Vincennes Gazette, Volume 5, Number 37, Vincennes, Knox County, 13 February 1836 — Page 1

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VOLUME 5. VINCENNES, INDIANA, FEnRUARY 13, 1836. NUMBER 37

POETIC A li.

WHAT IS LOVE. It i a mylic, mngic light Within I he heart of man; Tis the blaze that flames so bright Alonp the sky we scau ; It is the meteorof the mind In the Ideal sky ; It is the sun-light of mankind, Tha intellectual eye. The chain of feelinp bint's our heprti By strong attraction given; Lova's lightning gon a shock impart?, t'nsean like that from heaven: Upon the indei of the soul, In smilet the lightning plays, Benaath the tongue its thunders roll, lu pleasing peals of praise. Tis like the radiant rainbow brijlit When chining on the soul; But like that bow it blends with night When down hope's sun doth roll: Tis like the flame that flashes pure Oa rich and rosy wine; It is the soul of song, end sure The child of daeds divine. No painter's pencil e'er hath placed. On canvass Cupid's flume; No sculptor e'er hath marble graced With might saebtit the name: Like beauty love livts in the mind, And in the eye doth rail, A spark of deity refined The lightning of the soul. SPEECH OF Mil CALHOUN, ON FOREIGN MELATIONS, DELIVERED If THE SENATE ON MONDAY, JANUARY lo". Mr. CALHOUN roie at Mr. Buchanan took hie seat. I rise (said Mr . Calhoun) with feeliegt otirel t different from those of the Senator of Penney I vania. He stid he never listened to any message with greater satisfaction thau the present. That which hat excited such agreeable testations in hit breast, I have heard with the most profound regret. Never did I listen to a document with more melancholy feelings, with a tingle exception the war. message from the same quarter a tew years ince, against one of the sovereign in ecu bert of hit Confederacy. I arrived here (said Mr. C ) at the beginning of the session, with a ttrong con. viction I hat there would be no war. I aw, indeed, many favorable and hostile indications; but i thought the cause ofdif fereoce between the two nations wat too trivial to terminate disastrously. I could not believe that two great and en lightened nations, blessed with constitu tional governments, and between whom to many endearing recollections existed to bind together is mutual sympathy and kindnes, would, at thit advanced ttage of civilization, plunge iote a war for a cause n frivolous. With this impression, not withstanding all I taw and heard, I still believed peace would be preserved, but (he message, and the speech of the Sen ator from Pennsylvania, have dispelled the delusion. I will not undertake to pro bounce with certaintv lhat war is intend ed, but I will say, that if the recommen dationt of the President! be adopted.it will be almost inevitable. I fear (said Mr. C ) that the condition in which the country it now placed has been the result of a deliberate systematic policy. I am bound to speak my senti tnents freely. It is due to my constituents and the country to act with perfect candor and truth on a qntstion in which their interest are so deeply involved. I will not assert that the Executive has deliberatly aimed at war from the commencement; but I will tay that, from the beginning of the controversy to the present moment, the course which the President hat pursued it precisely 'he one calculated to terminate in a conflict between the two nations. It has been in his power at every period, to ive the. controversy a direction by which the peace of the country might b preserved, without the least tacrifice of reputation or honor; but he has preferred the opposite. I feel (said Mr. C ) how painful it it to make these declarations; how unpleasant it is to occupy a position which might by any possibility be construed in opposition to our Country's cause; but, in my conception, the honor and the interests of the country can only be maintained by pursuing the courte that truth and justice may dictate. Acting under the impression, I do not hesitate to assert, alter a careful examination of the documents connected with this unhappy controversy, that, if war must come, we are the authors we are the responsible party. Standing, at 1 fear we do, on the eve of a conflict, it would to me have been a source of pride and pleasure to make an opposite declaiation; but that sacred regard to tiuth and justice, which, 1 trust, will ever bt my guide under the most difficult circumstances, would not permit. I cannot (said Mr. C.) but call back to my recollection the position which I oc cupied twenty four year" since, as a member of the other House. We wen- then at I fear we are now, on the eve ot a war with a great and powerful nation. My

roice was then raited for war, because I then believed that justice, honor, and ne

