill, and that I was

for placing it on the simple fact of the pas-j would administer t.'.e land without agitasage of that bill. I took broader ground, tion or any serious trouble or difficulty.

nd rested my motion on the character oi

the bill and the circumstances which at-jators, whether the land within their limits tended its passage through this body. ought not to be under their local adniinisFrom these, I concluded that the period . tration? I, for one, feel that we of the we all acknow ledge must sometime come, 'old States have not, and cannot have, that had actually arrived, w hen the public : full and accurate local know led-re, neces

1 1. ia ti.c ... , i ,i,i .. i ..jLt.j i.iiiii vui, ui, v, sLiiea niiuuiu wil pi,per conditions be ceded to them. 1 do not deem it necessary now to go into a discusion of the character of the bill, nor the history of its passage through the Senate. W e all have, no doubt, formed our opin ion in relation to both. From ail I saw and heard, I am satisfied that the bill had not the hearty assent of its supporters, whether lrom the new or old States; and doubt very much whether there was an individual w ho voted for it, that gave it his hearty approbation. Many who had uniformly opposed all measures of the kind, and w ho represented portions of the Union which had ever been vigilant on all ques tions connected wilh the public lands, were found in the ranks of those who supported the bill. The explanation is easy. It assumed the character of a party measure, to be carried on parly grounds, without reference to the true interests of either the new or old States, and, if we are to credit declarations made elsewhere, to fulfil obligations contracted anterior to the late Presidential election. From all this, I inferred, we had reached the period, when it was no longer possible to prevent the public domains from becoming the subject of party contention, and being used by party, as an engine to control ihe politics of the country. It was this conviction, and not the mere passage of the bill, as the Senator supposes, that induced me to introduce this lull. I saw, clearly, it was time to cut off this vast source of patronage and power, and to place the Senators and Representatives from the new States on an equality with those from the old, by withdraw ing our local control, and breaking the lu.tsulci under which they are now placed. The Senator from Massachusetts objects to the term, and denies that Congress exercises any local control over those States. I used it to exnress the strong degree of dependence of the new States on this Government, whose power and patronage are ramified over their whole surface, and whose domains constitute so large a portion of their territory. 1 certainly did not anticipate that the Senator from Massachusetts, or any other, would deny the existence of this dependence, or the local control of the Government within their limits. Can any thing be more local than the lands of a state? and can any State be said to be free from dependence n a government, when that government has the administration of a large portion of its domain? Is it no hardship that the citizens of the new States should be compelled to travel nine or ten hundred miles to this (dace, and to wait our tardy justice on all claims connected with the public lands; a subject, in its own nature, the most local of all, and which ought, above all others, to be under the charge of the local authority of the States? I ask him if he would be willing to see Massachusetts placed in the same relation to this Government? and, if it were, whether, it would not destroy its independence? I ask him if it must not give a great and controlling influence wherever it exists? Through i;s lands. authority :in.l action of the Government nrrvades the whole territory of the newStates and their citizens become claimants at vour doors, session after session, either for favor or justice. I do not say that all this is incompatible with the sovereignty of those States, but I do aver that it is in derogation of their sovereignty. The Senator next objects to this measure, that it would not free Congress from its present difficulties, in reference to the public domain. He says t hat we should soon have the new States here, besieging us with memorials to alter the conditions of, cession, with all the dependence and difficulties of which we now complain. My impression h very different. Make the terms liberal, and thev will be atisfied.

