Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 16 January 1879 — Page 7

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TRADE DOLLAR

Nhall the Tliirty-Five Million Dollar Fraud Upon Out* People

Continue?

A Very Emphatic "No" From our Floquent and Distinguished Senator.

He Shows the Magnitude of the Fraud and Paints the Only Way out of

it,

And Administers a Will Deserved and Severe Rebuke to the Conspirators Against

Silver Currency,

Also to Johnny Sherman for his Persistent ISndcavor to Keep Silver Money in

Disrapute,

Following is the full text of Senator Voorhees' speech, delivered in the United States Senate, Tuesday, January 7, 1S79, in advocacy of making the trade dollar a legal tender for all dabts, public and private, and of the .ecoinage of the same into the standard dollar of 41^ grain?.

Mr. Voorhees—Mr. President on the first day of the present session I had the honor to introduce a resolution in regard to the trade dollar, which I ask may now be taken up for the purpose of submitting a few remarks upon it.

The Senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to consider the following resolution submitted by Mr. Voorhees, December 2,1878: "Resolved, That the Committee on Finance be, and is hereby, instructod to in quire into the expediency of making the trade dollar authorized by section 15 of the act of Congress approved February, 1873, a legal tender fur all debtj, public and private, and providing for its coinage into the htandard dollar of 41 \%, grains.

Mr. Voorhees—Mr. President, among the many evils b.ought upon the industrial classes ot this country by the bad financial legislation of the party in power the silver coin, known as the trade dollar, is at thus time peculiarly conspicuous and will long be remembered. lis functions as money are fraudulent, and the people have aright to protection from its further abuses. It has not a single element to recommend its retention as a part of our svstem of finance. It has no constitutional sanction whatever. The power of Congress to coin money gives it no support, for it is not money. It is simply an article of trade manufactured at the United States mints by an unconstitutional law of Congress. The Government has exactly the same power to engage in the manufacture of woolea fabrics or any other species of merchandise for trade that it has to set its mints running in the manufacture of silver bullion, not money, for barter and exchange as a commodity. Will any one undertake to dispute this proposition?

Its origin, however, is disreputable in other respects. It is a pait ot that conspiracy which demonetized the standard silver dollar of American history. The game act of Congress—the act of February 12, 1S73—which deprived the American people ot lawful silver money provided for the coinage of this well-executed counterfeit. The people were not consulted, nor indeed did they know of the existence of such a coin for years after it was authorized. The pretext for calling it into existence was that our own citizens did not need silver money, but that we needed silver coin with the appearance of money in our trade with China and other Asiatic countries. It is alleged in excuse toy its authors that it was not intended to circulate in this country, and that therefore the legal-tender quality, which alone makes lawful money, was, by a sort of speculative fraud 0:1 outside barbarians, left out.

I". has, however, failed in its mission abroad, and is now at home in large amounts, and still returning, to cheat and defraud the plain farmer out of his produce, and the honest mechanic out of his labor. The inhabitants of the other side of the world quickly discovered that this coin had never received the essential quality of money at the hands of its own government, arid hence they are shoving it back upon UR with every returning ship from their shores to ours. The amount of trade dollars in existence ife much greater than the popular impression. Thirty-five millions have been coined and sent forth into the channels of trade and commerce, a laige proportion of this amount being now in this country, and all of it tending rapidly in this direction. Can we afford to leave the people exposed to the dangers of such an amount of such currency? What a spectacle this government now presents, putting into circulation a specie of currency in the exact likeness and similitude ot lawful money, and which yet is not lawful money, and every piece of which is the ready and easy instrument of fraud in the hands of coniipt and desining men!

In my recent association with the generous people of my own great State, I met thousands of farmers, as well as other laboring people, who have suffered loss by reason of the deception practiced on them through the trade dollar. As .the time approached, soon after harvest, •when farmers were anxious to realize on their wheat to meet pressing necessities, the trade dollar in large sums appeared at different parts in the state and was used in the purchase ot grain at its face value. Very soon afterward the hard

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working farmer discovered that he h?.d received but ninety where he thought he. had received a hundred cents but ninety dollars where he had counted to himself a hundred. These increased victims of a dishonest financial policy can not stand here in person and demand redress of their Government which is engaged in them but, as one of their representatives in thi's floor, I shall faitfully perform that task in their place and stead. After full consideration, the best method for the cure of the tradte dollar blunder, as it appears to me, is to incorporate it into our lawful currency, making it a legal •.ender for all all debt6, public and private, and providing for its recoinage into the standard silver dollar as fast as it come? into the treasury in the course of business.