cessity demanded it. It it now raised for peace, because I am under the most solemn conviction that by going to war we would saciifice justice, and interest. The tame motive which then impelled to war now impels to peace. I have not(siid Mr. C.) made that assertion lightly. It is the retail of mature and deliberate reflection. It it not my intention to eater into a minute examination of that unhappy train of events, which hat brought the country to its present situation, but 1 will briefly touch on a few prominent points, beginning wilh that most unfortunate negotiation which seems deelined to terminate eo disastrously for ihe country. Fiom the'accession of the present King, his Ministry avowed itself favorable to the settlement of our claims. The King had just been raised to the throne, under a revolution originating in popular impul set, which could not dispose him favorably towards us. Lafayette, at the time possessed much power and influence, and had greatly contributed to elevate Louis Fhillippe (o his pre-ent station. His feel itig were known to be decidedly favorable tJ us. Hut with all this favorable mcliaation, the Ministry were fearful of concluding a treaty. They dreaded the Chambers; they knew how odious all treaties of indemnity were to the entile Flench nation, and how diflkult it would to bring the Chamber to agree to moke ao appropriation to carry a treaty ot indemnity into effect, even with our coun try. With these impressions, they Irank ly stated to Mr. Rives, our Minister, that the difficulty was nut with them, but with the Chambers : that if a treaty were made, it could not be carried into effect without a vote ofappropriation from theChambers and it wat very doubtful whether such a vote could be obtained. These declara tions were not made once, or twice ; they were repeated again and rgain, through out every ttage of the negotiation, and never more emphatically than in the very last, just before the conclusion of the treaty. The President of the Council, SI. Per- . . I) A ner, in a conversation wun tir. itivet, at that late period, stated that there would be eo difficulty in arranging the question,

were it not that he feared opposition onlne jstice and the honor of the French

the part of the Chamber!, which might ace the relatioo, between the two coun tries in a more dangerous state, by refusing to make the appropriation. How prophetid ag if he had foreseen what has sine come to past. 1 do not protest to g'e ; hit words; I did not anticipate the discussion, and have not come prepared with documents; but what I state is substanli-; ally wbat he said. Withj tint apprehension, he asked our Minister to wait the short period of two months, for the meettug oi tue uiisinucri, mai mry iingiii uc i consulted before the conclusion of the ; r . I " t l l. a ll. . lv I , i treaty, in order to avoid the possibility of j the embarrassmfciit wntcn nas since occur

red, and which has so dangerously em-jjr

broiled the relatiootof the two countries. Mr. Kites objected, aad the treaty was concluded Now, I submit (said Mr. C.) to every man of integrity and honor, whether we, in accepting the treaty after these repeat - ed declarations, did not accept it, tubject - i a . 1 I . L. a to the condition wrucn tney impsieu; mai is, whether in point of fact, the stipula tion of the French Executive ought not to be fairly construed with these declarations made at the formation of the treaty, to amount simply to an engagement lo use hit best endeavors to obtain ihe assent of the Chamber! lo the appropriation. Such would certainly be the understanding, in a umilar caie, between honorable and conscientious individuals ; and such, I apprehend, will be the opinion hereafter, when passions shall have subsided, of every impartial inquirer after truth. The question (said Mr. C.) is now pre sented, has the French Executive complied with hii promiiet Has ho honorably, faithfully, and earnestly endeavored to'obtain the assent of the Chambers? To these questious. I shall not reply. I leave the answer to our executive and to our Ministers. They have explicitly and honorably acquitted the French Executive on thii important point. Hut (said Mr. C ) let us turn to the cen duct of our own Executive, in relation to this important part of ihe controversy. If the implied obligation on the part of the French Executive was such as 1 suppose, there was a corresponding one, on the part of ours, to interpose no obstacle in obtaining the assent of the Chamber. How aland, the fact? Mr. Hives, in communicating to our Executive the result of the negotiation, boasted of his! skill, and the advantage which he had acquired over the French negotiatort. 1 pass him by. It was, perhaps, natural for him to boast. What does the Execu tive do? With a full knowledge of all the facts, forewarned of the difficulty which the Fieoch Ministry would have to encounter in the Chambers, he publishes to the world this boastful communication, which produced a sensation m France, such as might have been expected, which increased in the same proportion the dif ficulty of obtaining the assent of the Cham-

