Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 10 October 1878 — Page 7

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He Speans to an Im mense Audience at Court Park.

A Brilliant Speech From ^the Ohio .Statesman,

Which is Calculated to Make Many |Converta.

A Cheering and in Every Way Successful Meeting.

The Democracy Earnest Determined.

and

[From Friday's Daily immense crowd assembled at

court park last night. The notice of the Pendleton meeting was necessarily short, the time had been changed to an earlier date and many persons had not been notified of the change.

Gther circumstances operated against the meeting. But notwithstanding this, the Ohio greenbacker was greeted by an immense turnout of the masses. If there were

20,000

people at the Butler meeting,

(which had been worked up for weeks) there were at least

15,000

people present last night. Both of these estimates are no doubt exaggerated. There were probably

6,000

8,000

people in attendance last night. The speaker, shortly after seven o'clock^ was escorted from the Terre Haute House to the Notional stand, which had been engaged for the occasion. A nf number ot prominent politicians were seate upon the platform. At'ter miuic by the Ringgold band, Hon. George ii. feudleton was introduced, and t-pokc as fullowo:

THE SPEECH. ,VW.

LADII S AND GENTLEMEN—MY FEL-I.OW-CI IIZENS I am greatly honored by this meeting. I appreciate fully the compliment that you do me. I am onij sorry, that the travel, and the speeches that I have been obliged to make within the last three or four weeks, have retuiered it impossible that 1 should do justice to myseli, far less, 10 fittingly entertain so magnificent an audience as this, 1 pleaded those circumstances as a reason why I should defer my visit to another occasion, but your committee was inexorable and, therefore, I am here to speak to you upon matters that pertain to the interests ol the citizens of all the states, and ot all parts of all the states.

I have long desired to pay a visit to this city. 1 had heard much of its beauty, the elegance of its houses, the activity of its people, the hospitality of its citizens but I was not at all prepared to find a city so beautiful as this, grown out of a town which I can remember as a mere village in the "far west." Of course, I had read in history about Fort Harrison, of the part it had played in the earlv settlement of tbis country. Even ly as I came across your bituc, I read in the newspapers of Indianapolis, the address of a gentleman who was speaking about the pioneers of Indiana and, in traveling over this magnificent country, I considered the beginnings of which historv had told me and ot which he had spoken, and en the magnificent developments of town and city which we see to-day, and I was impressed, more than I can tell you, with the grandeur ot our American civilization, and of the immensity of the duties that rest upon American citizenship. And, I come before you, my fellow-citi-zens, feeling that impression to a degree that I can hardly express to you, feeling that duty of the American citizen honestly to consider, faithfully to determine and then honestly to act upon his convictions—the highest duties that devolve upon manhood. [Applause.J it is In this spirit that I address y«u tonight.

I am told that Republicans and Nationals, as well as Democrats, do me the honor to listen to me. I am greatly obliged that they do so. I shall endeavor to address their reason, and if I connot convince them. 1 shall at least endeavor in no degree to wound their susceptibilities or to offend their partisan prejudices.

A few weeks ago, when the canvass in Ohio and Indiana opened, it appeared that many questions might attract the public attention and be opened for discussion. Some of our friends endeavored to raise as a banner in tills campaign the bloody shirt, again but since President Hayes, yielding either to necessity or to choice, yielding to the wisdom of counsels that he had received from wise men in his own party and also! with

had recommended the payment of only a few millions, less than five, I think, it was found that argu.nent would not win

We heard a good deal about the Mexicanization of American politics. Why, gentlemen, there never was an attempt to Mexicanize except when federal troops were sent into southern states to prevent a free election, Applause.]

We heard a good deal about the *'out rages" that had been perpetrated in the south during the last presidential campaign, but ever cince Mrs. Eliza Pink6ton. that New Maid of Orleans, had declared that when she was carried into the presence of the examing statesman. she was well and able to walk, it was found that that cry wbold have to be dropped.

