Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 6 March 1879 — Page 4

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The DAILY GAZETTE is published •very afternoon except were 10 per cent higher in

for*

Isold bj the cariier at 80e. per night, by mail. $8*00 per year for six month s, $ 2.0 0 for three mo THE WEEKLY GAZETTE is ererjr Thursdry, and contains best matter ef the six daily is THE WEEKLY GAZETTE/** largest paper printed in Tew Haute, and is sold tor. One eopy i*r y®aT» $1.60: six months, 76e thiee months, 40a. All subscriptions mast be paid in advance. No raper discontinued an til all arrearages are£ aid, unless at the option of the prop^etor. A failure to notify a discontinuance at the end of the year will be considered anew engagement.

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Address all letters, ""'/mi. C. HALL 4c o. GAZETTE- Terre Sante.

THURSDAY, MARCH 6, 1879.

THE LADIES'AID SOCIETY. Citizens will remertiber that it has been customaly for the Ladies' Aid Society annually 10 solicit subscriptions. Heretofore this has been done in the fall or early winter. Subscriptions have been taken in money or in dry goods, provisions or clothing, either new or old. It has been necessary to do this each year because the numerous demands upon the society could not be met by the, money .arising from the endowment fund. During the fall and winter just past they have not as yet asked the city for any contributions. By a careful husbanding of their resources they have been enabled to meet the just demands upon their charity until this time. Now however they find themselves without money or supplies, and with a great many applicants daily asking for aid. They have, therefore, decided to make an appeal to the charitable citizens of Terre Haute at this time. Wednesday and Thursday of next week members of the Society will be in charge of the store room on the south side of Main between Third and Fourth. It is the room formerly occupied by Mr. R. Gagg. There they will be «Iad to receive sncb contributions as the citizens may bs disposed to give.

No personal canvass of .the eity will be made by the members this year as wa,. formerly done. Persons.desiring to assis the society in the beneficent work it is en. gaged in prosecuting, will bring to the room designated, such articles as they are able and willing to give. Money of course is always acceptable. Donations of provisions, dry goods, and clothing will be thankfully received and can be used with advantage. Many articles of clothing which have really been cast off by their owners and would, in the natural course of events, be seldom if ever used again and would would only encumber closets and feed moths, can be used to advantage by the Ladies Aid Society. The GAZETTE urges upon its readers of both setts to go through their closets tomorrow. Go through leisurely in the afternoon, while you are thinking of the morning sermon. Pick out every piece of wearing apparel you can possibly spare. Do not be sentimental over your old clothes. Do not save every piece which a lively imagination can conjure up a use for some time in the sweet bye and bye. Gather together every 6crap you do not 6ee a use for in the immediate future. Bundle it up and take it to the Society's room. Who knows but that in thus cleaning out your closets and devoting the surplus contents to a worthy charitable object you may succeed in taking also from that same closet the traditional skeleton which is supposed to haunt every house! If anything could take a skeleton from a closet and bar and bolt the door forever against his return it ought to be the giviog away of useless clothing—tlte companions of his confinement

The GAZETTEcalls the attention of it8 readers to one point, which ought to commend itself to business men particularly. There is to be no canvass made, but people who wish to give are expected to bring their donations to the room provided. People who never did have any fondness for being canvassed, and who have been, perhaps, just a little bit worried by daily solicitations for the purchase of tickets to all 6orU of fairs and festivals, will certainly appreciate the dignified attitude of this worthiest ot all our societies, and endorse its conduct in declining to make a personal canvass. It is to be hoped they will testify their appreciation by more generous donations than they would make if they were repeatedly called on personally. Certainly no charity can be worthier than this, which has enlisted the sympathies and takes the time of the ladies who have it in charge.

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of Statistics and Labor,

ing for the advance in the cost of it is shown that the average weekly es of workingmen in manufacturing mechanical industries in Massachu* 1878 than in i860.** Wages had advanced 24.f per cent, ill those eighteen years and the prices of the necessaries of life—food, clothing and shelter—14.5 oer cent. It must also be understood that the increased wages for 1878 were paid for fewer hours of work than the wages in i860.

Last June, as readers of the GAZETTE will remember, this Bureau of Statistics estimated that "there were ~"51,821 able-bodied men out of work in Massachusetts. In November following the number of unemployed men in the same State was estimated at 16,000. If idle women be added to both lists, the number of unemployed in November was 23,000 as against (28,508 in June. From this showing it would appear as if the times steadily improved from June on through the remainder o^ summer and the fall.