tiers lo the appropriation. The nexl step; lhen,send this message at this time I hy nit leased the difficulty. Knowing as -he j recommend preparations and non-inter-did, that the appropriations depeudtJ op-1 course till we have heard how the mes-

on the Chamber, the then Secretary of the Treasury without waiting for its ac tion, drew a bill for the payment of the first instalment, before the appropriation was made, and before, of course, it could poosibly be paid. A protest necessarily

followed, accompanied with much irritation on both sides . With these obstacles, created by our own acts, the treaty was submitted to the Chambers. Every effort was made to obtain the appropriation. The Minister displayed uncommon zeal and abilities in defence of the treaty; but in vain, under these multiplied difficulties. The bill was rejected by a majority of eight votes; a number to small, in so large a body, that it may be fairly piesumed, without any violence, that had not Mr. Hive's letter been published, and the draft drawn before the appropriation was made, the majority would have been on the other side, and all the unhappy train of consequences which have since followed would have been prevented. So earnest was the French Ministry in their efforts, to carry the bill, that their defeat dissolved the Administration Wilh these facts before us who can doubt where the responsibility rests? We had thrown the impedemcnts in the way we, who had been so urgent to obtain the treaty, and who had to piofit by its execution. It matters not, in the view in which I am considering the question, to what motives the acts of our executive may be attributed whether to design or thoughtlessness, it cannot shift the responsibility. Let us now (said .Mr. C ) proceed to the next stage of this most unfortunate affair. I pass over the intervening period; I come to the openig of the next session of Congress. In what manner does the Fret ident, in his message at the opening of the session , notice the failure of the French Chambers to make the appropriation? Knowing as be must how much the acts to which I have referred had contributed to the defeat of the bill, and that his ad ministration was responsible for these acts, it was natural to expect that lie would have noticed the fate of the bill in the calmest and most gentle manner; that he would have done full justice to the zeal ond fidelity of the French executive in its endeavor to obtain its passage, and would have thrown himelf with corfidence on nation for the fulfilment of the treat v. In a word, that he w ould ha ve done all in his power to strengthen the Executive Government in France in their future efforts to obtain the appro nriation a?d carefully avoid every thing that might interpose ad jditional obstacles Instead of taking this j calm and considerate course, so well calcu lated to secure the fulfilment of the trea ty, and so he tiling the dignity and jus. lice of our Government, he send a message to Congress, couched in the strongest . .t.a I SI ,CI rn, HtH. recommending that tie snotim j.e jf, yetted with au'horit v to isiuie letters of marque and reprisal in the event of the appropriation not being made a measure, nol tantamou.it to war, leading to it by almost a necessary consequence. The message was received in France with the deep feeling of irritation which might inave been expected : and under thit feel in? wjlh ai tne impediments which it was I c a 1 c u 1 a t e d to create, the bill to carry the j treatT nn effect had the second time to f . make its appearance in the Chambers. They were surmounted. I ne bill passed ; but not without a condition a condition which causes the present difficulty. I deeply regret (said M r. C.) the condition. In mv opinion the honor of France did not require it, and the only vindication that can be offered for the Ministry in accepting it is the necessity of the case; that it was indispensable to its passage. Cut surely, in the midst of the difficulties which it has caused, we ought not to forget that the acts of our own Executive were the cause of its insertion. This (said Mr C ) brings us to the present stage of this unhappy controversy. I shall not offer an opinion on the me9age and documents which have just been read, till I have had time to read them at leisure, and more fully comprehend their character and bearing. The Senator from Pennsylvania has probably had the adv antHgeof me in knowing their contents. Here Mr. Huchan a signified his dissent. I will not (said Mr. C.) make the remarks that I intended, but I am not satisfied with much that I have heard in the reading of the message find the documents. I am, in particular, very lar rrotu uemg 'tiified with the reasons assigned by the secretary of State why he did not accept the copy of a letter from the Due cle Rrogle to the French Charge d'Affaires here, which the Utter offered to put in hit posession. I regrent exceedingly lhat we have not lhat document. It might have shed much light on the present state of this unhappy controversy. Much myspery hangs over the subject. There is another point (said Mr. C.) which requires explanation. There is certainly some hope that the message at the opening of the session may be favorably received in France. The President has in it expressly adopted the explanation offered by Mr. Livingston, which affrd some hope, at least, that it may prove to be satis factory to the. French Government. Why, a r .