So, gentlemen, these questions that rarely do belong to a canvass in any senBe, whatever, have passed away, and we are brought face to face with those economic questions whu appeal, not to passion but to reason. I am glad that at last in the history of our country we have got rid of tjie questions that appeal to passion and come at last to the questions that appeal to the judgement only. [Applause,

The questions that tie are to consider are the volume and the character of our currency—The power in the sjate that shall issue the CUJrencv and the kind of currency it shall be, and the effect of a 6olution*of these questions upon the trade, the industry, the labor, the prosperity of the country. It has become the fashion in Ohio—I do not know-how it is here—within the last year or two, to say that the Demo crats exaggerate largely the depres-i*n of industries throughout the country. I shall not undertake to-night, my tellow citizens, to draw you a pictuae of the people of the country or the industries in which they are engaged. I shall deal in no figures of speech and no hyperdole. I see around me a large and intelligent audience,of my fellow citizens —men ot every age some witu grey hairs that pcrtend'the arrival of the three 6Core years and ten others, perhaps, cannot remember more than six, or eight or ten years ot our commercial and political history and I appeal to them all, whatever may be their partisian ties, whatever may bi their predelections, whether they have ever known, during their lives, a period when labor has been so much without employment, when industry has been 60 depressed, when all enterprises have so vainly sought a fair, just return for that which ihey hazzard. I know what the answer will be, for I know what the truthful answer must be. Yet our Secretary of the Treasury comes to the State of Ohio and tells us that, although there tnay be some reason for complaint on this score, all the countries of the world,

uland, France, Ger

many, Spain, liai \, ourt'er from a like degression, and he woulJ have us to understand that we must look, not for the causes that are special to our own country and our own legislation, but to general causes that effect the industries of all the

Wvrld

alike. Now, I shall not

into a comparison of the degree of she dep'es-ii»n which exists here and which exists abioiid. I will make to you a suggestion or two, however, in the consideration of these matters.Long since our war closed, Prussia and Austria engaged in the most bloody and extensive campaign of one Summer which modern times has seen. After that Germany and France met in deadly conflict And the result was that France was obliged to pay more than $ 1,000,000,006 for her war expenses, and another $1,000,000,000 for lier indemnity to Germany. England has not yet recovered from the excitement which she exderienced consequent upon tha conflict between Russia and Turkey, when she was obliged, at enormous expense to bring her ducky troops from India to take part in the complications of European politics, Spain to-day suffers from the destruction of that crop which is to her as essential to prosperity as the wheat or the corn would be to the northwest. These are causes which might account for the depression of trade and industries and the suffering in the Old

World. And, if this were not enough, I would call youi attention to the fact that all these countries are ruled by a landed 6r monied oligarchy, that the money power has sway in their legislation, as it has perhaps, in other countries of which we know better than of them. I Applause.] would call your attention to the fact that while the Shylocks, in the olden time, lent money to those who were engaged in business on the Rialto, that now they also sit in the houses of Legislation and in the interests of judgment, will not regard the law which a second Daniel come to judgement has proclaimed,that if they wilt have the .pound of flesh they shall not take a drop of blood with it.

Here we have had peace we have had a government controlled by the people we have.had an abundant of God's blessings showered upon us to an extraordinary degree we haye had no tamine And until recently we have had no pestilence in our midst. As I rode last summer through Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, I saw the wheat and rye and barley and oats, lifting up their heads in all their golden glory, and asking only the hand of the reaper. To-day I saw your corn with its tasselled he%ds raised to heaven and only bowed down by the full ear in tribute to that Almighty beneficence that has given us the rain, the sunshine, the seed time and the harvests in their season. I saw the cattle, more numerous than those upon a thousand hills, feeding, even yet, in pasture green and rich— preparing themselves for the markets of the world. And why is it, my fellow citizens, that with graneries burning breadstuff, so abun-

to the persuasion of the Democratic policy dant through all this? country, which hVd been proclaimed for years, he had withdrawn the federal troops from LouisiansI, Florida and South Carolina. It was found that the great body of the Republican party could not be amassed under that banner, because the first antagonist that they met was their own commander-in -chief.