It is objected to this that brokers speculators and financial gamblers now hold considerable sums of this illegitimate currency, and that a profit will accrue to them by making it lawful money. To some extent this is true, but such a minor evil as that ought not to be urged as a reason for continuing to rob and defraud our own citizens. No great wrong, like the huge imposture of thirtyfive millions of trade dollars, was ever corrected without some lawless gains to unscrupulous operators but shall the wrong therein remain to prey on innocent people—the laboring men and women of the whole country? If the brokers will profit by the necessary absorption of the trade dollar into our legalized circulation, who is responsible for thai disgraceful fact? Those, and those alone, who placed section 3,513 in the act of February 12, 1813, thereby creating and throwing upon the people this coin without a fixed legal value, are responsible alike for the broker's speculations, and the laborer's losses. Not those who are seek:ng to remove a grievance, but those who brought it on, should bear the odium of a'l the consequences.

Another objection is made that there would be a lack of uniformity between the trade dollar and our present standard dollar, the trade dollar containing 420 grains of silver and the standard dollar containing 412}t grains. I can see no serious difficulty arising from this point. If the trade dollar is made a legal tender it will simply be a somewhat better silver currency than that which We. now have and to this, it seems to me, there can be no rational objection on the part of those who profess so much devotion to what they term honest money. During the last session of Congress we heard an endless clamor for more silver ir. the dollar which we were seeking to restore to coinage and circulation. There were many labored efforts made here and elsewhere to show that the fathers in 1792 did not know how to make a eood honest silver dollar. I was of different opinion then and am now. I thought then, and still think that the silver dollar of 412 grains, dexised bv Jefferson as the unit of values, and and put into coinage and circulation In the combined wisdom of Washington and Hamilton, is as acceptable to the American people and as useful in their affairs now as ever before in American history. But I am now appealing to those who entertained a different view,, and I am commending to them thirty-five millions of dollars, in each one of which there are 7}^ more grains of silver than there is in the dollar to which they were so bitterly opposed.

The want of uniformity, however, in our silver currency need only be temporary. A provision for the recoinage of the trade dollar as fast as received at the treasury into the standard dollars of 412}$ grains would speedily bring abcut the desired result.

But the real and vital objection to making the trade dollar a legal tender and to recoining it into the lawful money of the country comes from that class which is interested in diminishing rather than increasing the volume of our currency. The money monopolists care not so much about the kind of money which is circulated it is'the amount which principally concerns them. The proposition therefore, to add thirty-five millions to our lawful currency alarms their avarice and excites their envemoned hostility. Such an increase would make money plentier, the rate of interest lower it would augment the value of property and labor, afford s{me relief to struggling debtors, and stimulate the prostrate business of .he country. All this, however, is adverse to the interests of capital which is withdrawn from the channels of trade and is watching for investments at usurious rates of intereiest or ifj property at bankrupt prices.

From the holders this kind of capital th6 toiling millions of the world neea expect nothing but oppression. Hungry avarice never sleeps, and its stony heart never relents. The laboring masses of every description, and also all the merchants and traders engaged in active business demand an amount of ccurrency in circulation, whether it be of gold, silver or paper, which will measure the value of labor and property at fair and healthy rates, and not according to the standard of want and bankruptcy now prevailing. Money is the standard by which the value of every exchangeable commodity is measured. When the standard is shortened and contracted all values shrink in proportion, and the power of money over labor and the products of labor is correspondingly increased. A scaraity of money in circulation cheapens every acquisition of human toil, whether lands or houses, or the growth of the fields. It has at the present time reduced the price of the western farmer's com to from 18 to 25 cents per bushel, hauled and delivered and the price of his hogs to from two to two and a half cents per pound. On the other hand the scarcity of money multiplies tenfold the burden of every debt, tightens the ligatures ot every mortgage, and hastens the harvest of bankruptcy for speculators in ruined estates to reap.