Further than this, the Lai or Bureau shows that the workingman of Massachusetts have the best quality of food, though not perhaps in *s great quantities as formerly. It reports them as practicing rigid economy in the purchase of dry goods, clothing, food, fuel, house furnishing goods and the multitude of articles necessary to comfortable existence.

It would have been gratifying if the Bureau had instituted a full comparison between prices in 1872 and 1878. A partial comparison is made from which the following is taken.

V„*v//

the

matter of the unemployed and

the wages paid to laborers in several branches of trade: »,

aVt

1873.

Laboreis (all kinds) Carpenters Masons and stone critters Bricklayers Plasterers Painters Roofers Holders Sawyers Harnessraakers.. Blacksmiths... Longshoremen

Cabinetmakers Itoxmakers Mate's Wagonmskers Brass-finishers Eng.net-rs Iron-workers Tailors (custom) Jewelers Shoemakers Capmakers Cigar makers Weavers

FOR

A CHEERFUL OUTLOOK LABOR. A complete and reliable investigation into the subject of wages and prices has recently begn made by the Massachu-

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Provisions were then (in 1872) 17 per cent, higher than now. Groceries were then (in 1S72) 43 per cent, higher than now.

Fuel was then (in 1872) 44 per cent, higher than now. Dry goods were then (in 1872) 40 per cent higher than now.

Men's boots were then (in 1872) 21 f)er cent, higher than now. Rents were then (in 1872) 105 per cent, higher than now.

Board was then (in 1872) 37 per cent, higner than now. In commenting on these figures, the Boston Advertiser says:

The average is stated to be 54 per cent, but it is added that prices are 54 per cent, lower now than in 1872. That is not exact. The average excess in 1872 appear* to us to be 44 per cent, and in that case the reduction is 30)^ per cent. We can only test the wages in one branch of industry, and we select the largest. The average wages per week, in gold, of shoe finishers, heelers, edge-setters, beatersout, trimmers and general shoemakers, were, in 1872, $16.81 per week.. In 1878 the corresponding average was $12.30. The reduction was 27 per cent. It appears, then, that in this one industry, wages have declined less by 3% per cent, than has the cost of living.

So much for Massachusetts. Recently the New York Herald published some interesting information in reference to the condition of labor in that city. It estimated the number of unemployed men in that city at the present time at 12,000* In the winter of 1873

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calculated

that the daily averege of idle men wat 25,000, and from that ggure ran up until it was generally believed that in subsequent winters the number wa6 fully 60,000. In the following table i6 given a comparison for New York city between the years 1873 and 1879, in

1870.

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iUk SM

I T* wf Braneb ot industry. vwa

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«S 00 2 60 3 60 8 60 S 60 8 60 8 00 2 60 a 60 00 8 00 4 60 2 60 2 76 8 60 3 00 8 60 3 00 2 60 4 60

10,000i 2, COO

1 10

8,000 1,000

1 76 8 03 2 26 2 00 2 00 00 226 1 90 |2 60 2 00

1.600 2.000 l,60fl 1.000 800 260

1,000 800 000 000 100 160

50 60

(ship

work}.

800

100

1,000 600 200 800

2 60

100 200 160 •00 100 60 400

1 76

3 00 2 60 2 60 2 00 I 00 8 60 I 26 8 00 5 70 5 76 200

200 20C 600

1,600 SOU 50 600 200 600 100| 25.400

1,000 60

8 26

Total

8 60 2 60 8 00 8 00

200 60

300 60

11896

From there figures it would appear that the number of unemployed men in New York city at the present time is little if at all in excess of the average in ordinarily prosperous years. If anything could prove a solid and substantial revival of good times these figures ought to do it

CONGRESS will convene in extra session the 18th of March. It will be the forty-sixth Congress, the forty-fifth having expired at noon yesterday. This district will be represented by A. J. Hostetjer. Anew Speaker is to be elected and we shall see what party controls the low-

House.

VIE TERRE HAUTE WEEKLY GAZETTR

THE VETO.

The Anti-Ch

Bill

Bo-

ituned to the Bouse, a l*» *. 'fcr4 3a-**

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With the Reasons for Disapproval,

Fall Text of the President's Message on the Sulyect.