We heard a good deal -of the raid that the Democratic party was to make on the treasury ot the United States, for the purpose of paying the southern war claims, but when it was discovered *that the Republican party had, in ten yeafs, paid a hundred millions of these claims, and that the Democratic party, during the time it had had possession'of the House of Representatives,

as that not only every human being could be fed to repletion, but a great excess could be sent abroad to nations that are less prosperous. Why is it, I say, that in the midst ot this abundance, which God has sent us, that men, and women and children go to bed hungry at night, and have not a roof to cover them, or clothing to screen their nakedness by day. Why is it? Is there any hidden* power that would thwart the beneficence of God, and the labor of man? Is there any occult mystery, by which, in the midst of plenty, there should be starvation? I think not. I think the causes are so plain, as that a man who will look at them with intelligence and candor, can read them

THE TERRE HAUTE WEEKLY GAZETTE.

withont doubt. They are not in the air they are not in the climate they are not in the physical conditions by which we are surrounded but a policy has persistently been pursued for ten years, which hassteadily and uniformly appreciated .the value of money and of securities depending upon the value of money, which has depressed industry, stagnated trade, broken down enterprise, and in that way, by taking employment away fron\ the people, has enforced idleness, poverty and misery among them.

Look at the condition of the country ten years ago. We had just come out of a great war. During that war the volume of the currency had been enormously increased. The prices of articles of production, dependent upon the volume of the currency had risen enormously. The indebtedness both of United States as a. government and of the people of the United States in their individual capacity was beyond any conception that had theretofore been formed. The government in carrying on that war brought a million of men into the field. It needed for their support all the articles of production in this northern country. It needed horse*, mules, wagons, clothing, shoes, wheat corn, oats, the implements of r, guns, cannons, powder and shot. It needed all the appliances for the hospital, it needed all the appliances which modern civilization required «for the support of that vast number of men in the fields. Now, the war hac closed the currency was abundant, prices were high, the indebtedness had grown, as I stated before to an enormous amount and yet that indebtedness was within the control of the government. All the bonds that had been issued up to ten years ago were redeemed by the government in five years.

Now, what was wisdom? The cime to an end. The markets of the government had closed, the demand for production had .'iceased, but by the same token' and at the same time, the barrier which separated the southern from the northern states had broken down, and the immense markets, caused by the demand ot fourteen millions of people, whose property, whose farms, whose tarming implementr, whose mines, whose manufactures had been destroyed, or at least impaired, were opening by the products of industry, so stimulated during the war throughout this northern country. What was wisdom? To payoff your war debt upon war pieces. [Applause This policy was urged upon the people of the country as being wise and just, as being honest in the discharge of our debt, as being just to the creditor who received, and just to the people who paid the taxes to discharge that debt. It was claimed to be no injury to any human being, while to the body of the people, upon whom this great indebtedness rested, it was claimed to be a great blessing. Part of that system was this, to pap off that indebtedness of the government known as the 5- 20 bond8 in the currency paid to the government for those bonds. [Applause.] Those bonds amounted to

$2,500,000,000,

more or less

Thev had been sold by the guverment for currency when currency stood ft a large discount as compared with gold. By the law of their own creation, they were payable in currency. The very law that authorized their issue, authorized the issue of legal tender notes and declared thft those notes should be a legal tenderf except only as to the payment of the interest on the bonds and the custom duties. It was asserted and urged with all the logic of argument that this policy was right, expedient, just and honest and so great a hold had that statement upon the people, at least of our Northwest, that both political parties of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, and of various other states, embraced it in their platform. Your own Senator from Indiana—Senator Morton—declared that to be the true interpretation of the law. Senator Sherman, from Ohio, declared that anybody who did not accede to that interpretaion was himself a repudiator, and vet, gentlemen, the very first act of the administration of Gen. Grant of

In order to make that law effective, in order to prevent justice being done to the people, immediately afterw*ds thev required that new bonds should be issued, which, on their face should declare that they were payable in coin, and that the proceeds of the sale ot those bonds should be applied to the taking up ot the 5:2o's, so as to make it impossible tba' any future government, under' the impulse necessarily given to it by this wrong done to the people, could correct the evil that had been done. I say that this is the keynote to the policy that has been puisued ever since.