sage hat been received in France ? Suppose its reception should be favorable, in the absence of a representative of our Government at the French court , nothing could be done till the message which we have just received shall have passed the Atlantic and reached Paris. How unfortunate would be the consequence! What new entanglements and difficulties would be caused in the relations of the two countries? Why all this? Who can explain? Will any friend of the Administration rise in his place and tell ut what is intended? I might ask (said Mr. C.) for like explanation, why our Charge was recalled

from Paris at the time he wat. Why not j w ait till the annual Message was received ? j Whom have we there to represent mi on its reception, to explain anv difficulty j j w hich might-remain to be explained ? All these tilings may have a satisfactory explanation, I cannot, however, perceive if. There may be some deep myttery in the i hide affair, which those only who are initiated can understand. I fear (said Mr. C ) that with the message which we have this day received, the last hope of preserving the peace of t he count ry has vanished. This compels me to look for ward. Theflist thing that strikes me, in casting my eyes to the future, is the utter impossibility that war, should there unfortunately be one, can have an honorable ter ruination. We shall go into wa r to exact the payment of five millions of dollars. The first cannon discharged on our part would be a receipt in full for the whole amount. To expect to obtain payment by a treatv of peace would be worse than idle. If our honor would be i.ivolved in such a termination of the contest , the honor of France would be equally involved in the opposite. The struggle then would be, who should hob) out longest in thi unprofitable, and, were if not for the seriousness of the occasion, ridiculous contest. To determine this point . we must inquire, which can inflict on the other the greater injury, and to which the war must be most expensive. To t'oth a read answer may be given. The capacity of France to inflict injury upon ot i ten times greater than ours to inflict injuries on tier; while the con oi the war, in proportion to her meant, would be rn nearly the same proportion less than ours to our means. She has relatively a small commerce to be destroyed, while we have the largest in the world, -in proportion to our capi'al and population. She may threaten and harrass our coast, while her own it safe from assault. Looking over the whole ground, I do not (said Mr. C ) hesitate to pronounce that a war with France will be among the greatest calamities, greater than a war with Eng land herself. The power of the latter to annoy us may be greater than that of the former : but so is nurt, in turn, greater to snnnv England than France. There is i ai,other view connected wilh this point. deserving the most serious consideration, particularly by the commercial and navi gating portion of the Union. Nothing can be more destructive to our commerce and navigation, than for England to be neutral, while we are belligerent, in the contest with such a country as France. The! whole of our commercial marine, with our entire shipping, would pass almost instantl) into the hands of England. With the exception of our public armed vessels, there would be scarcely a flag of ours afloat on the ocean. We grew rich by being neutral while England was beligerent. It was lhat which so suddenly built up the mighty fabrick of our prosperity and greatness. Reverse the posi (ion let England be neutral while we are beligerent, and the sources of our wealth and prosperity would be tpeedily exhausted. Inajutt antf necessary war (said Mr. C.) all these consequences ought to he fearlessly met. Though a friend to: - 17 . .

peace, when a proper occasion occur, I J ' iii ,, ' I , , i, . i them success, but we cannot say that we would be among the last to dreart the con ' J c B , ... , ,,, ,t believe they will be able to Lmld up a sesequeoces of war. I think the wealth and . . r . , ,H , r . n - . i cond London, or that their money might b bod of a country are well poured out in . . . , J 6 ... . , , , . ' ,m . not have been better expended. maintain? a just, honorable, and nececes-, . . - , .,i, -,u U.S. Telegraph. sary war; but in such a war as that with ' which the country is now threatened a! The Titlsburg Gazette thinks the loca mere war of etiquette a war turning on 'tion of Jackson, opposite to Washington, a question so triu il at whether an expla very prop" one. The ''second Washnation shall or shall not be given no. ingion" sa s thatxpaper, "is in ull thing! whether it has, or has not been given (for! ery opposite to the first, that is the real point on which the con-; 'ph(t objections to Mr. Van Huren's adtroversy turns), to put in jeopardy the ', vanrtmei.t to the Presidency are thus lives and property of our ciliz.pna, and ;Ulfv summed up bv a correspondent of the liberty and institutions of our country, ! the Washington Tefegraph. is wors-than folly is madnest I say! First. a total destitution of all the nro

