Vincennes Gazette, Volume 6, Number 43, Vincennes, Knox County, 25 March 1837 — Page 2

)

HIUl it undoubtedly possessed the power to make money plenty or scarce, at its pleasure, at any lime, ami in any quar,,.r r ilm Union, bv controlling the is

sues of other banks, anil permitting an expansion, or compelling a. general contradiction, of the circulating medium, according to its ow n will. The other hanking institutions were sensible of its strength, and thev soon generally became its obeilicnl instruments, rc.nl v, at all times to execute itj! mandates; ami with the banks necessarily went, also, that numerous class of persons in our commercial cities, w ho depend altogether on bank credits lor their solvency and meaus of lmsiness. ami who arc therefore, obliged, for their own safety, to propitiate the favor of the money power by distinguishing zeal and devotion in its service. The result of ill-advised leeislation which established litis treat monopoly was to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Union, with Us boundles "means of corruption, and its numerous dependants, tinder the direction and command of one acknowledged head; thus organizing this particular interest as one bodv. securing to it unity anil concert of action tlwoughotit the United States and enabling it to bring forward, upon any occasion, its entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of thr government. I:i the. hands of this formidable power, thus perfectly organized. was also placed unlimited dominion over the amount of the. circulating medium, giving it the power to regulate the value ot property an.l the Innuls ol laoor, in every quarter of the Union; and to bestow prosperitv, or biirij ruin, upon any city or section of the countrv, as micht best comport with its own interest or policy. We a.c not U ft t conjecture !i nv the moneyed power, thus organised, and ith such a weapon in u bands, would be likely to use it. The digress and alarm w Inch pervaded and agitated the whole rountrv, when the hank of the United States ed war upon the people, in order to compel them to submit to its demands, cannot he forgotten. The ruthless cti.I unsparing temper w ith which whole cities a".d errv.mur.ites were oppressed, indixi duals impovi rn.ied and rained, an.l a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly chanced into one ot gloom and despondency , ought to be indcliibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States. It" such was its power in a time of peace, w hat would it not have been in a season of war. with an enemy at your doors! No nation but the freeman of the I . b'tates could have come out victorious front s.irh a contest; vet if vou had not conquered, the irovermnent would have nasscd from the lAnds of the manv to the hands f the few; and this organized money power from its socret conelave. woul 1 have directed the choice of your highest ollicers: and compelled vou to mate peace or war a best suited their own wishes. The form of your govcrnmont might for a time have remained, tut its Iivi;if spirit would have uepaitrd from it. The distress and s,:f;'. rings i.itlicted on the. people by the bank, ar some of the frui:s of that system of policy, vv hieh is continually striving to rnUrge the authority of the federal government leyond the limits lixed by the constitution. The powers enumerated in that instrument do not con fer on Congress the right to estabiisa such a cor poration as the bank ot the I . Mates; and the on consequences which followed may warn us of the danger of departing from the true rule of construc tion, and ot permitting temporary cirenmst luces', or the hope of better promoting the public welfare to influence la any degree, our decisions upon the extent of the ajlhoiiiv of the general covernment. The severe lesson 01 expeuoaee will I count not, be sufficient to prevent Congress from amn chartering such a monopoly, even if the Constitution did not present an insuperable objection to it Hut vou mu.