Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 12 August 1880 — Page 7

4& Years before the Public*

THE CEMUINE

OR. C.McLANE'S

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IX

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B. W. HANNA

Continued From Second Page.

came, the bonds should be paid precisely as they had been bought, in greenback money. Who denies it? What man of any party in Indiana will say my statement is not the naked truth Of course there is none anywhere. The war closed,, and the ascertained public debt was something over $3,000,000,000. It was a vast sum, but nobody eomplainod. The voice of the people ot every party was, we can pay it, and will pay it, every dollar, in lawful money. Many of the bonds had been sold when gold was quoted at 285, as it was on the 18th day of July, 1864. That day a few dollars over $8,500 in gold bought a $10,000 bond. The bulk oflhcm was bought at fifty cents on the dollar. The actual cost of the war, bounties, pensions ,and shortage of quartermasters all thrown in, did not reach as much as $1,300,000,000 considered on a coin basis. But the actual outstanding debt on a greenback money basis was near $3,000,(XX),000, a difference, you will see, of $1,700,000,000. Now, upon the understanding that the whole of our $3,000,000,00o of greenback money debt was appreciaated up to a coin value, you will see at once that somebody got $1,700,000,000 of the people's money without giving any value received for it. I will now show you that is just what was done. The campaign of 1808, for the election of President, was fought upon the solemn promise to the people, that the public debt should be paid in lawful money. Both parties declared it. Grant was elected President on that promise. But he had been in the Presidential chair but four teen days, I believe it was, when he and his party turned their backs on tho people and set their faces toward speculation, which soon bccame as a great river, swelled by a thousand streams of every description of fraud.

Then and there, gentlemen, was the end of the REPUBLICAN PARTY OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN and William II. Seward. There was the inauguration of the so-called Republican party, which seeks to.day to make James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur President and vice-President of the United States. Now, I don't say this as a partisan, but I say it because it is tire truth, verified by facts which you yourselves do know. In 1868, did not the leaders of this party promise to carry out Linconl's policy, ana pay the debt, as it had been contracted, in lawful money? Who denies it Then was not the first measre Grant signed, called an act to strengthen the public credit after the debt was all made, and when we were paying and not borrowing! Gentlemen, the whole thing was a fraud upon your patience a theft of your money. This measure, you willremember, was followed up in 1870 with the funding bill—a bill which provided that the old bonds, payable in our paper currency, might be exchanged or new bonds, payable in coin. Now you will see they have succeeded in getting the whole debt on a coin basis. The next thing to determine was, what kind of coin should it be.- The entire silver coin age of this country from the start of the overnment up to 1835, was about $39,0,000. Between 1835 and 1853 it was )f39,000,000 more. While between 1853 and 1873 we took out of our mines something near $69,000,000, within $9,000,000 of as much money dug out of our own ground in Nevada, Colorado and elsewhere, during these twenty years, as had been coined in the United States in all the preceding three-quarters of a century. The veiy earth gave up its treasure in aid of the hard struggle the country was making to carry its financial burden. But the conspirators thought the great discoveries and yield of silver had a weakening influence in the matter of their securities, and so the plot was enlarged. In 1873 our silver was demonetized. It was done fraudulently in.the

ADOFTION OF TUB REVISED STATUTES. It was the boldest fraud, and most consumately infamous public crime hitherto developed in the history of all American legislation. Then all was ready, and on the 14tli day of January, 1875, an act passed Congress, pledging the country to redemption in gold ana the entire cancellar tion of all greenbacks in 1879. Thus this work of iniquity was complete. I repeat, it was the boldest and most gigantic plan «f public and private robbery every heard of anywhere. I challenger the discovery of a parallel case in the history of civil governments- Bnt the whole plan could not be carried out. The eight to seven iniquity deprived the country of its lawful President, but it could not unseat our Democratic Congress. The Democrats of that body, aided by the Nationals, saved the people from absolute ruin. They could not undo all the dark work of the conspiracy, but they overthrew the whole of John Sherman's plan for what he called the resumption of specie payments. He claims, I know, that he and his party brought about the existing state of general prosperity and so with the filthy braggart, when he exclaimed, "How we apples swim." John Sherman's plan of resumption was demonetization of silver, redemption in gold, and the cancellation of every outstanding greenback dollar That, then, would have left us as our only circulating medium our gold coin and the notes of our National Banks, and worse than all, gold coin as our only legal tender. He would have wiped out the entire volume of our greenback money, current in every state in the Union, not costing the government a dollar of interest, and put out in its place National Bank notes in amount equal to the greenbacks canceled, based upon a bonded indebtedness drawing a gold interest. The Democratic Congress exactly reversed that proposition, and made it effectual. It remonetized silver it suddenly and wholly stopped the retirement of greenbacks. That is WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS

DID

Then came the golden harvest, ripened upon the generous earth, which had been moistened with heavenly dews. It was a magnificent yield. It furnished lawe and remunerative export. It brought millions of money from foreign countries. It relieved the producer and the carrier, and eveiy branch of trade. It canceled mortgages and paid debts. That was the sole cause of our prosperity. that was what saved the country from universal bankruptcy and beggary in 1879. Sherman and the gang of speculators at his back

mm

1

MSI

SlflSlS

USB

DRAGGED THEIR JUGGERNAUT

just as far as they could go, and they left nothing in its track but the shreds of commerce, the shaking paralysis of fa's of thi dustry, the closed doors le people's

workshops, mortgaged farms gathered in among the assets of great money corporations, and hunger and despair in the miserable homes of the poor. The sickening memory of the bankruptcy Sherman produced will continue as long as this generation lives.

But this is but one of a THOUSAND PLANS OF SPECULATION, built upon the ruins of the old Republican party, and executed in its name. When the United States Government had licensed itself to plot and cheat and defraud the people, individuals also felt licensed to do the same thing.

Who has forgotten Black Friday? There it stands on a single page of the histonr of the Republican party. Grant, Gould, Corbin, Fisk and Butterfield! Galaxy of fraud! Combining the power of the President of the United States and the skill of a gang of stock gamblers and,speculating night-riders—secure from all cowans and eaves-droppers, in some tiled cavern hiding placed—deliberately planning to shake our whole commercial system to its center! Let some enthusiastic Republican orator, native born or imported, step to the front, if he dare, and defend this page of his political history. Let him either try to tear it out of the history of his party, or explain it on some theory of justification, none has ever yet attempted. As it stands now, it is

A SCANDAL WITHOUT A PARALLEL, and a disgrace that will not fade with time. It was in 1869. Gold was standing at 134—that is, a dollar in gold was worth as much as 1.34 in currency. These practical gold gamblers resolved to corner the gold market. It would ruin trade and strew the country with bankruptcy, but it would put millions in their pockets. There was but one thing in the way. When the actual nesessity came, the Government held the gold, and could step in between the speculators and the needs of commerce, sell the coin needed and afford relief to trade so hard pushed by panic and ruin. Boutwell was Secretary of the Treasury, but Grant was President. The Secretary held the keys, but he could lock and unlock only under the beck and nod. of his chief. Gould and Fisk, with a number of their service men, on the 15th day of June, 1869, with Ulysses S. Grant, Presidpnt of the United States, started from New York to Boston, on a magnificent steamer, on a little pleasure trip. The gallant ship, with her precious manifest, and stores of every luxury on the land ajid in the sea, •grandly plowed the waves, and it was a jolly night for the tenants of her gilded cabin. There sat Grant, the President of the greatest Republic on earth, in the hands of professed and trained stock gamblers. They filled his ear with sensational speeches they told him there were at that moment 300 ships on the Mediterranean from the Black Sea, bound for the Liverpool market that our own crop could not be moved, gold standing at 134 that it w6uld have to reach 145 at least before it could be done. You will see their scheme was to buy gold at 134 and get it up to 145, and that would make them eleven cents on the dollar. Think of your President being lulled by such an

