Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 24 April 1879 — Page 6

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ICoutli/tieu Fr?m Second Pajrc.] srtitrary authority of the Sultan? What has happened in New York has happen ed elsewhere, and may happen every where. Shall the laws which make such scenes possible remain in force? I in yoke againki them the memories of the mi-hty dead who fell for independence who enriched the foil of MassacnusetU wii' their blood at Lexington, Concord, and Hunker Hill who struggled with Washington at Brandy wine, and charged ndechis eye at Princeton, Trenton, and Monmouth" who tasted death at Camden, the Co wpens, and Eufaw Springs, in order that we might be free who yielded up their brave spirits on the plains cf York'own in the precious hour of tinal victory. By these gT at souls, by (heir privations, sorrows, wnguish, and pa.n, I implore the American people not to forget the value of those liberties which are now trampled under foot with every circumstance of hcorn and contempt.

At this point, however, and in this connection, another brancn ot legitlation on the Mibject of popular elections calls for our consideration. In presenting the elaborate and carefully constructed system of laws ft.r the suppression of selfgovernment, we aru next confronted by those provisions which place the land and naval forces of the United States at the polls. Those who conceivcd and enactor these Uws were not content until the sword as well as the purfe of the nation was prostituted to the suppression of flection*. I have only to apoeal to trie lawo themselves to make good this statement, strong as it may appear. Thi section moit familiar to the public mind is 5528 o{ the Revised Statutes, and is often eked in proof of the harmless purposes of the Army. It has in fact, at a ha»ty glance, a nomewhat innocent aspect, but a moment's inspection wiil show mat like ttie Trojan horse its real object is to carry armed meu into a citadcl—in this instance the catadel of libertv—without exciting suspicion or resistance. It was enacted in February, 186^, and its language is as follows: "Every officer of the Army or Navy or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, who orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is he'd ia any btate, unless such force be necessary to repel arrn.ed enemies of the United States or to keep the peace at the polls, shall be fined not more than $5,000, and suffer imprisonment at hard labor not less than three months nor more than live years.'

Here is simply a cheap display of pre leaded severity against military inter-1 leience with elections, while the sole purpose of the section was to authorize the pretence of armediroops at the polls under the vague pretext of keeping the peace. Sir, ivho is to determine the necetsitv of tne presence ot the Army or the Navy at the place of voting on election day to keep the peace? Who is to pass upon this plea ot military necessity and give the command to clo.^e in on the ballot-box with the bayonet? Under this Section it is efident that the Presi dent of the United otates as Commander--in-Chief would have that duty to perform. What a dazzling field here opens tor the operations of a usurper! It is matter of history that Caesar while in Gaul sent his emissaries to Rome to incite riots and disturbances at th« election in order to give him the pretext he craved, to keep the peace at the polls with his trained legions at his back. Napoleon the Great crushed the liberties of France under the tyrant's usual guise of preserving public order by force of arms and Napoleon the Lesser in our own day followed his ex ample. It is difficult to conceive that such an enactment could be found among the statutes of a republic, but is my painful duty to show two others on the same subject far more dangerous, if possible, than this Section 19S9, found in the revised statutes under the title "civil rights," confers on the President in ex press terms the powers which are implied in bection 5528. There is no attempt here to deceive. The army and navy are boldly placed at the disposal of the President to use at his discretion over a Tange of subjects and in the control of their details as extensive a a the rights of man under a free constitution. The words of the section are a# follows: "It s! all be lawful for the President of the United States, or such person as he may empower for that purpose, to em ploy, such part of the land or naval forces of the United States or c.fthe militia, as may be necessary to aid in the execution of judicial process issued under any of the preceding provisions, or as shail be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of the provisions of his title."

There are fifteen sections in this title, and they embrace the assertion and enforcement of every right and privilege known to Ameiican oitis?j. Thc\ were p.epared and enactea for ihe purpose of placing the negro on an exact equality in every particular with tne wnite man before "the law, and they consequently cover as much ground as the Constitution itself. Section 19S9 contemplates the military control of elections not only, but of everything else that belongs to the States, Territories, counties, cities, and ererv other ofmunicipalitv. It,MterIy ahragajfes^he Constitution of tKl£ Ignited States, |iy that instrument section 4, artiafe^ extent of thep&Vver of the Federal* "ernmefttrto $fe«id troops to a St3U« is de---W a: "T^v tinited State* __ kytiiulMftfc in litis UnUtyHtir, ftepublieaB government and'shall protect e&Cti th£m against Invasion,' and On ftppli|tanon

tne Legislature, or of the exec

utive, (wt^n the Legi-latune oannot fce. ^convened,) "against domestic vipjfeocfci1