-t remember my fellow citizens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the price ot libtut. , and that vou must pay the price if you wish to secure tho hies. inc. It bonoves you. therefore to be watchful in yourstates as well as in the Federal Government. The power v l.ich the money ed interest can exercise when concentrated under a single head, and with our present system of currency, was sufficiently demonstrated in the strueKle made bv the bank of the United States, de feated in the General tiovernment; the same class of intriguers and poitieiaiis will now resort to the -States, and endeavor to obtain there the same organization which they fai'e ! t perpetuate in the Union and with specious and deceitful plans of public advantages, and state interest and state pride they will endeavor to establish, in the different States, one moneyed institution with overgrown capital, and exclusive privileges sufficient to enable it to control the operations i f the other banks. Jsuch an institution w ill be pregnant w ith the same evils produced by the Hank of the Tinted State, although it sphere of action is more confined; and in the State in which it is chattered, the money power w ill be able t ) en. body its whole strength, and to move together with undivided force, to accomplish any object it may wish to attain. Vou have air a ly had abundant evidence cf its power to inflict injury upon the agricultural mechanical and laboring classes ,.f soeietv; and those whose engagements in tride or speculation render them dependant on bank facilities, the dominion of the state monopoly will be absolute, and their obedience unlimited. With such a bank and paper currency, the money power would in a few years, govern the State and control its measures; and if a suiTk ient number cf States can be induce! to create such establishments, the time ,"::! Soon come when it will again take the field against the United States, and succeed in perfect-! in and perpetuating in organization by a char-1 tcr front Congress. It is cne of the serious evils of our present system of bankirfg. that it enables one class of society and that by no means a numerous one by its control over the currcnev, to aet injuriously upon the interests of all the others, and to exercise more than its just proportion of influence in political affairs. The agricultural, the mechanical, and the laboring classes, have little or no share in the direction of the great moneyed corporations; and from their habits and the nature of their pursuits, they are incapable of forming extensive combinations ta act together with united force. Such concert of action may sometimes be produced in a single city, or in a small district of country, bv means of person.,! communications with each ether; but they haeno regular or active correspondence with those who are en jarred in similar pursuits in distant places; thcy hive but little patronage to give to the press, and exercise but a small share of influence over it; they have no crowd of dependents about them, who hope to grow!