The opposition, therefore, so legalizing the trade dollar coming from the source it does, is not a matter of surprise. In fact, there is a deep seated hostility to to silver money of any kind coming from the same source and springing from the same motives. It is perfectly obvious that silver, as monej', is not receiving fair play at the hands of the present administration and those who draw their inspiration from it. It will not be forgotten how^faithfully the Secretary ot the Treasury obeyed the behests and served the cause of "those adhering to the gold basis. When the bill remonetizing silver

was approyed by the representatives of the people in both branches of Congress Mr. Sherman staged his judgment against the measure by inducing the President to interpose his veto. Under these circumstances he can not complain it he is suspected tf aiming to vindicate the wisdom of the veto rather than striving in good faith to make the law a success.

It is unfortunate that the execution of this great and popular law is in the hands of its most conspicuous and pronounced enemy, one who embodies in hi6 policy all the fears and hostilities of the money monopolists against what they are pleased to term a silver inflation. It happens, under benign Providence, that the products of the silver mines of the United States are greater than all other countries in the world put together. It was the fear that the people wouhi obtain too much currency from this source which inspired the furious apposition to silver money a year ago, and which is now engaged in a conspiracy to practically demonetize it in defiance of law. Immediately upon the passage of the act restoring silver to coinage and circulation a systematic etfort was commenced by which to prepare the public mind for its failure. The leading newspaper organs in the great money centers have from that day to this teemed in all their issues *ith dismal predictions, sneers, and abuse aimed at the lawful silver currency of ti.e government. The hard specie dollar of the fathers has been denounced as a dishonest dollar, and scandalized and slandered in the same terms and by the same tongues and pens which have labored so long to load the greenback dollar with disgrace.

Tbat the Secretary of the Treasury has lent the influence of his great office to this flagitious conspiracy is proven by his answer to the resolution of the senator from Kentucky [Mr. Beck] at the present session. He admits that he allowed the bondholder to dictate which kind of coin he would receive in payment of interest on his bonds, thus ignoring the right of the people to pay their coin obligations as well in silver as in gold. Bv this bad faith the secretary has made himself a patty to the unlawful scheme of driving silver away from the higher uses of money and of dishonoring it in the face of the world. It is in his option, not the creditor's option, whether he will pay our coin debts in gold or in silver, and as the servant and agent of the American people it is his plain duty to use both for that purpose in proportion to the amount of each v/hich he has under his control

Encouraged, however, by his policy and believing that the public opinion was prepared for more open and aggressive hostilities, tbe associated National Banks of New York, in the fore part of November last, proclaimed their rebellion against thre constituted authorities of the government

an

avowed their purpose to nulify

the laws. In this lawless 'and indolent movement I belive the National Banks of Boston concurred,artd that the rebellion has spread no further than that point at present. Sir, it is difficult to determine which is the more astonishing in this action of the banks, their brazen audacity or their intense ignorance of the true temper of the American people on this subject.. I h^ve their proclamation at hand. It is addressed to the

the Treasury himself, and received by him without rebuke, if not with secret commendation. It is an elaborate argument against silver as money and an assertion of the right and duty of the banks to rfefuse to receive it as such. The following statements occur. "Upon the banks greatly depend the introduction of these coins into commercial use. They are it liberty to accept or to decline these deficient coins wnen offered them upon deposit, to refuse them as money in their commercial exchange with each other, and to withhold their influence in fastening them upon the community and it is their most obvious interest and duty to do so.

Amorig1 the rules laid down for the government ot the banks of New York City after January 1st, 1S79, are the following •'4. Decline silver dollars on deposit, as money, but only receive them under special contract to withdraw the same^in kind. "5. Prohibit payment of balances 011 the clearing houpe in silver certificates or in silver dollars,- excepting as subsidiary coins in small sums, say, under $10. "6. Banks will hold the same attitude in respect to silver dollars that California banks have done respecting legal tender notes that is, accept them only when legally compelled, and decline further commercial relations with the compelling party."