ABSURD FALLACY,

urged by such men—that a forced and unnatural.premium on gold was necessary to the maintenance of our foreign commerce! Abel R. Corbin was the brother-in-law of President Grant. Gould had made terms with Corbin, and Corbin had induced Grant to appoint General Daniel Butterfield Assistant Treasurer of the United States at New York. Then, as Boutwell had received instructions from the President not to sell any more gold unless ordered by him so to do, all was clear for operations if the President could only be put out of the way a few days. He was pliable, and the wits of the gamblers were equal to the occasion. A free train was furnished the President, and set out for a little obscure town in Pennsylvania, where there was no telegraphic communication. He went there, he said, to visit a family by the name of Smith, distant relatives he had not seen for' many years. The conspirators at once bought millions of gold at 132. On the 2d day of September Gould bought, for Corbin, Grant's brother-in-law, $1,500,000 in gold at 132W. Corbin had no money, and why Gould bought and held for him such a vast sum of gold you must determine for yourselves. On the 20th of September, as appeared in sworn testimony before a Congressional Committee, Gould said to Fisk, "This matter is all fixed up Butterfield is all right Corbin has got Butterfield all right, and Corbin has got Grant fixed all right, and, in my opinion, they are interested together." This took Fisk by surprise, and he asked Gould to give him a letter to Corbin that he might see him. Fisk got the letter, and under oath before the Congressional Committee on Banking and Currency .gave this account of what followed: "When I met him lie talked very shy about the matter at first, but finally came right out and told me that Mrs. Grant had an interest that $500,000 had been taken by Mr. Gould at 131 and 132, which had been sold at 137 that Mr. Corbin held for himself about $2,000,000 of gold, $500,000 of which was for Mrs. Grant and $500,000 for Porter. I told him Mr. Gould and 1 stood in together that we had no secrets from each other that we had embarked in a scheme that looked like one of great magnitude that it looked as if it might be pretty serious business before getting out again, and that the whole success depended on the fact whether the government would unload on us or not." He said: "YOU NEED NOT HAVE THE LEAST FEAR."

I said: "I want to know whether what Mr. Gould told me is true I want to know whether you have sent this $25,000 to Washington as he states?" He then told me he had sent it that Mr. Gould had sold $500,000 ia gold belonging .to Mrs. Grant which cost 132 for 137,^ or something in that neighborhood, leaving a balance in her favor of about $27,000, and that a chqpk for $25,000 had been sent."

There, my fellow-citizens, is what was testified to before the Banking and Cur rency Coqlmitte. At that stage of the investigation a witness appeared who declared himself ready to testify he had seen the money delivery book of the Adams Express Company, which showed that a money package had been delivered to Mrs. Grant, at the White House, marked $25,0C0.

JAMBS AF GABJIBLW

THE i£KKE HaUTK TTEEKLY GAZETTBL

of Ohio, the Republican candidate for President of the United States, was man aging the investigation "for a majority of the committee, and as Samuel M. Shoemaker, General Manager of the Express Company, had told him no such entry appeared, Shoemaker was put on th'e stand as a witness. He produced the money package book, and pretending to look it through, told the committee it showed no delivery to Mrs. Grant. S. S Cox, one of the minority ot the committee, asked to see the book. It was handed to him, and passing his finger down over a long list of names, he read aloud as follows: "September, 1869, Mrs. U. S. Grant, White House, money package,

VALUE $25,000."

Garfield and Shoemaker were struck as sense ot their exposure had known the entry was there, but by that sort of bluff game thought they would escape detection. Shoemaker after awhile recovered from his unpleasant shock, and asked to sec the book again. He looked at the entry a few moments and then made this statement to the committee: "I am satisfied it is $250, for by inserting a period before the last two ciphers, which has been accidentally omitted, it will read $250 and no cents But Gould had bought $500,000 in gold for Mrs. Grant for 132,'and had sold it for 137. That was undisputed. Gould told Fisk the profits of the sale had been sent to Mrs. Grant. Fisk swore before the committee Corbin feaid the $25,000 has been sent. The committee did not procure the testimony of Corbin to the contrary, which they could easily have done and yet over all this testimony James A. Garfield, the Republican candidate for President of the United States, made his report to the House of Representatives in conformity to the garbled and fraudulent statements of Shomaker over a great mass of testimony which showed absolutely his statement was false —that Mrs. Grant did not receivo the $25,000. Who will say that a member of Congress, capable of committing such an official public outrage as that, is a fit man for an enlightened people to invest with the office of Chief Magistrate of the United States You all remember the horror ot Black Friday. The great pulse of trade was beating violently. Thousands of merchants were on the verge of ruin. An infamous, speculating syndicate held the gold needed for exchange, and held it in an iron grip for the purposes of speculation. The United States Treasury could not sell until told to do so by the President, and he was niD AWAY IN AN OBSCURE VILLAGE of a distant state. The President was pursued and dragged forth, but not until millions had been realized in speculation: On his return to the post of duty he had so basely deserted he gave the word of command, and the great wheels of commerce turned again. There is another chapter in the history of this latter-day Republican party.