rich without labor, by their countenance, and favor, and who tire therefore, always ready to execute their wishes. The

planter, the fanner, the mechanic, and the luUirer, all know that their success de pends upon their own industry and economy, and that they must not expect to become suddenly rich by fruits of their toil. Yet these classes of society form the great body of the people of the United States; they are the bone and sinew of the country; men who love liberty anil de sire nothing but equal rights and equal laws, and who, moreover, hold the great mass of our national wealth, although it is distributed in equal amounts among the millions of free-men who possess it. Hut, with overwhelming numbers and wealth on their side, thev are in constant danger of losing their influence in the Government, and with dillieully maintained their justrights against the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them. The mischief springs from the power of which the moneyed interest derives from a paper currency, which they arc able to control; trom the multitude of corporations, with exclusive privileges, which thev have succeeded in obtaining in the different States, and which are employed 'altogether for their benefit; and unless vou be come more watchful in vour States, and check this spirit of monopoly and thirst for exclusive privileges, you will, in the end, tind that the most important powers of the tiovernment have been given or bartered avvav, and the control over vour dearest interests has passed into the hands of these corporations. The paper money system, and its na tural associates, monopoly and exclusive privileges, have already struck their roots deep in the soil; and it will require all your efforts to check its further growth, and to eradicate the evil. The men who prof it by the abuse, and desire to perpetrate them, will continue to besiege the halls ot legislation in the general government as well as in the States, and will seek, by every artifice, to mislead and deceive the public servants. It is to yourselves that you must look for safety, and the means of guarding ami perpetrating your free insti unions. in your nanus is rigntiuiiv placed the sovereignty of the country, and to you every one placed in authority is til timeteiy responsible, it is always in your power to see that the wishes of the people are carried into faithful execution; and their will, when once made known, must soon er orlater.be obeyed. And while the people remain, as I trust they ever will, tmcorrupted and incorruptible, and con tinue watchful and jealous, of their rights the government is sale, ami the cause ol freedom will continue to triumph over all us enemies. But it will require steady and preserv ing exertions on your part to rid yourslves ot the iniquities ami mischiefs ot the pa per system, and to cheek the spirit of mo nopoly and other aimi. sprung up wall it, and ot which it is tli main support. o many interests are uni ted to resist all reform on this subject. that you must not hope the contest will be short, nor success easy. My humble effotts have not been spared, during my administration of the govern ment, to restore the constitutional curren ey of gold and silver; and something, I trust, has been done towards the accom plishment ot this most desirable ob'ect. Hut enough remains to require all vour energy and perseverance. The power, however, is in your hands, and the rcme dv must and will be supplied, if you dc termiitc upon it. H hue 1 ant thus endeavoring to press upon vour attention the principles which I deem of vital importance in the domes tic concerns of the country, I ought not to pass over without notice, the important considerations which should govern vour policy towards foreign powers. It is, un questionably, our true interest to cultivate the most friendly understanding with every nation, and to avoid by every honorable means, the calamities ol war; ami we snail best attain this object by frankness anil sincerity i:i our foreign intercourse, by the prompt and faithf.-.l execution of trea ties, and by justice and impartiality in our conduct to all. 15ut no nation, how ever desirous cf peace, can hope to escape occasional collisions with other powers; and the soundest dictates of policy require that we should place ourselves in a condi tion to assert our rights, if a resort of force should eve t become necessary. Our local h'.iation, our long line of sea coast, in dented by numerous bays, with deep rivers opening into the interior, as well as our extended and still iiicreasino- cominorco, point to the navy as our natural means of defence. It will, in the. end. be found to be tho cheapest and most effectual; and now is the time, in season of speceie. and with an overflowing revenue, tiiat we can, year after vear, add to its strength, without incresal: g the burthens of the people. It is your true policy. lor your rt&vy will not only protect your rich and flourishing commerce in distant seas, but wi,l enable you to reach and annoy the enemy, and will give to defence its greatest efficiency, by meeting dangeratadistanee from home. It is impossible, by any line of fortification, to guard every point from attack against a hostile force advancing from the ocean and selecting its object; but they arc iiidispensiblc to protect cities from bombardment; diek yards and naval arsenals front destruction; to sive shelter to merchant vessels in time of war, and to single ships of weaker squadrons when pressed by superior force. Fortifications of this description cannot be too soon completed and armed, and placed in a condition of the most perfect preparation. The abundant means we now possess cannot be applied in a manner more useful to the countrv; and w hen this is done, and our p.vpl force sufficicn'lv