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Washington, March 1.—The following is the text of the Presidents message to the House of Representatives, vetoing the bill to restrict immigration: 'jZL To the House of Representatives:

After very careful consideration of the House bill 2,433, entitled "an act to restrict immigration of Chinese to the United States," I herewith return it to the House of Represerttatives, in which it originated, with my objections to its passage. The bill, as it wai sent to the Senate from the House of Representatives, was confined in its provisions to the object named in its title, which is that of "an act to restrict immigration of Chinese to the United Stales." The only means adopt* edjo secy re the proposed object was a limitation in the number of Chinese passengers which might be brought to this sountry by any one vessel to fifteen, and as this number WM not fixfdiir any proportion to the size or tonnage ofs» the vessel, or J»y any consideration

the safety or accommo

dation of these passengers, the simple purpose and effect cf its enactment were to repress this immigration to an extent falling bot little short of itratoolate e*clusipn. The bill as amended id the Senate and now presented to me, includes an independent and additional, provision, which aims at and in terms requires, the abrogation by this government of articles five and six of the treaty with China, commonly called the Burlingame treaty, through the action of the executive enjoined by this provision of the act. The Burlingatne treaty, of which ratifications were exchanged at Pekin on Nov. 23d, 1869, recites as the occasions and motive of its negotiation by the two governments, that since the conclusion of the treaty between the United States of America "and Ta Tsng the empire of China, of the 8th of January, 1868, circumstances have arisen, showing the necessity of additional articles thereto, and proceeds to agreement as to said additional articles. These negotiations, ending by the signature of the additional articles of July 28th, 1868, had for their object the completion of our treaty rights and obligations towards the government of China, by the incorporation of these new articles as thenceforth parte of the principal treaty to which they are made supplemental. Upon the settled rules oi interpretation applicable to such supplemental negotiations, the text of the principal treaty and of these additional articles thereto constitute one treaty from the conclusion of the new negotiations, in all parts of equal and concurrent force and obligation between the two governments, and to all intents and purposes as if embraced in one instrument. The principal treaty, of which ratifications were exchanged August 16th, 1856, recite that, the United States of America and the Tsng empire, desiring to maintain a firm, lasting and sincere friendship, have resolved to renew it in a manner clear and positive, by means of a treaty or general convention of peace, amity and commerce, the rules of which shall iu the future be mutually observed in the intercourse of the respective countries, and proceeds in its thirty articles to lay out a careful and comprehensive system for the commercial relations of our people with China. The main substance of all the pro\ isions of this treaty is to define and secure the rights of Our peop1®

respect

of access to, residence and protection in, and trade with, China. The actual provisisions in our favor in these respects were framed to be, and have been, found to be adequate and appropriate to the interest of commerce, and by the concluding article we receive the guaranty that, should, at any time, the Ta Tsiiig empire grant to any nation or merchants, or citizens of any nation, any right, privilege or favor connected^ either with navigation, commerce, political or other intercourse, which is not conferrred by this treaty, such right, privilege and favor at once freely inure to the benefit of the United States, its public officers, merchants and citizens. Against this body of stipulation in our favor and this permanent engagement of equality in respect of all future concessions to foreign nations, a general promise of permanent peace and good offices on our part seems to be the only equivalent. For this the first at tide undertakes as follows: "There shall be as there have always been, peace an! friendship between the' United States of America and the Ta Tsng empire, and between their people respectively they shall not insult or oppress each other'for any trifling cause, so as to produce estrangement between them, and if any other nation should act unjustly or oppressively, the UnitedStates will exert their good offices, on being informed of the case, to bring about an amicable arrangement of the question, thus showing their friendly feelings." At the date of negotiation of this treaty, our

Pacific possessions had attracted considerable Chinese immigration, and the advantages and inconveniences felt or feared therefrom had become more or less manifest. But they dictated no stipulation on the subject to be incorported in the treaty. The year 1SG8 was marked by the striking event of a spontaneous embassy from the Chinese empire, headed by an American citizen, Anson Burlingame, who had relinquished his diplomatic representation of his own country in China, to assume that of the Chinese empire to the United States and European nations. By this time the facte of Chinese immigration and its nature and influence, present and prospective, had become more noticable and ware more observed by the population immediately affected, and by this government. The principal feature of the Barlingame treaty was its attention to and its treatment of Chinese immigration, and the Chinese as forming, or as they should form, part of our population.