the liberty and institutions of the country, i i .1 : . . .1 I hold them to be in imminent danger. Such has been the grasp of Executive' power, that we have not been able to re sist its usurpations, even in n period ot peace; and how much less shall we be hie, with the vast increase of power anil patronage which a war must confer on that department? In a sound condition of Ihe country with our institutions in their full vigor, and every department confined to its proper sphere, we would have oothing to fear from a war from France, or anv other power: but our sstem is deeply diseased, and we may fear the worst in being involved in war at such a juncture. 1 have (said Mr. C ) in conclusion, no objection to the message and document going to the Committee on Foreign. Ke-

latioos. 1 have great confidence ia the committee, and have no doubt that they will discharge their duty to the Senate and to the country with prudence and wisdom, at the present trying juncture. But let me suggest a caution against the hasty adoptiou of the recommendation! of the message. To adopt them, would be to change for the worse the position which we now occupy in this unfortunate contreversy, and lead, I fear directly to war. We aie told that a French fleet has been sent to the West Indies, which has been considered at a menace, with the intention of frightening us into hasty measures. The French Government itself hai

said in its official journal that it actt on he defensive, and lhat there is no hgitimate cause ot war between the two coun tries. We would not be justified, with these declarations, connected with the circumstances of the case, were we to regard ihe sending of the fleet as a menace. We must not forget that we, ia thit controversy, are, at my colleague said Ihe other day in debate, the plaintiff, and France the defendant. If there must be war, it mutt come from us, not France. She hat neither motive nor cause to make ar. As we,tben, must declare the war, it is not strange that France, after w hat hat passed, should prepare for the worst, and such preparation ought fairly to be con. tideied,uot at a menace, but at a precautionary measure, resulting from our own actt. But should we in turn commence arming, it must be followed on the part ot France with increased preparation, and again on ours with a corresponding increase, till, at length, the pride and patsioi.t of both parlies would be to wrought up as lo burst out to open violence. I have (taid Mr. Calhoun) thut freely expressed my opinion upon thit important subject, feeling a deep conviction that neither justice, honor, nor oecetity impel to arms; and that a war with France, at all timet and more especially at the present, would be among the greatest calamities that could befall the country. SCKJMPS. The Ltlly . As the batch ef Deposite Hanks at Washington, raqune to be rechart t red (his winter, and as it may leak nut that these little "monsters to muck in favor at Court, are no better than they -hould be, a tolerably ttrong lobby haf started from head quarters, to assist them ihrough consequently members of Congress, who are not yet initiated in the N. Vork system of lobbyiog, nay now take a useful lesson or two. lo esiimating steam power, tne force of one horse it considered to be equivalent to the elevation of a weight of 33,000 lbs. at one foot per minute, but the animal force of a hone does nut ia reality exceed 22,000 I hi. at the tame ratio. Considering the relays and reposes necessary in hone power, a steamboat estimated at CO horse power ia in fact equal t the labor of 170 horses every 14 hours. Dr. Madden tells at when the firefly of Jamaica is irritated, itt photphoretence is so strong lhat in a dark room he was able to read tome lines of a letter by holding the fly over the lines and moving it along them. A chemist of the city of Durham bai lately diicovered, by accident, that the) sting (venom) of a wasp or bee it an acid, which will yield to an application of powerful alkali. jacksox city. Some capitalists of New York are about founding a new city, to be called Jacks-on City, in thit District. Yesterday the corner ttone was laid by President Jackson. A large concourte of people was assembled ; Oralicn delivered by George Waohington Curtis; a national talute was fired, iic. &c ; after which, Arm. a r a fr 0 iliniAn la vuorm iirii!i rrt fnr f h a , , w u rnmtiunv hv hs nrnnriDlnra V f wian j minnl qualifications of a Statesman. Secondly, a low , vul ear, dan serous, and unprincipled system of electioneering, which distinguishes bis whole public career. Thirdly, that he is the Preiident't successor. Fourihl v,that he frauduleatly obtained the nomination of Ned Rucker'i convention. Fifthly, That the whole patronage of the government is most disgracefully proitituted in aid uf hi! political advance ment Poulsont Jldv, The Mussulman! are fond of quoting texts from the Holy Book. Oo an execut toner1, sword 1 have seen inscribed ia letters of gold, "God is merciful." Atve Monthly Magaiine.