strengthened, and i our muiti i armed, we

need not tear that any nation will wantonly insult us. or needlessly provoke hos tilities. We shall more certainly preserve peace, w hen it is well understood we are prepared for war. In presenting to you, my fellow citi zens, these parting counsels, 1 nave brought before you the leading principles upon which I endeavored to administer the government in the highest office with which you have twice honored me. Knowing that the path of freedom is continually beset by enemies, who often assume the disguise of friends, I have devoted the last hours of my public life to warn you of these dangers. Thejprogress of the United States, under our free and happy institutions, has surpassed the most sanguine hones of the founders of the republic. Our growth has been rapid beyond all former example, in numbers, in wealth, in knowledge and all the useful arts which contribute to the comforts and convenience of man; and from the earlie ages of history to the present day, there never have been thirteen millions of peo pie associated together in one political body who enjoyed so much freedom and happiness as the people of these United States. You have no longer any cause to fear danger from abroad, your strength and power are well known throughout the civilized world, as well as the high and gallant bearing of vour sens. It is from within among yourselves, from cu pidity, ftoin corruption, from disappointed ambition, and inordinate thirst of power, that factions will be formed and liberty endangered. It is against such designs, whatever disguise the actors may assume that you have especially to guard yourselves. You have the highest of human trust committed lo your care. Providence has showered on this favored land bles sings without number, and has chosen you as the guardians of freedom to pre serve it from the human race. May lie, who holds in his hands the destinies of nations, make you worthy of the favors he has bestowed, and enable you, with pure hearts and pure hands, and sleepless vigi lance, to guard and ilelend to the end ol time, the great charge lie has committed to vour keeping. My own race is nearly run; advanced age and failing health warn me that before long I must pass beyond the reach of human events, and eeass to feel the vicissitudes of human affairs. I thank God that my life has been spent in a land of liberty, and that he has given me a heart to love my country with the affection of a son. And tilled with gratitude for your constant and unwavering kindnes, 1 bid vou a last and affectionate farewell. A.DRi:Y JACKSON. Inactrural Address. Uk.i.i.ow Uitizk.ns: The practice of all my predecessors imposes on me an obligation I cheerfully fulof my public trust with an avowal of the principles that will guide me in performing it, and an expression of my feelings on assuming a charge so responsible and vast. In imitating their example, I tread in the footsteps of illustrious men w hose superiors, it is our happiness to believe, are not found on the Executive calender of any country. Among them we recognize the earliest and firmest pillars of the republic: those by whom our national independence was lirst declared: hint w ho, above all others, contributed to eslablish it on the tit Id of battle; and those w hose ex panded intellect and patriotism constructed. improved, and perfected the inestimable institutions tinder which wc live. If such men, in the position I now occupy, felt themselves overwhelmed bv a sense of gratitude for this, the highest of all marks of their country's confidence, and by a consciousness of their inability adequately to discharge the duties of an office so difficult and exalted, how much more must these considerations affect one, w ho can rely on no such claims for favor or forbearance. Unlike all who have prceedeu me, me revolution, tiiat gave us exis tence as one people, was achieved at the period of my birth; and whilst I contemplate with grateful reverence that memorable event, I feel that I belong to a later age, and that I may not expect my countrymen to weigh mv actions with the same kind and partial hand. So sensibly, fellow citizens, do these circumstances press themselves upon mc, that 1 should not dare to enter upon my oath of dutv, did I not look lor the gen erous aid of those who w iil he associated with nie in the various and co-ordinate branches of the government; did I not repose, with unwavering reliance, on the patriotism, the intelligence, an I of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring in their cause; and above all, did I not permit myself humbly to hope for the sustaining support of an ever-watchful and beneficent Providence. To the confidence and consolation de rived from these sources, it would be ungateful not to add those which spring from our present fortunate condition. Though not altogether exempt from embarrassments that disturb our tranquility at home and threaten it abroad, vet, in all the at tributes of a great, happy, and flourishing people, we stand without a parallel in the world. Abroad, we enjoy the respect, and, with scarcely an exception, the friendship of every nation; at home, while our (Jovernment quietly, but efficiently, performs the sole legitimate end of political institutions, in doing the greatest good to the greatest number, we present an aggregate of human prospcrtiy surely not elsewhere to be found. j How imperious, then, is the obligation imposed upon every citizen, in his own sphere of action, whether limited or extended, to exert himself in perpetuating s condition so fingularly happy. All the