This short and pregnant sentence

the fathers* between the Federal Government and the States in regard the character and enforcement of State constitutions and laws, pfoere has been 1 much confuiiotl of ideas^and thie wildest vagaries of construction growing' out of this clause of the Federal

Constitution, and especially in relation to that part of it which guarantees t6 every State a republican form-fpfet»tfl!ing tBWfWBis W30gKWrS,xcite .. of government. I have heard it content^- .^e jeers,

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uctme.ii, u:ricL ether members 10 be sworn in a»J otner laws to be enacted, and in general and in an especiai marw.rr Ukr charge of ail loc.il interests. Ail thi«,, too, was to be upheld and enforced by United States military authority if necessary. Sir. may it not be well to understand exactly what it is that the Federal Government is called on to gaurantee to the Slate? A republican form of governmeut is something easily defined. The term "republic,'' as applied to a political organization, is derived from the two Latin words, res, a thing, ao affair, and publica, public, meaning a public affair in which all have a common interest, in which their is neither royalty nor rank fixed by law. Webster defines a republican for ofm government t* be: "A state in which the soverign power exercised by representatives elected by by the people a common wealth."

Taking this as the true meaning of the expression used in the Federal Constitution, and we have no difficulty in understating that when a State has framed and adopted a constitution in harmony therewith, and maintains it, ttyi Federal Government has no more power to i« terfere with or send armed lorces into the State, except upon its own application to resist invasion or to suppress domestic violence, than the State ha3 to assume the functions of the Federal Goverment

But there remains one more section authorizing the use of the Army and Navy to subvert free elections which demands our attention. I I urn to it, I confess, with feelings of repugnance. It completes the degradation of that Army and Navy whose fame and glory fill the whole earth, it shows to what base uses the heroes of a hundred battles may be put by the vaulting ambition cf radical partisans. It is sec ton 1984, and reads as follows.

The commissioners authorized to be appointed by the proceeding section are empowered, within their respective counties, to appoint, in writing, under their hands, one or more suitable persons, from time to time, who shall execute all such warrants or other process a the commissioners may issue in the lawful performance of their duties, and the persons so appointed 6hall have authority to summon and call to their aid the bystanders or POSSE COM 1 TAT us of the proper county, or sucb portion of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as tnay be necessary to the performance of the duty with which they are charged and such warrants shall run and be executed any,vvhere in the State or Territory within which the}' are issued."

The warrants or other process mentioned in this section, and which the commissioners may issue are such as are provided for the arrest and intimidati«n of voters before elections on election day, and afterward. They are such as are ontemplated in chapter 7 of the title "Crimes," on which I have already commented. We behold, therefore, by virtue of this most amazing section, the Armband Navy of the United States, not placed under the cotr.tnand of the President or such person as he may empower, presumably an officer of high rank and character, to regulate and eontrol elections, but ordered to obey the "summon and call" of the lowest agents, and, naturally, the vilest instruments of this whole pernicious business. Let us pause and look for a moment at the scene which is here provided for. Tiie circuit courts of the United States and the district courts of the Territories are authorized by section 19S3 to increase the number of commissioners from time to time, so as to afford a speedv and convenient means for the arrest and examination of persons charged with ciimes against the election laws, until the whole land shall swarm with commissioners bent on the success of their party. Then these commissioners, appointed for a political purpose, are empowered in every county in the United States to appoint one or more persons whom they may deem suitable to execute their process and carry out their edicts. And how astounding and incredible it seems, in this age of advanced civilization, that these innumerable deputy commissioners, thesg irresponsible sublessees of unconstitutional power, should have by the express words of American law, the authority to summon and call to their aid not merely the bystanders and the po6se comitatus of the country, but such portion of the land or naval forces of the United States or of the militia as they may consider necessary tothepeiformance of their duties!

Here are the plain words of the law, and there is not a Senator on this floor who will gainsay my statement. Sir, who are these people on whom the most tremenddus powers know to human governments have been so lavishly bestowed? 1 have no word of disparagement for United States commissioners, appointed perform the legitimate duties of that useful office, but for political instruments, thrust bv partisan hate and ambition inthat position, and for those still below them, 1 have neither respect nor torbearaice.