Up to this time our uncovenanted bos pitality JO immigration, our fearless liberty to citizenship, our equal and comprehensive justice is all inhabitants, whether they abjured foreign nationality or not, our civil freedom and our relig ious toleration, had made all comers welcome, and under these protection*, Chinese in considerable numbers had made their lodgement upon our soil. The Burlingame treaty undertakes to deal with the situation, and its fifth and sixth articles embrace its most important provisions in this regard, and the main stipulations in which the Chinese government has secured an obligatory protection of its subjects within our territory. They read as follow*:

Article 5-—The United States of America and the emperor of China cordially recognize the inherent and inalienj able right of man to change hit home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of mutaal immigration and emigraof their citizens and subjects, respectively, from one country to the other, lor the purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore, joii. in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes. They, consequently, agree to pas* laws making it a penal offense for a citizen of the United States or a Chinese subject, to take Chinese subjects either to the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a Chinese subject or a citizen of the United States to take citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign country, without their free and voluntary consent, respectively.

ARTICLE 6—Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by citizens or subjects of the most favored nation and reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United btates shall enjoy the same privilege, immunities and exemptions in respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by citizens or subjects of the most favored nations. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China, nor upon subjects of China in the United States

An examination of these two article* in the light of the experience then influential in suggesting their necessity will show that the fifth article was framed in hostility to what seemed the principal mischief to be guarded against, to wit: the iutroduction of Chinese laborers by methods which should have the character of forced or servile importation, and not of the voluntary immigration of freeman seeking our shores upon motives and in a manner consonant with the system of our instruction and approved by the experience of the nation. Unquestionably the adhesion of the government of China to these liberal principles of freedom in emigration with which we were so familiar,and with which we were so well satisfied, was a great advance^ towards opening that empire to our civilization and religion, and gave promise in future of greater practical results, in the diffusion throughout that great population of our arts and industries, our manufactures, our material improvements and the sentiments of government and'

religion, which

seem to us so important to thtf Welfar*1 mankind. The first clause of this article secures the acceptance by China, of the American doctrine of free migration to and fro among the people of the races of the earth. The second clause, however, in its reprobation of "any other than ari entirely voluntary emigration" by both the high contracting parties, and in reciprocal obligations whereby we secured a solemn and unqualified engagement on the part of the government of China "to pass 'aws making it a penal offense for citizens of the United States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to the Ui ited States or any other foreign country, without their free and voluntary consent," constitutes the g^eat force and vflue of this article. Its importance, both in principle and its practical service towards our protection against servile importation in the guise of immigration, cannot be over-estimat-ed. It commits the Chinese government to active and efficient measures to suppress the iniquitous system where those measures are most necessary and can be most effectual. It gives to the government the footing of treaty right to such measures and means, and the opportunity of insisting upon their adoption, and of complaint and resentment at their neglect. The fifth article, therefore, if it fall* short of what the pressure of the later experience of our Pacific states may urge upon the attention of this government as essential to the public welfare, seems to be in the right direction and to contain important advantages which once relinquised cannot be easily recovered.

The second topic which interested the two governments urder the actual condition of things which prompted the Burlingame treaty was adequate protection under solemn and definite guarantees ot treaty of Chinese flready in this country, and those who should seek our shores. »This was of object and forms the subject of the sixth article, by whose reciprocal engagement the citizens and subjects of the two governments respectively, visiting or residing in the country of the other, are secured the same privileges, immunities or exemption therein enjoyed by citizens or subjects of the most favored nations. The treaty ot 858, to which these articles are made supplemental, provides for a great amount of privilege and protection, both of person and property of American citizens in China, but it is on this sixth article that the main body of treaty rights and securities of the Chinese already in this country, depends. Its abrogation, were the rest of the treaty left in force, would leave them to such treatment as we should voluntarily accord them by our laws and customs. Any treaty obligation would be wanting to restrain our liberty of action towards them, or to measure or sustain the right of the Chinese government to complaint or redrew in their behalf. The lapse of ten years since the negotiation of the Burlingame treaty has exhibited to the notice of the Chinese government as well as to our people, the working of this experiment of immigration in great numbers of Chinese laborers to this country, and their maintenance here of all traits of race, religion, manners, customs, habitation, mode of life, segregation here, and the keeping up of the ties

^liiSSiSSitl

their original home, which stamp* them as strangers and sojurners, and not as incorporated elements ot our national life and growth. This experience may naturally suggest a reconsideration of the subject, as dealt with by the Burlingame treaty, and may properly become the occasion of more direct and circumspect recognition in a renewal of the negotiations of the difficulties surrounding this political and social problem.