lessons of history and experience must be; lost upon us, if we are content to trust

alone to the peculiar advantages we hap pen to possess. l osilion anil climate, and the bounteous resourses that nature has scattered with so liberal a hand even the diffused intelligence and elevated char acter of our people will avail us nothing, if we fail sacredly to uphold those political institutions that were wisely and deliber ately formed, with reference to every cir cumstance that could preserve, or might endanger, the blessings w.e enjoy. 1 he thoughtful framers of our constitution legislated for our country as they found it. Looking upon it with the eyes of statesmen and of patriots, they saw all the sources of rapid and wonderful prosperi ty; but they saw also that various habits, opinions, and institutions, peculiai to the various portions of so vast a region, were deeply fixed. Ditsinct sovreignties were in actual existence, whose cordial union was essential to the welfare and happiness of all. Iletwcen many of theia there was nt least to some extent, a real diver sity of interests, liable to be exaggerated through sinister designs; they dill'ered in size, in population, in wealth, and in actual prospective resources and power they varied in the character of their industry and staple productions; and in some existed domestic, institutions which unwisely disturbed, might endanger the harmony of the whole. Most carefully were all these circumstannces weighed, and the foundations of the new Government laid on principles of reciprocal concession and equitable compromise. The jealousies which the smaller States might entertain of the pow er of the rest were allayed by a rule of representation, confessedly unequal at the time, and designed ever to remain so. A natural fear that the broad scope of general legislation might bear upon and unwisely control particular interests, was counteracted by limits strictly drawn around the action of the Federal authority; and to the people and the states was left unimpaired their sovereign power over the innumerable subjects embraced in the internal Government of a just republic excepting such only as necessarily appertain to the eoncenw of the whole confederacy, or its intercourse, as a ur.ited community, with the other nations of the world. This provident forecast has been verified yb time. Half a century, teeming with cxtraordianrv events, and elsewhere producing astonishing results, have passed along; but on our institutions it has left no injurious marks. From a small community, we have risen to a people powerful in numbers and in strength; but with our increase has gone hand in hand, the progress of just principles; the privileges, civil and religious of the humblest individual are still sacredly protected nt home; and, w hile the valor and fortitude of our people have removed Air from us the apprehension of foreign power, they have not y t induced us, in a single instance to forcet what is riirht. Our commerce has been extended to the remotest nations; the value, and even nature of our produe- ....;.- l--C 1 1 i. .1 .-...- t - -.1. .. .Ik -... has arisen in the wealth and resources of every portion of our countrv; yet the spirit of mutual regard and of faithful adherence to existing compacts, has continued to prevail in our councils, and never long absent from our conduct. We have learned by experience a fruitful lesson; that an implicit and undeviating adherence to tho prin ciples on which we set out can carry us prosper. ously onward through all the conflicts of circumstances, and the vicissitudes inseparable from the lapse of vears. The success that has thus attended our great ex periment, is, in itself, a sufficient cause for gratitude, on account of the happiness it has actually conferred, and the example it has nnansvverablv given. Hut to me, mv fellow-citizens, lookimr for ward to the far-distant f. ture, w ith ardent prayers and confiding hopes, this retrospect presents a ground for still deeper delight. It impresses on my mind a firm belief that the perpetuity of our institutions depends upon ourselves; that, if we maintain the principles on which they were established, they arc destined to confer their benefits on countless generations jet to come; and that America will present to every friend of mankind the cheering proof, that a popular Government, wisely formed, is not wanting in elements of endurance or strength, fifty years ago, its rapid failure was boldly predicted. Latent and uncontrollable causes of dissolution were supposed to exist veil bv the w ise and good; and not only did untiiendly or speculative theorists anticipate for us the fate of republics, but the fear of many an honest patriot overbalanced his sanguine hopes. I.ookbaik on these forebodings, not hastly, but reluctantly made, and see how, in every instance they have completely failed. An imperfect experience, during the strugcles of the revolution, w as supposed to warrant a belief that the people would not bear the taxation requisite to discharge an immense public, debt already incurred, and to defray the necessary expenses or the Government. The cost of two wars has been paid, not only without a murmur, hut w ith uneipialled alacrity. IS'o one is now left to doubt that every burden will be cheerfully borne that may be necessary to sustain our civil institutions, or guard our honor or our welfare. Indeed, all experience has shown that the willingness of the people to contribute to these ends in case of emergency, has uniformly outrun the con fidence of their representatives. In the earlv stages of the new Government, when all felt the imposing influence as thev recognised the unequalled servi ces of the first President, it was a com mon sentiment, that the great weighty his character could alone bind the discordant materials of our Government together, and save us from the violence of contending factions. Since (his death nearly forty years are gone. Party exasperation has been often carried to its highest point; the virtue and the fortitude of the people have sometimes b3cn greatly tried; yet our system, purified and enhanced in value bv all it has encountered, still preserves its spirit of free and feailcss discussion, blended with unimpaired fraternal feeling. The capacity of the people for self-government, and their willingness, from a high sense of duty, and without those exhibitions of coercive power so generally employed in other countries, to submit to all needful restraints and exactions of the municipal law, have also been favorably exemplified in the history of the American States. Oecstonallv, it i true, tli? ardor