These are the details of the proposed nullification. A law of Congress, enacted by a two-third's tnaj jrity of both branches, is found by the associated banks of New York and of Boston to be obnoxious to their interests and prejudices, and" they proceed at once to abrogate and dely its execution. The nullifiers of South Carolina failed in a somewhat similar undertaking in 1S32, and upon a question of financial policy but the money power of New York and Boston appears to have learned nothing from their fate.

In the rebellous proclamation to which I am calling attention the existence of Congress is graciously recognized in the following terms: "It is confidently hoped that Congress, in view of the unexpected fluctuations ot silver bullion since the law was passed, will reconsider and repeal it at an early day."

If, however, Congress should fail to be promptly overawed by the associated banks of New York, and their New England alies, and should refuse to register their haughty edict, they proceed to point out to the Secretary of the Treasury certain hostile measures for him to pursue against silver, in co-operation with their own conspiracy, by which they are entirely certain that within a year, at the most, the gold standard will be permanently restored, and the duty of Congress to again destroy silver money be made clear and unquestionable. But their overweening presumption does not stop at even this high pitch. Their scheme of nullification comemplates the control of the Legislature 01 New York, and the absolute demonetization of silver by that great state. I hold in my -hand a bill already prepared and printed, which, I am assured on the highest authority, will be urged upon the approaching session of the New York Legislature by the asso­

TERKE HAUTE WEEKLY GAZETTE.

Secretary of

one payment accents or less'of

I

ciated banks. Its provisions are as fol-j lows: I "An act to define what are good contracts and to define the standard of gold in which they are pa_\ able, and to

1

amend chapter 73 of the laws of 1S75,' entitled 'An act to establish specie payment on all contracts or obligations payable in this State in dollars, and made after January 1, 1S79. "The people of the State of New York, represented in Senate and Assembly, do enact as follows: "Section 1. Sections 1 and 2 of chapter 73 of the laws of 1875, entitled 'An act to establish specie payments on all contracts or obligations payable in this State in dollars, and made after January 1,1879,' are hereby amended so &s to read as follows:

Section 1. All canal tolls impossed and all taxes levied and confirmed after the passage of this act shall be collected in United S'ates gold coin and in United States notes so long as said United States notes are prsmptly redeemed in gold coin and no longer, and also shall be collected in national bank notes, which are redeemable in gold or%which are redeemable in United States notes, provided the United States notes are promptly redeemed in United States gold coi.i but tax collectors and tax receivers may receive in any one payment 25 cents or less of United States minor coins, or $5 or less in any one payment of United States subsidiary silver coins, at the market value of said minor and subsidiary silver coins in exchange for United States gold coins at the time the tax is paid. "Sec. 2. Every contract or obligation made or implied and payable in this state, and made or implied after this act 6hall take effect, and payable in dollars, but not made specifically payable in United States silver coin or in United States legal tender notes, shall mean to be and shall be payable in United States gold coin, and, if not otherwise provided in the contract or obligation, ahall be payable in United States gold coin ot" the standard of weight and fineness established by the laws of the United States at the time the contract or obligation shall haye been made or implied, and such contract or obligation shall also be deemed to mean that the debtor may pay and that the creditor shall receive in any

Unitecffand

States minor coins, or $5 or less in any one payment of United States subsidiary silver coins, at the market value of said subsidiary silver and minor coins in exchange for United States gold coin at the time the payment is made."

If the Legislature of New York should join the associated banks in their conspiracy and rebellion, and should enact this bill into a law, it will present the question ot a state attempting to nulify the authority of the Fedral Government by interposing her own legislation on a subject of the deepest concern to the whole people. The Constitution of the United btates provides that Congress shall have power to coin money and regulate tbe value thereof and Congress has exercised that power by declaring that the silver dollar of 412)^ grains shall be a part of the lawful money of the government, and that its legal tender value shall be the same as a dollar of gold. Section 10 of article 1 of the Constitution also declares that— "No state sh?ll coin money, emit bills of creoit, or make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts."

It is very plain, from these provisions, that neither the State of New York nor any other state has any power to prevent silver coin from circulating as money among its citizens on equal terms with gold.

But even the attempt to do so is full of danger to the rights of tiie people, proves the wide-spread and deep-seated conspiracy against the currency, and is a bold threat of defiance to the Federal authority which will not be patiently borne by an already sensitive public opinion.