What has that policy been? In the midst of the panic of

1873

purpose of enhancing the value of the remaining coin in which it was supposed the bonds would be alone payable. And the little mite of restitution that has been made during the past winter is made by the union of all tht Democrats with a few individual Republicans in Congress, and in spite of an opposing Senate, and the veto of the President [A voice, "How did Voorhees vote on that?") Mr. Voorhees voted fjr remonetization from beginning to end— [cheers]—and he fought, like a true man, in favor of a policy, which, if it shall be adopted, shall again restore rights to labor. and prosperity to individuals. [Applause, and a voice, "You have no records for it."] Why my dear sir, it is written in the history of the country so plainly that a blind man may see it. but you file.it away cancelled. So when the secretary of the treasury was required to redeem the legal tender notes, these notes were to be laid away, cancelled or destroyed, as circumstances might require and when the present secretary of the treasury, then senator, introduced the bill into the Senate of the United States, he reiused to permit discussion, and both those who were opposed to the distruction and those in favor of it came together and voted for the bill, each thinking that in the interpretation of the Taw they would be able to cheat '.he other. But no sooner had the bill passed than the Secretary of the Treasury, then in office, declared that redemption meant dedestrudtion. TKe money power declared that redemption meant destruction the Republican party all over the country, with here and there an exception, declared it, and no potential dissent was ever nade until Mr. Sherman, then Senator from Ohio, finding that it was doubtful, owing to the pressure, under which the people were suffering, whether Ohio's electoral vote would be given to Mr. Tilden or to Gen Haves, came to the state and declared that possibly redemption did not mean the destruction of the greenback currency. Well, on the very day, or directly afterward, that tnat bill was passed the representative from the first district of Ohio [Mr. Sayler] secured the passage of a resolution requiring the secretary of the treasury to declare to the house how much coin tie nad in the vaults of the treasu which could be used for the purpose of redemption and he returned the answer,

000,000

1874,

1869

was to declare that those bonds, then payable in greenbacks, which were at a discount of

per cent., as co.npared

wTth gold, should thenceforth be payable in coin. Coin, as I said, was at

per

cent, premium. The bonds amounted to $2,500,000 000. That single act added $800,000,000 to the public indebtednes of the country, and imposed thai much additional burden upon the tax-payers of the country. Think of it! I say, gentlemen, that this is an act of spoliation upon private prosperity af which no government has ever been guilty before. [Applause.] I say that in all recorded history there never has been an instance where the money has been borrowed, the terms agreed upon, the bonds issued, the money paid, the contract made completely made the money on one side delivered, and the bonds, on the other side, received, I say in the history of civilization there has been no government that has ever, un^r those circumstances, voluntarially increased the indebtedness of its people to the money-lenders and the bond-holders, except the government of the United States under the control and lead of the Republican party. [Applause.] And there is the keynote of the policy which has been pursued ever since.

the silver

money of the country was demonetized. That silver which had been money from the time that Abraham bought the cave of Machpelah in which to bury his wife Sarah—that silver which had been the money of the country from the day of the adoption of the federal constitution—that silver of which the mines of the United States produce more than the mines of any country in the world was demonetized in

1873

for the sole

and on the 1st of July of

this year, declares that there has been a contraction of

$97,000,000

will not buy

$13,000,000.