It may be that to the apprehension of the Chinese government, no less than our own, the simple provisions of the Burlingame treaty may need to be replaced by more careful methods, securing the Chinese and ourselves against a large and more rapid infusion of this foreign race than our own system and society can take UP and assimilate with ease and safety. This ancient government, ruling a polite and sensitive people, distinguished by a high sense of national pride, may 'properly desire adjustment of their relations with us, which would in all things conform and in no degree endanger the permanent peace and amity and growing commerce and prosper{ty which it has been the obobject and effect of our existing treaties to cherish aod pferpetuate. I regard the very grave discontent of the people of the Pacific States with the present working of Chinese immigration, and their still graver apprehensions theretrom in the futuie, as deserving of the most serious attention of the people of the whole country, and a solictious interest on the part of Congress s.nd the executive. If this were not my own judgement, the passage of this bill by both Houses of Congress would impress upon me the seriousness of the situation, when the majority of the representatives of the people of the whole country had thought it necassarv to justify so serious a measure of relief. The authority of Congress to terminate a treaty with a foreign power, by expressing the will of the nation no longer to adhere to it, is as free from controversy under our constitution as is the further proposition that the power of making new treaties or modifying existing treaties is not lodged by the constitution in Congress, but in the President, by and with the advise and consent of the Sehate, as shown by the concurrence of two-thirds of that body. A denunciation of a treaty by atjy government is confessedly justifiable only upon 6ome resons both of the highest justice and the highest necessity. The action of Congress in the matter of the French treaty in 1788, if it be regarded as the abrogation by this nation o£ the subsisting treaty, strongly illustrates the character and degree of justification which was then thought suitable to such a proceeding. The preamble of the act recites 1 hat the treaties concluded between the United States and France have been repeatedly yiolated on the part of the French government, and the ust claims of the United States for reparation of injuries so committed been refused, and their attempts to negotiate an amicable adjustment of all complaints between the two nations been repelled with indignity and that under the authority of the French government there is yet pursued against the United States a system of predatory violence infracting said law and hostile to the rights of a free and independent nation. The enactment, as a logical consequence of these recited facts, declares •'that the United States are of right freed and exonerated from the stipulations of treaties and of the consular convention heretofore concluded between the United States and France, and that the same shall not henceforth be regarded as legally obligatoty on the governmentor citizens of the United States." The history of the government shows no other instance of the abrogation 01 a treaty by Congress. Instances have sometimes occurred where the ordinary legislation of Congress has, by its conflict with some treaty obligation of the government toward a foreign power, taken effect as an infraction of treaty, and been judicially declared to be operative to that result, but neither such legislation nor such judicial sanction of the same has been regarded as an abrogation, even for the moment of the treaty. On the contrary, the treaty in such ase still subsists Between the governments, and the casual infraction is repaired by appropriate satisfaction in tne maintenance of the treaty. The bill before me does not enjoin upon me the abrogation of the entire Burlingame treaty, much less of the principal treaty of which It is made a supplement. As the power of modifying an existing treaty, whether by addition, or striking out provisions, is a part of the treaty making power under the constitution, its exercise is not competent for Congress, nor would the assent of China to this partial abrogation of the treaty make the action of Congress in thus procuring an amendment of the treaty a competent exercise of authority, under the constitution. The importance however, of this special consideration seems superseded by the principle that a denunciation of parts of a treaty, not made by the terms of the treaty itself separable from the rest, is a denunciation of the whole treaty. As the other high contracting party ha* entered into no treaty obligations exceprsuch as includes the part denounced the denunciation by one party of the part, necessarily liberates the other party from the whole treaty. I am convinced that, whatever urgency might, in any quarter or by any interest, be supposed to require instant suppression of further immigration from China, no reason can require the immediate withdrawal of our treaty protection of the Chinese already in this country, and no circumstances can tolerate an exposure of our citizens in China, merchants oe missionaries, to the consequences ot so sudden an abrogation of their treaty protections. Fortunately, however, the actual recession and influx of ira migration from China to the Pacific coast shown by statistics, relieves us fro any apprehension that the treatment of the subject in the proper course of diplomattc negotiation will introduce any feature of discontent or disturbance among the communities directly affected. Were such delay fraught with more inconvenience than has ever been suggested by the interests most earnest in promoting this legislation, I cannot but regard the summary disturbance of our existing treaties with