Yet of snch as these are made the commanders of the military and naval forcss of this Government to these miserable, clinging camp followers of any party in power, occupying as they do, the lowest and most disreputable places in the rear rank of political warfare, the roudest plumed chief tain, the mostpeer^ariors on land ancT on sea, must bo^ their J*eads and obey their.man

«d in debate in Congress that by virtue every lover & Uberty on the inhabitable tit thinvpower of guarantee the Federal

Will some. Senator tell me how e*ndMbriIUanittShernian, bearing shingtonever

a l.ij»M»rarik |han #ea' t)ore, is tolscage o^aWcM to a deputy *UlUuGretap*i%Vfll some lie Pfijnt out to me'«^ un(9ejr *he law stands, Shern^y«j^&k, or the Secretary of War himsrfT i^ sffrefuse rnitftary^subjection and cc^BfcraJfllii to any ofspring of the political eeWfcr apoointc^l by a Spited Statrs co -»«r-fmd bearing a warrant or ot

with an offense against the election laws. I will not stop to say that this is JtionBtrous. Thatwillbe thfcjioifersal verdict. I will not pause to denounce such laws as wholly infamous, for that wilibethe judgment not only of the American people but of all the civilized nations of the world. Simply to call up and exhibit such a horrible death^ head as this in the laws of a commonwealth

the hisses, and the execrafitas of

e',obe.

-Government could unseat membeis of a United States! How often the banquet State Legi-la:are, annul kws of their, en-! hall and the fe&tiye board have run with 1 1

The army and the navy of the

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achievements have be^n the theme| thorized by ot poetry and ot f-ong! Whose heart has not Hwelied with emotion at the mention "f revolutionary fields of lame? Whose eye has not kindled at the storv cf Lundy'i Ltine, the Thames, Tippecanoe, and New Orleans? Who«e tpirit does net feel exalted when Buena Vista. Monterey ,Cerr:j Gordo, Cherubusco. and Chapultepec pa*s in stately review? And whose eyes have not grown moist' and dim with enthusiasm in reading the battles of the ocean, and those deadly conflicts of the sea which have made" American genius and courage as imperishable in history as the fixed stars are in the heavens over our heads?

Sir, these sentiments are universal in the American heart, but who now will speaK the eulogy or sing in heroic verse the deeds of the Army and the Navy ot the United States used to overthrow "free elections under the command of deputy United States commissioners? Others may answer the question I cannot. His tory, however, gives no uncertain answer as to the final result of snch legislation. All the free governments of the past have withered away and perished by the introduction of military force into the management of their civil affairs. We will prove no exception to this invariable rule. Even in England, the homeot monarchy, governed bv kings and queens and a hereditary nobility, the people, nearly a hundred and fifty years ago, demanded and enforced the entire absence of troops from the polls on election day, in order that they might preserve their rights, whatever they were, under the British constitution. A committee of this body on a former occasion described the objects of the well-known statute of George II in the following terms: "Itcannot escape notice that the leading object of this ancient statute, as sufficiently evidenced by the preamble, was the preservatio.1 of the rights and liberties of the kingdom, cot their destruction. And the history of the times shows that the prohibition to keep military forces near places where there was an election of members of Parliament, arose from outrages practiccd upon the electors by the ministers in posting troops so as to overawe them, and coerce them into the returning of candidates fr.endly to the ministerial party, and the supporters of prerogative against popular rights."

This description of the use «f the military on election day sounds painfully familir at this time to American ears. Our ancestors, even in the daik reign of the second George, a century and a half ago, would not brook* such outrages upon the electors. Are we, with all the increase of light and liberty now in the world, to be denounced for demanding just what they did? The Senator from Massnchusetts [Mr. Hoar] in his recent speech found nothing to censure or disapprove in the use of the Army or Navy to controle elections. Another Senator from the same State held different views. Daniel Webster declared:

men would enjoy the bles ings of republican government they must govern themselves by reason, by mutual counsel and consultation, by a sense and feeling of general interest, and by the acquiescence of the minority in the wiil of the majority properly expressed and above all the military must be kept, according to the language of our bill of rights, in strict subordination to the civil authority.\ Wherever this lesson is not learned and practiced there «an-be no political freedom. Absurd, preposterous is it, a scoff, and a satire on fre^ forms of constitutional liberty, for forms of government to be prescribed by military leaders, and the right of suffrage to be exercised at the point of the sword.'