if by lightning with the shameful ise of their exposure. Of course they

And now, fellow-citizens, what shall I say of the UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD and its adjunct, the Credit Mobilier of America—altogether the monster fraud of all. It is the worst, in a popular sense, for the reason it took the most money from the people. It stands like a high mountain of shame, which overshadows the country. The Pacific Railroad and the Credit Mobilier of America were substantially one institution, differing only in the fact the former was the end and the latter the means. That everrlwdy may clearly understand the whole question let me explain a little. Under the acts of Congress of 1862 and their amendments in 1864, millions of bonds were guaranteed and millions of acres of the public land appropriated by the Government for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad. We grow giddy with wonder at how such a thing could haye been done. But it was done, and w'e are all familiar with the fact. The railroad company was organized and its board of directors elected in October, 1863. On the 23d day of September, 1864, the first contract for -its construction was made. H. M. Hoxie was the contractor, audhe was to build 246 miles of the road for $50,000 per mile. This contract Hoxie assigned to Thomas C. Durant, president of the railroad company, on the 30th day of September, just seven days after he obtained it. Peter A. Dey, the chief engineer of the company, testified before a committee of the Forty-third Congress that his estimate of the cost of the construction did not exceed $30,000 per mils, but that he had been instructed to report the cost at" $50,000, which he did in the interest of these swindlers. The directors of the company now held Hoxie's contract by assignment, which, of course, made them all individually liable as partners for the debts incurred by their joint undertaking. This they did not like, and their next concern was to find a corporation that could shoulder all responsibility and .for this purpose they bought the Credit Mobilier of America. I don't .know that I can correctly state the exact meaning of the high sounding words "Credit Mobilier." I understand it is a French name taken, probably, from the Latin adjective mobilis, which means moveable. Hence, likely, a moveable corporation set on wheels, like one of our big threshing machines, differing only in the fact that one threshes out the golden grain which the good man has honestly produced in the sweat of his face, while .the other, on the only trial it ever had, has

IJ

C:?

THRASHED OUT THE BRIBES

of Ames, Colfax, Garfield and others, they so innocently thought were honest loans of the Pacific Railroad Company's money. The Credit Mobilier was chartered by the Legislature of the state of Pennsylvania in 1859, and could do any kind df business, except banking It was authorized to build houses, turnpikes, canals, bridges in short, to do almost every branch of work,without any individual liability whatever to its stockholders. This legallized machine of rascality was of such supple construction that it could even have an agency in the distant city and state of New York. That was what these gentlemen wanted, and so it was transplanted, and the great swindle commenced.

My fellow citizens, I can not exaggerate the enormity of this dark spot on the page of Congressional legislation. The men behind this swindle made a willing Republican Congress believe the cost of this road would be from $50,000 to $90,000 per mile. It never cost half of it, and the testimony of Dey, the engineer, proves the fact. But their showing was that the total cost from end to end would be $82,000,000. Congress first issued United

States bonds in its aid in the sum of $29,000.000. Its first mortgage bonds were $29,000,000 more. It had a paid in capi tal of $8,000,000, and land subsidies of 14,800,000 acres of the public domain, which, rated at $1.50 per acre, made $22,000,000 more—

IN ALL

$8S,00d,60d,

or $6,000,000 more money than their estimate. So you see these men could withdraw $6,000,000 of their $8,000,000 paid in capital, and own the Union Pacific Railroad bodily, at a cost to themselves of only two millions of money. There is a fair statement of the whole question. What honest Republican will now stand up here and say he indorses such work done by his party managers in Congress? But the chief feature of this miserable work 1 have yet to state. In the first place the United States had the first mortgage to secure the $29,000,000 it had guaranteed. That was right, for it was the people's money loaned to private individuals, and its payment back should have been placed beyond question. The security should have been absolute, and it was, so long as tho government held the first mortgage. But by reference to the debates in the House of Representatives in 1863, volume 53, page 351, you will see the Pacific Railroad Company was authorized to issue its own bonds, in an equal amount issued by the United States, and that the lien of the United States should be subordinate thereto. The company's mortgage, then, you will see, was by an act ot this same

REPUBLICAN CONGRESS

made the senior mortgage over the ftiortflrst given to secure the payment of public money given to this corrupt' ring of private speculators. The final vote on the passage of this gigantic public wrong was taken on the 25th day of June, 1864, as appears in the Congressional Qlobe, volume 53, page 3,267, and James A. Gar-

field, the Republican candidate for President of the United States, is recorded as having voted for it.