of public sentiment, outrunning the regu

lar progress ot judicial triounais, or seed ing to reach cases not denounced as criminal by the existing law, has displayed itself in a manner calculated to give pain 'o the friends of free government, and to encourage the hopes of those who wish for its overthrow. These occurrences, however, have been far less frequent in our country than in any other of equal population on the Globe; and with the diffusion of intelligence, it may be well hoped that they will constantly diminish in frequency and violence. The generous patriotism and sound common sense of the great mass of our fellow-citizens, w ill assuredly in lime, produce this result; for as cverv assumption of illegal power not only wounds the majesty of the law, but furnishes a pretext for abridging the liberties of the people, the latter have the most direct and permanent interest in preserving the great land marks of social order, and maintaining, on all occasions, the inviolability of those constitution:.! and legal provisions which they themselves have made. In a supposed unfitness of our institutions for those hostile emergencies, which no country can always avoid their friends found a fruitful source of apprehensions, their enemies of hope. While they forsaw less promptness of action than in Govcrnmcnts iiinercniiy iormeo. mey over looked the far more important considera tion that with us war emild never be the result cf irresponsible will, but must be a redress for injuries sustained, voluntari ly resorted to by those who were to bear the necessary sacrifice, who would consequently feel an individual interest in the contest, anil which energy would be commiserate with the difficulties to be encoun tered. Actual ctcnts have proved their error, the last war, far from imparing, gave new confidence to our Government; and amid recent apprehension of a similar conflict, we saw that the energies of our country would not be wanting in ample season to vindicate its rights. Wo may not possess, as we should not desire to passess, the extended and ever ready military organization of other nations; wc may occasionally sutler in the outset or the want of it; but among ourselves, all doubt upon this great point has ceased while a salutary experience will prevent a contrary opinion from inviting aggression from abroad. Certain danger was fore to! d from the extension of our territory, the multiplica tion of States, and the increase of population. Our system was supposed to be adopted only to boundaries comparatively narrow. These have been widened beyond conjecture; the members of our conledcrrcy arc already doubted; and the numbers of our people are incredibly augmented. The alleged causes of danger hsvc long surpassed anticipation, but none of the consequences have followed. J he power and influence of the republic have 4.. , Jiigtit obi.Mie t,. 1 1 iiirtiikin.l, respect for its authority was not more apperentatits ancient, than it is at its present limits; new and inexhaustible sources of general prosperity have been opened; the effects of distance have been averted by the inventive genius of our people, developed and fostered by the spirit cf our institutions; and the enlarged variety and amount of interests, productions, and pursuits, have strengthened the chain of mutual dependence, and formed a circle of mutual benefits, too apparent ever to be overlooked. In just balancing the powers of the Federal and State authorities, difficulties nearly insurmountable arose at the outset, and subsequent collisions were deemed inevitable. Amid these, it was scarcely believed possible that a scheme of government, so complex in construction, could remain uninjured. From time to time embarrassments have certainly occurred; but how just is the confidence of future safety im parled by the knowledge that each in succession has been happily removed. Overlooking partial and temporary evils as inseparable from the practical operation of all human institutions, and looking only to the general result, every patriot has reason to be satisfied. bile the i edc ral Government has successfully perform e l its appropriate functions in relation to fu reign allairs, and concerns evidently na tional, that of every State has remarkably improved in protecting and developing lo cal interests and individual welfare; and if the vibrations of authority have occasionally tended too much towards one or the other, it is unquestionably certain that the ultimate operation of the entire system has been to strengthen all the existing institutions, and to elevate cur whole coun try in prosperity and renown. The last, perhaps the grealest. of the prominent sources of dirccrd and disas ters supposed to lurk in our political condition, was the institution of domestic slavery. Our forefathers w ere deeply impressed w ith the delicacy of this subject, and they treated it with a forbearance so cvidentlv wise, that, in spite of every sinister foreboding, it never, until the present period," disturbed the tranquility of our common country. Such a result is sufficient evidence of the justice and patriotism of their course; it is evidence not to be mistaken, that an adherence to it can prevent all embarrassment from this, as well as from any other anticipated cause of difficulty or danger. Have not recent events made it obvious to the slightest reflection, that the least deviation from this spirit of forbearance is injurious to every interest, that of humanity included.' Amidst the violence of excited passions, this generous and fraternal feeling has been sometimes disregarded; and, standing as I now do before my countrymen in this high place of honor and trust, I cannot refrain from anxiously invoking my fellow -.: J- f . -. i . . ciuzcns never to ne oeai to lis nictates, Perceiving, boforc my election, thr (Jeep J

interest this subject was beginning to excite, I believe it a solemn duty fully to