Passing, however, in the order of discussion to another part of this general system for the suppression of free elections, I approach next the improper use of the Federal judiciary. A greater calamity than political courts hardly ever befell any people. There is no form of oppression so dangerous ^is judicial unfairness. An armed invasion of constitutional rights can be speedily met by armed resistance. Force provokes force. in return, and the humblest intellect can comprehend such an issue as quickly as the greatest. The proceedings of courts, on the other hand, are not always plain to the common mind. Little by little they can, by false constructions. destroy the principles of free government unobserved except by the few who are learned in the law. Judges, therefore, of a partisan bias, carrying with them on the bench party convictions and party zeal, are of all the officers of the Government the most formidable instruments of political warfare. It was of such as these that Jefferson spoke in :S20 when he faid

The judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working under ground to undermine the foundation of our confederated fabric. They are construing our constitution from a co-ordinate of a general and special government to a general and supreme one alone."

It was in view also of partisan judges that he said: "Our judges are as honest as other men and not more so. They have, with others, the same passion for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps. Their maxim is 'boni judlcis est ampliare jurisdictionem,' and their power the more dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the other func tionaries are. to the elective control."

It is indeed a most obvious fact, verified by the experience of all ages, as well as by the wisdom of the foremost minds in history, that courts ot justice cannot be invested with political purposes without demoralizing th^ ^pole Judicial, system, and inflicting dagger on every right belonging to the citizen. Yet the judiciary of the United States has been boldly seized upon, anJ nearlv all its parts applied to the support and permanence of a political party. The authors of the laws for that purpose made the circuit and the district courts of the United States the fountain and the beginning of the entire plot against the freedom of the ballot-box. Any two persons filled

a nave run \vith able noraes ot political omted States that

floquence in their praise! Ho*v often their Commissioners contemplated and au-1!most justly and wisely, that no greater

a.<p></p>Section

This list of carefully enumerated powers comprises all that the Constitution devolves on the Federal judiciary. Will some Senator point out to me the clause which authorizes United States judges to appoint officers to manage popular elections? The judicial power of the United States has been given to the Federal courts, and the subjects to which that power can be applied have been specifically designated. Is there anything ir. this specific designation which relates to the control of Federal, county, parish, city, or town elections? Is it a judicial function to appoint a supervisor or a chief supervisor of elections? Is it a judicial duty imposed by the Constitution to open court, keep open court, and sit in chambers at the command of excited and prejudiced politicians? Is it a^burlesque on the memory of «ur fathers to pretend that laws imposing such services and duties on the judges of the United States are constitutional. I am aware that by virtue of the latter clause of section 2, article

If these questions can be answered in the affirmative, and if sHch duties were actually imposed on the courts, then, and only then, can CoDgress make use of the courts for the appointment of supervisors, commissioners, and other officers for the invasion of local self government. Or. the contrary, it is clear to my mind that Congress has no such power, and that the Federal courts have been debauched for political ends and party success, in open and flagrant violence of the Constitution. The founders of this Government amied to create an impartial and independent judiciary, with no other than judicial duties to contemplate or perform, buch a judiciary can only be maintained by its entire separation from all party issues considerations, or managemeut. The minister of the^ospel, standing in holy places, must not be more free Irom the taint of the wotld than the judge from political feeling or bias.

And not only the eyil itself, but the very appearance of the evil must be avoided.* I once witnessed a signal illustration of this idea. A distinguished judge qf one of the State courts of Indiana was holding court at a time of high political

with party zeal in a city or"town of over'excitement in a strongly "democratic twenty thousand inhabitants, or any ten'county. It was brought to his attention persons under the same inspiration in a county or parish without respect to population can command the Federal courts at their pleasure.