Thirteen muions of coin to redtem

$350,

of paper currency. Now, there

was no other way under heaven by which a government having

$13,000,000

of coin

could redeem in coin three hundred and fifty millions of paper, except either by hoarding coin or contracting the paper, and they have done both. Mr. Sherman in his speech at Toledo, "(I cite him because his authority will not be questioned) made in August last, said that there were in the Treasury of the United States over and aouve all demands pending, $i2c^.od,ooo in coin, that he had hoarded for 1 he purpose of re».nnation. Think of it! One hundred ana twenty-nine millions of gold and silver coin and bullion, hoarded in the Treasury—idle, doing nothing, hoarded away, paid for by the bonds of the people of the United States, upon which an annual interest of five per cent is paid out of your taxes. What more The same authority, ac cordi to another statement, of the comparative amount of paper currency in Circulation in

in the mean

time. ... Showing a contraction of

$2,000,000

a month.

Now, I need not tell to an audience like this what is the effect of contracting the currency and the effect of giving out your interest-paying bonds for the purpose of purchasing and hoarding coin. Tell me whether it is possible for any other result to flow from -a. policy such as«I have described, except that the money of the country decrease in volume and increase in value, and that evenr product of your industry, every product of your labor, every product of your mines, of your factories and of our iarms, shall fall in a corresponding degree. We are so accustomed to talk about money and to consider it as the great standard of value which neither moves upward or downward, that we forget the nrst great proposition, that money has its price as well everything else, that money and articles that are exchanged for money have their correlation to each other that you buy money as well as money buys the product of your industry that the man who gives a day's wages for a dollar buys that dollar as well as that the man who gives the dollar buys the wages. Wnen the farmer sells his bushel ot wheat for a dollar that bushel buys the dollar as much as that the dollar buys the bushel. When we tell aoout increasing the value of money it onlymeans that we decrease the" value of everything else that buys monev. And yet the President of the United States, in a speech made the other day at St. Paul, says that it is one of the boasts of his administration, one of the boasts of the progress of the American people during the last ten years, that while the volume of the currency has deminshed the value of the currency that remains is increased. Certainly it is inci eased I need not tell you that if there is any article in the community in general demand, and pait of its volume is destroy ed, that the value of that which remains is enhanced. So it is with money and if it b* true that by reason of this contraction of which 1 have spoken, the money of the country has increased in its purchasing power, or ia its value, as 1 prefer to call it, or in its price 33^ per cent, then it is equally true that it they had contracted currency to a greater extent, the value of the remainder would be stilt greater than it is. They have increased, they say, the value of the currency in the last ten years so that its put chasing power is sixty percent., as the Secretary says, or thirty per cent as the President said, more than it was a few years ago. What followed, necessarily? The re-

chasing power of money, they decrease,

as before

but only $1. Another thing, follows your debt remains the same. Suppose you agreed ten years ago to pay

$100

year for ten years on your tarm. Then you could earn, if you were a laboring man,

$2.

per day. Fifty days labor

would pay your yearly instalment. Bit they increase the value of money and ii requires one hundred days labor to pay that same amount. And yet these gentleman, from the President of the United Staler, through all his cabinet, claim with pride that they have increased the value ,of the dollar.

Momey has appreciated,. the products of industry have gone down that with which men can pay debts has decreased in value. Here is the cause, why, in the midst of this great abundance lab^r gets no reward and laborers suffer. Now the Democratic party says it is in favor of changing that policy that it is in favor of stopping this contraction and the hoarding of coin that it is in favor ot stopping this increase of the national debt in order to buy coin tnat it is in favor ot introducing economy everywhere in the administration of the government. As one of the means of economizing, it is in favor of substituting United States notes for the national bank currency. (A voice: Do you mean money or a promise to pay?) I mean United States notes hither t.uy contain a promise to pay or a promise to receive. Bank notes are tecurcd in their circula-i tion in the hands of the note-holders by deposit of U. S. bonds, at the rate $100 of bond* for