It is not my purpose, however, to detain the Senate at length on the present occasion. I desired to point out the evils of the trade dollor currency and the propriety of making it lawful money and in that connection also to disclose to the country the bad faith and the determined hostility which the standard legal tender silver dollar is encountering at the hands of this Administration and its supporters. If silver money is quoted a* inferior in value to gold or greenbacks, it is because its enemies are powerful and aetive and have combined to dishonor it. If it has failed to reach the hands of the people as extensively as was expected, it must be remembered that its coinage and circulation depends very largely on the action of a Secretary of the Treasury who does not believe it ought to be coined or circulated at all.

In spi'e of all these adverse influences, however, I predict the ultimate triump of the standard silver dollar. We are e*" sentia'.ly a silver producing country, an° the intelligent American people will not consent to be deprived of the aid of this great agent of wealth in their struggles to regain commercial and business prospeiity. We have just entered upon the cruel experiment of a forced resumption of specie payments. We have just passed the xst ot January, 1879, leaving behind us five years of such bankruptcy and business ruin as never before darkened the lives of the American people. An appalling penalty has been paid in order to be able to proclaim even t*e theory specie of resumption. Nothing has ever appeared to my mind a greater crime against the welfare and happiness of the people than the law enforcing a resumption of specie payments.

I think I may say without presumption that I have labored as hard for its repeal as any other Senator, but the protracted struggles of the last session and the repeated test votes on that subject have demonstraded beyond question that a majority of this body as at present constituted is inflexibly determined that the harsh atid destructive experiment of coercive resumption shall be tried. The advocates of this policy feel a still further security, for the present at least, in the fact that the Executive stands ready with his veto against the repeal of the resumption act, and that a two-thirds majority of both House* of Congress can. not be obtained to pass a bill for that purpose over his objections. I earnestly hepeand fond-y believe that at no distant dav the will of tne people will be more faithfully reflected both in this body and in the Executive Department of the Government.

Sir, in my judgement, the results from the so called specie resumption provided for in the act of January,J 1S75, will be

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Absolutely

full of disasters and hardships to the business and labor of the country. In making preparation for it too much evil has been done for any good to follow. Our coin interest bearing debt has been largely increased from year to year, and our non interest bearing currency, the staunch and reliable greenback, so much needed in the han^s of the people, has been contracted and destroyed.

The policy of resumption has been to increase the burdens of Qjht to the present and future generations, while depriving them of the means of saving themselves from general bankruptcy. More than $2,000,000,000 of private, individual debts based upon the highebt considerations of value and of honor have been wiped out by the bankrupt sponge, and thus repudiated under the pressure of this destructive policy during the last five .years. I submit that the stigma of repudiation ought to be affixed to those who have caused widespread and general repudidiation rather than to those who have at all times insisted on the strict fulfillment of every contract atid obligation entered into by the Government with its own citizens as well as with all others.

In the mean time, however, the people whom I have the honor in part r«present, in order to enable them to meet the evils which are at present inevitable, with as little distress as possible, demand that 1 esumption, whether a success or a failure, shall not rp?t on gold alone. They demand that all :he resources of both-the ptecious metals shall be Drought to their assistance at. this hard and trying period,

that if we are forced to have what is

styled a specie basis, it shall be as b.oad, as comprehensive, and strong as the unlimited coinage of silver, as well as gold, can make it. Th *y make these demands in order that the volume of currency, supposed to rest on this basis, may be a full and ample one, equal to the wants of an active business throughout the coun-

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I

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Nor is this in any sense a merfi party issue. The producing classes of all parties and those engaged in the pursuits of trade think substantially alike upon it. It is in their behalf, whatever their party ties, that I have plead heretofore, and plead no&, for financial reform, justice, relief and honesty and in thtir behalf I shall continue to struggle for these great ends as long as I take part in public affairs. Our whole financial system is the work of the Republican party, the result of nearly seventeen \ears of strictly partisan legislation, and to the leaders of that party, not to me, belongs its defense, if, indeed, any defense can be made for so much injustice and oppression inflicted on a lone suffering people.

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