And, now, what shall I say about the Credit Mobilier and its daric operations in Congress in 1867. and 1868 It is a painful matter to discuss, as I know it will be a painful matter for you to consider, It resulted in the expulsion of

OAKE8 AMES •#-'A

ongress.

from Congress. It resulted in the degra-

dation of William D. Kelley and James ley A. Garfield in the eyes of all the people,

ey

If these men, like Schuylcr Colfax," had modestly retired to private life, the mantle of charity woukl h$ve been cast over them, and their shame forgotten. But one of them seeks to-day the first honors of the nation! He aspires to succecd Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln I He asks nearly 50,000,000 of people to condone the disgrace of puk lie bribery and his repeated falsehoods to conceal it! The effrontery of

CATALTNE, IN THE ROMAN SENATE, will lose its historic interest in the still more vaulting audacity of James A. Garfield in his appeal to the peoplo to make him President of the United States. He has been condemed by a committee of Congress he has been condemn*! by his party press he has been condemned by his neighbors at home, but this final condemnation will take place on the 9th day of November next, by the sovereign people of a great government, whose cause le has so basely betrayed.

Now let the records and the facts speak for themselves. During the latter part of 1872 the public prera was teeming with the hateful scandal that Oakes Ames, a member of Congress from the state of Massachusetts, with presents of stock in the Credit Mobilier of America, had BRIBED DIVERS MEMBERS OF CONGRESS in the interest of the Union Pacific railroad. That the House of Representatives might be purged of the accusation, a committee of investigation was appointed to examin^ into the facts and report to the House whether there was any ground for so grave a charge. A Republican Speaker of a Republican Congress nominated the members. The committee appointed consisted of Hon. Luke P. Poland, Hon. N P. Banks, Hon. George W. McCreary, Hon. W. E. Niblack and Hon. W. M. Merrick. The first three, and a majority of the committer, were staunch Republicans. The committee began its sessions on the 12th day of December, 1872, and finished its work on the 19th day of February, 1873. They were steadily engaged in this investigation sixty' working days, it was along time and ample time for every member to brush the smell of fire from his skirts. Most of them did some of them did not.

As appears by the report of the POLAND COMMITTEE, on pages 128 and 129, JaiAes A. Garfield, on the 14th day of January, 1873, ,was sworn by the committee. Among other things he made this atrocious statement: "Mr. Ames never gave nor offered to give me any stock or other valuable thing as a gift. I once asked and obtained from him, and afterward repaid to him. a loan of $300. That amount is the only valuable thing I ever received from or delivered to him. I never owned, received or agreed to receive any stock of the Credit Mobilier or Union Pacific railroad, nor any dividends or profits arising from either of them."

On pages 295, 296 and 297 of Judge Poland's report the following questions and answejs were put by the committee and answered by -a

OAKES AMES UNDER OATH

Question—In regard to Mr. Garfield state to the committee the details of the transactions between you and him in reference to Credit Mobilier stock. Answer —I got for Garfield ten shares of the Credit Mobilier stock for which he paid par and interest.

Q.—When did you agree with him for that A.—Th at agreement was in December, 1867, or January, 1868 about that time about the time I had these conversations with all of them.

Q.—State what grew out of it A.— Mr. Garfield did not pay me any money, I sold the bonds belonging to his $1,000 at 97, making $776. In June I received a dividend in cash on his stock of $600 which left a balance due him of $329, which I paid him. That is all the transaction between ns. I did not deliver him any stock before or since. That is the only transaction, and the only thing.

Q.—And after you had received these two sums, they in the aggregate overpaid the price of stock and interest $829,

which

you paid him A.—Yes, sir. Q.—How was-that paid? A.—Paid in money, I believe.

Q.—Did you make a statement of this to Mr. Garfield I presume so I think I did to all of them.

Q.—When you paid him this $339, did he understand it was the balance of hi*

dividend after paving for hiss tock A—I suppose so I do not know what else he could suppose.

Q.—You understood you were a holder of his ten shares A.—Yes, sir. Q.—Did he so understand it? A-—I presume so. It seems to have tjoao from his mind, however.