$90

of notes Now t*

agiee perfectly that that security is bet.:r for the note-holder a better security for the unifom circulation of the note at a uniform value than any other banking sy6tem that we have ever had. But these notes are issued by two thousand and more National banks, all of which are controlled by one man, appointed by the political administration in power, whose office is in the treasury of the United States, and who holds in his hands the reins of the system which has permeated almost every county in the state, a system which -controls almost immediately five hundred millions of money. These banks are all bound together bv a common tie of interest, and if you touch the interest of one of them the effect produced on all, is uniform and electrical. There are three hundred and twenty odd millions of these notes in circulation. They are secured by three hundred and fifty millions of, United States bonds. The three hundred and twenty millions that are in circulation are outstanding and in circulation under the operation the cf .'free banking l^y Therefore, as over Republican friends tell us, that is the amount required by the true demands of business in the country and that amount cannot be varied, without either a shock to values or a derangement of business. These bonds bear an average interest of 5 per cent. Therefore they draw from the United States

$16,000,000

or less in interest upon the capital invested. Let me say right here that I am not quarreling with any Nationa banker who invests his money that way. The system is legal. He has a right to do it. I am only finding fault with the system. The bankers pay upon their circulation about three million of dollars. This leaves as the net amount that the people of the United States pay for allowing the hanks to exercise this privil ege of circulation more than

$13,000,000.

Now the Democratic party says with draw that national bank circulation issue in place of it United States note6 which cost nothing but the expense of manufacture. With those notes take up at their market value the bonds of the U. S. Cancel the bonds save the interest. Do this gradually so thai it will produce no shock to business. You will have a better currency. And jou will save $13,000,000 a year out of the taxes that go into the treasury. You will give to the people of the country the value of the credit of their country \%hich after all is the sole support of the national bank currency. Why should not that be done? The circulation will be as good. There will be no inflation There will be no shock to business. There will be no derangement of prices. There will be'actual economy. There will be no greatei probability of private, disaster, or of demoralization in the politics of the country. Why should it not be ^one? When the Secretary of the Treasury cime to answer that question, he said: "Why stop here? Why not- issue enough United States notes to take upl the whole public debt and thus cave al the interest," Gentlemen, th-U position may be argued in such serious tones at seme other time by starving men as that the Secretary of the Treasury will not think it a proper subject for a joke. But that is not the question now. We will not allow the Secretary to escape under no cry of repudiation.

They tell us that the congress of the United States cannot be trusted with this great power of determining what shall be the amount of currency in the country. Why not? The congress of the United States may make war. It may raise armies. To raise armies it may pass a conscription act and by that act it takes men into the field whether they will or not. Congres, may horrow tnOney and pledge through its taxing power all the property in the country. Congress may make peace, even though it be by the dismemberment of the Union. Congress itself fixes the rate of your internal taxes the 1 ate of your tariff, regulates commerce between the States and with foreign nations. and in those places where it has exclusive jurisdiction, it affixes the penalty of death to whatever crime it may see fit Tell me that a congress invested with these great powers that come home to every Tiousehold cannot be trusted with determining the volume of currency that may be necessary to be established by law because it may yield some time or

suit follows as certainly as the night does otter to the clamor of the starving peothe dav, that if they increase U»e pur-! P»e

and

in the same proportion, the purchasing ^e thinks the .people ought to power or the value or the price, whatever youmay call it, of every article which is bartered for money. If your wages yesterday were

per day,

then a day's work was worth

$2. If

by any process money is made more valuable, so that one dollar to-day, will command a day's wages, then your wages,

add a few mdlions more of dollars

moneJr"*en^er

have! (Cheers.) X'

an*

Now gentlemen this is in brief the policv which we propose to the people of the United States as a substitute for that which the Repulican party has inaugurated. We say if you change the cause the effect will be changed also. We say

that since you have perpetually ad vanethe dollar and depressed ed the value of

the v. |. of everything else, that "if you chau^e that policy you will change' the value of all those other :h:..igs yid set into opera4.idb the wheels of industry and give employment to all laborers. [A voice: How will you keep those equal with coin?} While they circulate in the community, receivable tor taxes and a legal-tender in the payment of all debts they will, maintain themselves on an equality with coin. That puts me in mind of something I want to say. Some of our people M* distressed to death to know how we w?H get the notes into circulation.