make known my sentiments in regard to it; and now, when every motive for misrepresentation has passed awry, I trust that they w ill be candidly weighed and understood. At least, they will be my standard of conduct in the path before me. I then declared, that if the desire of thoso of my countrymen who were favorable to my election was gratified, "I must go into the Presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of every attempt, on the part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the slavtholding States; and also with a determination equally decided to resist the slightest interference with it in the States where it exists." I submitted also to my fellow citizens, with fullness and frankness, the reasons which led me to this determination. The result authorizes me lo Lclievc that they have been approved, and are confided in. by a majority of the people of the United Slates, including those whom they most immediately all'ect. It now only remains to add, that no bill conflicting with these views can ever receive my constitutional sanction. These opinions have been adopted in the firm belief that they are in accordance, with the spirit that actuated the venerated fathers of the republic, and that succeeding experience has proved them to be humane, patriotic, expedient, honorable, and just. If the agitation of this subject was intended to reach the stability of our institutions, enough has occurred to show tiiat it has signally failed; and that in this as in every other instance, the apprehensions of the timid and the hopes of the w icked for the destruction of our Government, are again destined to be disappointed. Here and there, indeed, scenes of dangerous excitement have occurred; terrifying instances, of local violence havw been w itnessed; and a reckless disregard of the consequences of their conduct haexposed individuals to popular indignation; but neither masses cf ihc people, nor sections of the rountryjhave been scwrrcd from their devotion to tho bond of union, and the principles it has made sacred. It will be ever thus. Such Mlempti at dangerous agitation may periodically return, but w ith each the object will ht better understood. That predominating affection for our political system which prevails throughout our territorial limit?; that calm and euiigbt?ned judgement which ultimately governs our pcoplo one vast hodj ; w ill always be at bend lo resist and control every effort, foreign cr domestic, w hich aims, or would had tn overthrow our institution''. What can be more grniilS ing than fuch a retrospect as lLis? We look hack on obstacles avoided, and dangers overcome; on expectations more than realized, and prospriity perfectly secured. To th-t bcpo.i ihc bi'Mili:, the fears of the timi 1 :md the doubts of the anxious, iietttal fx perience has given the conclusive reply. U e have rccu time gradually dispel every unfavorable foreboding, and our constitution surmount every advene circumstance, dreaded r.t the outset as beyond co.'i'rul. Presrnt excitement will, at sll limes, magnify present dangers; but truo philosophy must teach us that none more threatening than the past can tcmain to be overcome; anil we ought, for we havo just reason, to entertain an abiding confidence in the stability of our inslitrtion!", and an entiie conviction that, if administered in the true form, character, and spirit in which they were established, they arc abundantly adequate to preserve to u and our children the rich blessings already derived from them; to make our beloved land, for a thousands generations, that chosen spot where happiness springs from a perfect equality of political rights. For myself, therefore, I desire to declare, that the principle which will govern me in the high duty to w hich my country calls me, is a strict adherence to the letter and spirit of the constitution, as i was designed by those w ho framed it. Looking back to it as a sacred instrument carefully, and not easily framed; remembering that it was throughout a work of concession and compromise; viewing it as limited to national objects; regarding it as leaving to the people and the states all power not explicitly nariod with; I shall endeavor to preserve, protect, and defend it, by anxiously referring to its provisions for direction in every ac tion. I o matters of domestic concern ment which it has intrusted to the Federal Government, and to such as relate to our intercourse with foreign nations, I shall zealously devote r.n self; beyond those limits I shall never pass. Po enter, on this occasion, into a fur ther or more minute exposition of my views on the various questions of domeslie policy, would be as obstructive as it in probably unexpected. Hefore the suffrages of mv countrymen were conferred upon me, I submitted to them, with great precision, my opinions on all the most prominent of these subjects. Those opinions I shall endeavor to carrv out with mv utmost ability. Our course of foreign policy has hcen so uni form and intelligible, as to constitute rule of exci ulivc conduct which leaves little to my discrtion, unless, indeed I were willing to ruu counter to the lights of experience, and the known opinions of my conslitucnts. W'c sedulously cultivate friendship of alt nations, as the condition n rt compatible w ith our welfare and tho prmriiIco. our government. We decline alliances, as alvcrso to our peace. We desire commen ial relation.-! on -qua! termes, being ever willing to give a fair equivalent for advantages received. e endeavor to conduct our intercourse with openness and since r ity; promptly avowing our objects, ani seeking to establish that mutual frankness which is as benefice! in the dealings of nations as of men. We hao no disposition, and no nghit. to mrduie in disputes, whether internal cr Srcujr.. that msr n... lest oth-r countries, r-rar.'ing thm in their tf-

)