Q.—Was this the only dealing you had with him in reference to any stock? A.,—I think so:

Q.—Was it the only transaction of any kind? A-—The only transaction. Q.—Has that $329 ever been paid to you? A.—I have no recollection of it.

Have vou any belief that it ever

Q.—our answer indorsed on the back was published in the newspapers? A.— Yes, sir. He published the letter, I believe.

Q.—The published correspondence in the morning papers of jthe next day is your recollection of what occurred A.— It agrees with my recollection, except that he says he left a letter: for me at the Arlington. I never received that letter. I only saw the letter on which I indorsed my answer.

Q.—Did he inclosc the money A.— Some money came to me inclosea in an envelope, which he said he had sent. I gave it back to him.

Q.—How much money was in that envelope. A.— FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS.

The following memorandum, referred to by witness as a statement of his account with Mr. Garfield, was placed in evidence:

J. A. G.

1868.—To ten shares of stock Credit Mobilier of A.. $1,000 00 Interest 47 00 June 19—To cash J329 00 $1,376 00

3:

has"? A.—3Sfo, sir. Q.—Did you ever loan General Garfield $300 A.—Not to my nowled ge, except that he calls this a loan.

Q.—Has there ever been anything said between you and him about rescinding the purchase of the ten shares of the Credit Mobiler stock has there been anything said to you of its being thrown up, or abandoned, or surrendered A.—No sir not imtil recently.

Q.—Since this investigation commenced A.—Yes, sir. Q.—If you had any correspondence between you I would like to see at. A.— I have no copy of it.

Q.—Have you the original A—No sir. Mr. Garfield showed me a letter which he said he intended to inclosc with some money sent me. I did not know who the money came from.. He showed me a letter which he said he had intended to put in. I indorsed on the back of that letter my reply, and let him have it.

Cr.

1963.—By dividend bonds Union ,, Pacific Railroad, $1,000 at 80 per cent less 3 per cent., $ 776 00 June 17—By dividend collected for your account 600 00

$1,376 00

Here is what Oakes Ames, a Republican member of Congress from the orthodox Republican state of Massachusetts, testified before the committee. What is to be done with the testimony Ames stands before the country unimpeached. Are his statements to be summarily and blindly ignored He was a man of such character that ee was indorsed by his neighbors, and with their votes elected to Congress. He could have had no motives other than motives of friendship. I (c and Garfield belonged to the same political party. Put yourselves in the jury box, men of Indiana, and decide this matter. Ames swears he sold him the stock that Garfield paid him no money that the, purchase stood upon an ownerslin of property that would pay for itself and Accumulated a

SURRLUS PROFIT OF $329, -1

which he paid to James A. Garfield. Ames swears that the purchase of the ten shares of Credit Mobelier was never abandoned, and that nothing was said about its being abandoned until Polahd's investigation was actually inaugurated. Amos swears that Garfield dickered with him about a letter being sent with money in itf. What was the purpose of that? Four hundred dollars were sent. What for and why was it paid back to Garfield Ah, gentlemen, it was the nervous, toolish act of a guilty man, struggling to hide the tracks of his cuilt.

Continued on Eighth Page.

*45

THE

t*$

Indiana University

BL00MINGT0N, INDIANA.

College year begins Sept. 2d, 1880. Tuition Free. Contingent fee, 83..rj0 per term. Both sexes admitted on equal conditions. For Catalogues and other Information, address ROBT. C. FOSTER, LEMCEI, MOSM,

Secretary. s:s.s President,

THE NEW FOOD

MEDICINE

i-4

FOBand

ENFEEBLED DIGESTION, Impoverished Blood, Weak Lungs, Kidneys, Urinary Organs, Consumption, Emaciation, Mental and Physical Exhaus-

Strengthenlng, Vitalizing and purifying by reason of their richndhs in Bone and Muscle Producing Material than all other forms of malt or medicine, while free from the objections urged against malt liquors. Pre* pared by the MALT BITTERS CO., from

frrmented Malt and Hop*.

mmmm

Un-

Sold everywhere.

MAI/^BITTKHB CO., Boston, Maaa j— BookJCand Music ..

and shipped,only

Hiioromitsa

985. New Pianos.3196 to 81/XX). *Gr-Midsum-mer offer Ill'st'd freeXAddress Daniel F. Beatty, Washington, N.