The chief supervisor, the xomrhandty"-in-chief in certain respects of this invading force, is likewise an offspring of judicial prostitution. So also the innumerable hordes ot political United States

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that the grand jury was made up entire 1 from the democratic party, of which tie was himself a prominent member. He at once discharged the panel,, remarking that it was as necessary to satisfy the people that the administration of justice ih 7'j their courts wa* fsee

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deputies under them, with power as I ernment than a loss of confidence on the nave shown, to command the Army and Navy all these strange and illegitimate election officials spring trom the Federal courts, embraced as they have been by an arrogant and lawless political party. The deputy United States marshals, unlimited in number and viciouslr partisan in purpose, have in fact a similar origin, for they are appointed by the marshal, always in political accord with the Administration in power and always subject to the influence of the court. Can it be necessary to show that the framers of the Constitution never designed the Federal judiciary lor such base ends ends as these? Can it be necessary to show that the appointment and control of election officers constitute no part of the judical power oi this Government? The Constitution declares: "The judical power ot the United States snail be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may trom time to time ordain and establish.'"

It also declares: "The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be mad», under their authority —to all case« affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls to all cases of ad mirality and maritime iurisdictian to controversies to which^he United States Bhall be a party: to controversies between two or more states between a state and citizens of another state between citizens of different states between citizens of the same state claiming iands under grants ot different states and between a state, or the citizens thereof, iud foreign states, citizens, or subjects."

of the Constitution

it is claimed that Congress has the power to confer upon the United States courts the appointment of certain inferior officers, and among them the election officer^ to whom I object. That clause i6 in these words:

But the Congress may by the law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law or in the heads of Departments.

But a construction has be£n placed on this provesion which shows that Congress cannot authorize the courts or the heads of Departments to make adpointments outside of their respective spheres of duty. In the case Ex parte Duncan vs. N. Hennan, 13 Peters.257. the Supreme Court of the United States pass upon this question as follows: "By the Constitution of the United States, article

section 2, it is provided

that the President shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint certain officers therein designated, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law buttha Congress may by law vest the appointment ot such inferior officers as they shall think proper in the Prasident alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of Departments. The appointing power here designated in the latter part «f the section was no doubt intended to be exercised by the Department of the Government to which the officer to be appointed most appropriately belonged. The appointment of clerks of courts properly belong* to the courts of law, and that a clerk is one of the inferior officers contemplated by this provision of the Cpnstitution cannot be questioned."

Will any one contend, however, in view of this decision, that because the courts have been authorized to appoint their own clerks and-other inferior officers appropriately belonging to the courts, they can also be authorized by Congress to appoint all the clerks in the various Departments? Will any one insist that Congress has the power to vest the appointment of postmasters, revenue collectors, and cu-tom-house officials in the courts of law?

part of the people in the purity and impartiality of their courts. And yet at this moment the Revised Statutes of the United States are crowded .with laws inspired and enacted in the very rage of party bitterness and ambition, which pour the whole business of party contests and party elections into the once sacred precincts of the Federal courts! The mere contact even of tuch subjects with the judicial mind is unwholesome to the cause of justice but when judges are required and are willing to become active instruments in their control the fountains, of our jurisprudence have received a deadly poison.

It is in this connection, too. that the perversion of the jury system to political purposes by test oaths assumes its moat important and most a'arming aspect Sections S20 and 821, excluding from the jurv-box all such as in any way participated in the late rebellion, are sitnplv parts of a general system of legislation placing the entire machinery of the Federal courts, including the grand and petit juries, in strict alliance with the fortunes of a political party. In at least eleven States* these sections surrender the finding of indictments and trial) by jury in the United States courts to negroes, controlled by party leaders, and to a still more unworthy ciass of white men. The intelligence, the cultivation, the public virtue, all such as are responsible for the peace, order, and welfare of society, are disqualified as jurors if they joined in the rebellion or it they gave it aid or comfort in money, arms, horses, clothes, or anything whatever for the use or benefit of any person who had joined or was.about to join. "Whenever the President has reason to believe that offenses have been, or are likely to be, committed against the provisions of chapter 7 of the Title Crimes, within an judicial district, it shall be law. ful for him, in his discretion, to direct the judge, marshal, and district attorney of such district to atten 1 at such place within the district, and for such time a* he may designate, for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of persons so charged, and it shall be the duty of every judge or other officer, when any such requisition is received by him, to attend at the place and for the time thereof designated."