China as greatly more inconvenient to the much wider and more permanent interests of the country. I have no occasion to insist upon the more general considerations of interest and duty which

sacredly guard the tlrith of the nation in whatever form ot* obligation it may have be:n given. These sentiments animate the deliberations ot Congress and pervade the minds of our whole people. Our history gives little occasion for any reproach in this r»gard, and in asking the renewed attention of Congress to this bill, I am persuaded that their action: will maintain the public datv aod public honor. R. B.' HAYBS,

From tbe Cincinnati Commercial. It is our impression that afW the present excitement has subsided, the reasons of the President for vetoing the ill-con-sidered and demagogical act of Congress will be fully recognized, and the political effect, upon which the Democrats count, will be neutralized, and especially 10 when it is understood that the government is engaged in negotiations with the Chinese government to so modify the Burlingame treaty as to secure in a proper way the restriction of immigration to the Pacific coast.

From tbe New York Her*ld

itiffSSBiffe »v

Executive Mansion.

March 1st, 1870.

\. THE VETO.

WHAT THE PRESS HAS TO SAY ABOUT IT. From tbe New Tork World.

The most creditable thing, so far as President Hayes is concerned, in connection with the veto message, which he' yesterday sent in to Congress with the anti-Chinese bill, is the fact that he sent. it in. It is due to him to remember that in the circumstances of this case it would have been easy for him to accomplish a practical defeat of thia hasty and discreditable measure without expressing officially his own opinion of it at all. The ignominious collapse un-v der the President's veto of the majorityr by which the bill was originally carried, while it is as discreditable to the House of Representatives as the veto is creditable^ to the Executive, proves, if proof were 3 J' needed, that the veto really represents and that the passage of the bill did not really represent the sober, deliberate judgment ot the Americau people.

,-1

By the veto of the Chinese bill President Hayes has, we believe, acted in sympaty with intelligent opinion in every part of the country, with perhaps the exception of California and probably the project to suppress Chinese immigration 16 not without its opponents even there but those opponents are not of the classes that make most noise in popular agitations,

From tbe Clncionatti Oaaette. The reasons assigned by the President for refusing his approval are unanswerable, unless the stand point of the mob or the demagogue shall be accepted as the basis and test of statesmanship. 1

WOULD NEVER USE THEM. If pcrsous were aware of the lDjur'ocs character of moat baking po*dera, they would never u* them. Ignorant persona know nothing about tbe chemical combinations neoessary. The only gool baking powder, prepared by a physician with spec ial regard to Its healthtalness, is Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder.

GOVERNOR'S GUARDS.

ACROSTIC.

BT PRIVATE JOHN F. O'RIILLY.'

ally marched the boys In blue, the day, was bright and clear, O 'or them waved the stars and stripes which none but traitors fear. aliant men in Seventy-Six fyeneath it marched with pride, Ever vigilant was their word, protecting1 it they died. emember, boys, who wear the bine, throughout this mighty land, N e'er let it be insulted, but by it nobl? stand. On Bunker Hill and Lexington it floated' to the breeze, E adiant as the morning sun. triumphant on the seas. Sacred to each American, who In liberU believes.

Gallantry be a motto, within your ranks to show, Unity la always strength ao matter where you go And when yeur country calls yon, be ready 1 one and all, ally round that good old flag and never let it fall. Defend it at all hazzsn's, in peaee as well as war, Such deeds will shine in history far brighter than a star.

MURPHY-ITES.

(TUNE—SCOTS WBA HAS.)

Temperance men 1 by Mnrphy led, Temperance women why the dread Welcome shame, if truth doth lead

Us on to Victory 1

jjfow'e the day and now's the hour. Bee the front of battle lower, See approach the tempter's power,

Chains and slavery.

Who will be a traitor knave Who can fill a drnnkari's grave? Who sobaseas be a slave?

if. pm

Let htm turn and flee.

By intemoerance's woes and pains,. By yoursoul la drunkard's chains, We will draw our dearest veins

Bat they shall be free.

Lay ibe proud distillers low, 1 Saloonista fall by every blow, Home protection's tbe watehward now

V-'»

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.-vr

ism

Let us proclaim it or die.

Mas. E. L. MOBISITT.

REMEDY FOR HARO TIMES' Stop spending so aaaeh on flne elothee rich food and style. ®uy irood, tusaltby

food,

cheaper and better clothing get more real and .substantial things of way, and especially stop the fooilsh habit of running after ewnsive or using so much of tbe vile humbug •euteinethat does yon only harm, ana makff

ilop^lttere."thateureaalwayaat a trifling and_you will seej^ter ttmmjuad good

beafth! Try it once. Bead of it In another column.

Wmm

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