It is the easiest thing in the world. With these notes buy up the bonds of the United States, and cancel them. The Democratic party says change this policy, and you will change the effect. It' says stop the worship of the Almighty dollar, and if we must have an idol to worship, let it the labor and industries df the country. [Cheers.] But if this poli-1 cy I have spoken of, wou do only half' I hope it will do, it \viti do the greatest good to the people of thi6 county. (Cheen».)

Try our policy. Put it into operation. You know what the other policy has led to. Try this and see what will be the result. Let us make this gretf land of ours, irom ocean to ocean, and from the gulf to the lakes one. teeming hive of busy, prosperous industries one great workshop in which

the acute and cunning brain, the powerful arm, every science, every appliance of ingenuity, and every contrivance of machinery will lend thev aid in supplying the wants of our advanced aud advancing civilization. I believe if we can ever bring that about, this country will be a temple dedicated from one end to the other to liberty, justice

equality and the rights of humanity*' (Loud and confined applause.)

"DON'T GIVE UP THE SHIP." When these words were spoken by oar lamented lawrcnce, it must, have been a solemn time for thoao onboard, and probably not a dry eye among them, seeing their commander mortally wounded, aud still: giving orders like the above: but not mors solemn than when the family physlotan -informs you that some one of your family has an (Taction ot the lungs, wnioh, If,neglected, I' wl eventually terminate in Consumption. But, reader, don't be frightened or ''give up the ship," lor Dr. Haln, a pnyaioiin of Europe, discovered a remedy for all ecnghlk j'(Ms, hoarseness difficult breathing, and IH affections of the throat, bronchial tubes, anfl leading to Consumption:and Crittenden.oaa ofour i«adin medicine dealers, of No. I Sixth Avenue, Nuw York, believing the market required an article, which was certain, ife and sure to (to tho.worb, and yet withtB the reach of .11 as regards price, etcuhaspurohased the origl- al receipt from Dr. Hals, and we understand, is selling very large

quantities of the sauie, and as fa as we hed^ 1 It gives entire sati»faction. It Is now solf ty all druggists in Mew Tork, Brooklya, Jersey City, Newark, N. J., Hoboken, and in fact, all through the country, at 50 cents ana |1. Great saving by purchasing large siM

RKKDCITT, April ft, 1877.

MA. CRITTINDKN—DBAR SIB: 1 use yoor Honey oflloi eh jund ami Tar .n my family* an 1 use it very freely. I rnn tho Union Dining toms in the Union Depot at BeeA* City. I have from ton to fifteen lu my ciq ploy, and we nearly all use your meaioine itut 1 caunot nffcrd to pay the retail price for it. The last lloney of Uorehonnd ana Tar It sent to Troy, N.Y., for I could not bar I'' in East 31ginaw'or Grand fUpids. Do yfli have it in quart bottles, or oaa you put ou up one dozen in some shape to that it wllr come lower than the ast I bought? I paid for the last flv dollars for six eight-ounca bottles. Can I buy it in flve-poand bottles*. 1'ni.i, I thiu would be a very good place toad vcrtiseyour goods. I do not understand, why it is not sold in East8aginawor Grand Rapids. I think It. Is the best cough medicine I tver used. We have used it more «r •, less tor ten yoirs. Please wrlto me thil cheapest and best way for me to bny It, and 'if can afford it I will send you a small order, ami when 1 crder I wil* send money with order Yours respectfully,

D. ADAMS,needUtyJMich.

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InvisibleiPlaids, French Suitings, Camel's Hair CislmerM,

Oammasse Over Dress 6ootfs» French Armeeres, Colored Cashmeres/

Together with an elegant line of Dress Goods at

6,8,10,12 1-2,15,20, 25, 30,

35. 40, 50c,

and upward.

NEW CLOAKS, NEWtDOLMANS,' NEW CIRCULARS

including all the JatestjPam and York Fashions^

Hoberg, Soot & Co.,

OPERA HOUSE.

Uor. Fourth and Main.