In the old and darkcr« days of English jurisprudence we read of juries in a state in disagreement being ourted through the circuit from one point to another until coerced intofi'iding a verdict but I think this is, the first instance in civilized history where the court itself, with ail its otficers, was compelled to travel, to atop, and to open for business at the discretion and command of executive authority. The President, perhaps a candidate for re election, has only to believe that ofienses are lik-ly to be committed and he can at once send the courts where he pleases, to remain as long as he orders, intimidating and overawing the inhabitants of any county, parish, or town that is politically opposed to him

It is the climax of a premeditated system of complete withdrawal of all powers from the people: and the States and for their centralization in the executive department. It is the logical oonclusion of a well-wrought plan, perfect in all .its de tails, for a revolution toward ^consolidation and ultimate monarchy. There was a party when our constitution was formed in favor of what they styled a higher-toned government that is to say, a government further removed from the sovereign will of the common people. The idea of such a government was embraced in the draught of a constitution presented to the con vention of 1787 by the great leader of the federalists providing for a hereditary monarchy and corresponding departments of government. There is a farlarger party to-day in this country in favor of the principles then enunciated than there was at that time, and the laws are now in force to put them at once into active operation.

And what cause is to be assigned for all these violent departures from the original principles and purposes of this Government? Who wUl stand forth and justify them, and say why the very elements of civil liberty must

But I utterly deny that anything in the conduct or condidon of the southern people requires &uch laws as now blacken the pages of our statutes. They have barne the results of the war with patient submission to every form of force or of law that has been imposed upon them

They have vindicated themselves, under the most trying circumstances, as a law abiding people, and have fastened upon their enemies the odious crime of calumny and slander. Others may if they choose conjure up with evil magic the fierce sec tional spirits that led to rivers of blood in the past I will not. Nor do I envy the heart of the man who engages in euch work. His efforts are at war with the peace and glory of his country, and his name will be preserved by the future historian to illustrate the obstacles which progress and Christian civilization had to overcome.

Sir, my task on this occasion draws to a close. I have confined myself to the discussion of a series of laws which are, in my judgment, wholly fatal to free government. J^ong others, I have pointed out those for the repeal or modification of which the party to which I belong stands pledged. The issue thus joined is not sectional. It now concerns the personal liberty of the northern as much as it does ihe southern voter./ The destruction originally aimed at free electiona, and an independent jurtyjary ia the South ex

tends now to every section of the Union alike. 1 ask the American tax-payer. reear«lle*s ot his locality, whether he "approves that svstem of destruction? When we vote awav his hard-earned money on this floor, I ask him whether we ought not first guarante'e to him his liberties and give him the protection of a freeman at the ballot-box and in the courts?

That is the sole question here this hour. Shall the tax-paver receive as compensation for his toil the blessings of self-government or shall he like Issachar of o"«d couch down between two burdens, the burden of debt, and the burden of enslavement both? Shall he bow his shoulder to bear, and become a servant unto tribute, with no more rights in the control of his own government than election overseers, deputy marshals, commissioners. anH political courts may see fit to grant him? That is the naked question for the people to decide. Others have discussed with great ability the manner in which the repeal of these laws is proposed. I have no concern on that point. If they are obnoxious to freedom and justice they ought to fall, and no better time or place for their repeal could occur than in connection with measures appropriating the people's money for the support of their Government! The cheap and shallow

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stroyed in our midst? Is this massive structure of despotism, created by the laws I have pointed out, made necessary by the results of the war which ended fourteen years ago and must it be upheld for the government of the Southern States? If so, then indeed has the North paid a dearer price than has evei yet been estimated for the preservation of the Union. Time repairs the loss of treasure and assuages a nation's grief for her gallent dead, but for the loss of liberty there is no compensation, and after it there comes no resurrection. The conquest of the South at the expense of free elections and upright courts would be a most dismal and b'.wren victory, recoiling with curses on this and all sue ceeding generations. What shall it profit the American people if they gain the whole earth and lose their own liberties?

revolution will

deceive nobody, no: even those who want to be deceived. The people will principally care to know the true character of the laws under consideration, and thev will judge our woik accordingly. If the laws we propose to repeal are right we will *tand condemned in the public mind but if on the other hand they are odious in the si^ht of the American people w»* wi.l he iustifird.

CATARRH

A PHYSICIAN'S TE8TIM0NY.

30 Years a Ptiyaieian. 12 Years a Sufferer. Tried Regular Remedies. Tried Patent Medloines. Per-

manently cured by

MNFORD'S RADICAL CURE.