They will relieve Congress from the whole burden of business, as far as the lands are concerned, which now occupies so much of its liinje; and the public councils will no longer be under the dangerous influence inseparable from their management. If hereafter a new state of things bhould arise, end the arrangement proposed in the bill should require reversion, it will be for those who come after us to apply a remedy, flnd I have no fear but they will do their

involve them in incessant agitation and trouble. Such might be the rase, if the ' cession was absolute; hut the bill contains provisions, which will prove an effectual check against these difficulties. To placo its provisions beyond alteration, or attack, it is expressly provided, that if they should tie violated by the States, the cession itself should be void, and all grant made subsefeet. I hey are thus placed under tha safeguard of the judiciary, and the Courts of the Union will determine on ouestiona ' grow ing out of their infraction. Forth; ' purpose, the cession has assumed the foim of a compact, and I feel confident lli.it, under its provisions, the new States II this can be effected, I anneal to t! e Sensary for ilieir proper management. Of all the brandies of our business, it is that which I least understand. From this defect of information, the land committee has it almost exclusively under its sole control, whenever it is so constituted as to attract in any degree the confidence cf th House. This lias been the case from tho first. I well remember, ihat when I first took my seat in the other House, Jeiemiah Morrow, a member from Ohio, a man of great integrity and good sense, was tho Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands, and was, in fact, the sole legislator on all subjects connected with them; and in this body we have almost invariably yielded our judgment to the Committee from a conscious want of information. 'I lie difiieelty is grniving from year ti year, with the vast incre; se of the new States and Territories, and the growing' complication of our land code; and the consequent increase of business is such, that we already have scarce time to despatch it with due attention. In a short lime the increase will be doubled, and what shall we then do? By passing this bill, we w ill be wholly relieved from thij burden, and the questions we are now compelled to determine, without adequate knowledge, will then be settled by those w hose local know ledge, w ill make them familiar and well acquainted with the sub ject. hut we tire t-jld ly tl.c Senator, tliat the public lands have been well aihnii.istrrri by the Gtnertl Government, nml that he cnnnot surrender his belief but tlntt they v. ill continue eo to be. That they were well administered in the early stac of the Government, while they were not an ob'iect of pccimury or poliiir d interest, I urn ready to admit; bi,t I hold it not less certain, that as the number ii:id population rf the new States increase, and wilh t'.ii ai, I'a-j vtbic of the public lands and tha pohueai importance of those fc'tites, v.e must become car by ye-ir less and less competent to their management, till finally uc shall become wholly so. I believe that we are not no-.v far from that period. Does not the Senator see the great and crowing int'uenet of the nc w States, &nd that it ia in the power of any unprincipled and anibitioua man from one of tlicm to wield that influence at Ids pleasure! t'hmikl ho propose ny measure in relation to the public, lands, lie it ever so extravsir iat and daniii'i oi:s, the member from the new States dare not vote ajainst it, how ever adverse to the measure. It is useless to disguise the fact, that our poshes-io.'i of so much land in the new States, creates and cherishes an antagonist feeling on their p irt toward the government, as to every measure that relates to them. They naturally con-iibT your policy as opposed to their interest, as retarding their irrovvth and prosperity, as creat as they are. We must ukc human nature as it is, and a commodate our mra-nircs to it, instead of making the vain attempt to benefit to our measures. Wc must calculate that the means of control, which this stale of things put into the hands of the ambitious and deMiniinir, v. ill not be neglected; and instead of illy coniplnii iiisr. let ui remove the rn"fc by wi-e and timely legislation. The ihificidties auJ dangers arc daily cn the in. rrcu-e. Tour years more will probably add lhre mora new Stat, a, and nix additional Senators, wilh a preat inrreac of members in the other Hous. and what is more important, a corresponding mrrc ef votes and influence in the clertornl college. Can you doubt the co isquenrek? The public lands, wish their immense patronage, will lie brought to bear more and more on the ar tion of Congress; will control the residential election, and the result will be, that he r.l.o ue; thin va.st fund of power with the lea-.! scri p'.e, will carrj atvav the p:i;e! The Senator himse'f sees and acknowledges the approach of this dangerous period, and agrees, that when it does rornc we must surrender the public larub within the new states, but is for holding on till it shall hae actually arrived. My opinion 'a the reverse. I regard it as one of the wirest maxims in human affairs, that when we see an inevitable evil, like this not to be resisted, approaching, to make concessions in time while we can do it wi;h dignity, and (not to wait until necessity compels ns to act, and when concession, instead of gratitude, will e trite contempt. TU iii.nim i- r.ot r.evr. X hv