^YJESSRS. WEEKS A POTTER, Bfrt: I hava practised medicine for thirty years, and li»vo been sufferer myself for twelve years wltli Catarrh In the nasal passages, fauces and larynx. I if In the materia metttca withlef, until finally I was Indnced

have nsed everything oat any pormanent rnr to try patent medicine (something that we aliopathlsta are very loth to do). I tried and divers ethers nntll I got hold cf yours. I followed the directions to the letter, and am happy to auv have had a permanent cure. Tonr RADICAL CURB Is certainly a happy combination for tho enre of that most unpleasant and dangerous of diseases.

Yonrs, respocMWly, D.W.ORAT.M.O.,

Of Dr. D. W. Gray & Son, Physicians and Druggists. Muscatine, Iowa. JfasOATOT, IOWA,March 27,1877.

The value of this remedy most not be overlooked In the cure of those

SYMPATHETIC DISEASES,

Affections of the Eye, Ear, Throat, Lungs and Bronchial Tubes which In many cases accompany a severe case of Catarrh. The inflamed nna diseased condition of tho mucons membrane is the cause of all these troubles and until the system has been brought properly under the Influence of the RADICAL CORE, perfect freedom from them cannot be reasonably expectcd.

It is but throe year* since SANFORD'S RADICAL CURE was placid before tho p«Mlc, but in that short time It has found its way from Maine to California, and is overjwh.',re ackiv iwlfelged by drugglsta and physicians to be tho most successful preparation for thethoroogl ever compounded. The Fact will be deemed of more lmportanca when It Is coupled with the ststement that within five years over 280 different remedies for Catarrh have been plaeed ou sale, and to-day, with one or two exceptions, their names cannot be recalled by tM best-Informed druggist. Advertising may succeed In forcing a few sales, but. unless the remedy possess undoubted specific medical properties, it is absolutely certain to fall Into merited obscurity.

Ot SANFORD'S RADICAL CUBE id Inhaling Tube,

contains Dr. HSanford's Improved with full directions for its use In all casea. Price

I.60. Sold by all wholesale and retail druggists and throughout the United States and Canadas, WEEKS TOTTER, General Agents and Whole, sale Dragftats, Boeton, Mass.

•CHUMS1

VOLTAIC PLASTER

IS SIMPLY WONDERFUL.

KnrasTo*. Mnnr., April »,18TT.

I consider COLLINS' VOLTAIO FLASTU the best plaster I ever tow, and am recommending -v them to all. „C- MoMonaow.

Htrin, III., April 18, lSTT.f

It has done my boy more good

(v than all other medicines. Ho f' now goes to 1 time in threo

now goes to school, for the first in threo years.

ELIZA JJLUM DVTTZMLD.

KXXA, III., April a, jffJTf

I like the one I got well. They are the best plasters, no doubc».. la the world. 8. L. MoGux.

Asa Gmovx, Mo., March 22,1877.

Accept my thanks for good derived from the two COLLurs' PLASTKBS sent roe soma time ago. W. C. Moosx.

COLLINS' VOLTAIC PLASTER

for local pains, lameness, soreness, weakness, numbness, and inflammation of the lungs, liver, kidneys, spleen, bowels, bladder, heart, and muscles, is equal to an army of doctors and acrts of plants and shrubs. „r.

MoejaSoenttu

Sold by all Wholesale and Retail Druggists throughout the United States and Canadas, and by WEEKS A POTTER, Proprietors. Boston. Mass.

No 11.014. STATE OF INDANA COUNTY OF VIGO, IN* TIE VI GO CIRCUIT COURT WELTHY

J. KEERNS vs JACJB L. KEERNS in Divorce: Be it known, that on the 1st day or March, 1879, it was ordered by the Court that the Clerk notify bj publication said Jacob L. Keerns, as non-resident defendant of tne pender.sy of this action, against him.

Said defendant is therefore hereby notified of the pendency of said action against him, and that the same will stand for trial at the April term of said Court in the vear 1879

JOHN K. DURKAN, Clerk.

Havens Coffrotn, Plaintiff's Attorneys

Sristl

NEWEXCITIN6 BOOK! I V'V TH THE WILD ADVESTU IE3 O

+r3%

STANLEY IT 'AFRICA

fbs

only authentic tlnd copyrighted cheap •dition. A full history of his won-irrfon liscoveries in Africa and msrvcloiu journey down the L'dngo. TXoW "f-llitog taster tnan »D$other I-ook in Am r)'a.

iSmWASIB ES..2X

HUBKARD BROTHERS, |Uojilm, St., Cincinnati, Ovj

i. 1'.'