Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 1 August 1878 — Page 2

VOORHEES

He Opens the Democratic Cama paign at South Bend.

The Key Note of the Canvass Struck Loud and Clear.

All the Absorbing Questions in the Field of Politics Discussed.

Verbatim Report of His Speech as Delivered Below.

(We present below, in full, the speech of Senator D. W. Voorhees, delivered last (Saturday) afternoon, before a Democratic mass meeting, at South Bend, Indiana.—[Ed*. GAZETTE.

Special Dispatch to the GAZBTTK: South Bend, Ind., July

27th, 1878.

The value ot free discussion cannot he overestimated It is the vital element of human progress and the life of ftee government itself. The right of unlimited enquiry into the management of public affairs "is not only necessary to the crca tion of free institution*, bat also to their continued existence. A government of the people, resting upon their virtue and intelligence is only secure when the people themselves assert an absolute control ever their own affairs. This was the problem solved bv the American revolution a hundred years ago, and the American government stands alone at this time among the nations of the earth on this principal The value, however, of this great right, depends mainly, if not entirely, on the spirit in which it is exercised. Partisan discussion too often degenerates into personal controversy. The success or def at ot individuals is of but small moment, while the triumph of correct principles and wise policies is of enduring importance In the contest on which we are now just entering in Indiana, it shall be my purpose to subordinate all individual interests to an ascertainment of the public good and its establishment in our midst. In doing this-it shall alto be my purpose to inflict no personal wound on any one to treat the opinions of my opponents with the same respect I ask for mv own, and to appeal in the spirit of kindness, to the honest and con scientious voters of all parties.

V\ hen we look plainly and candidly at the present position of political parties, •we are at once forcibly struck with the fact that the party now in po*er in national affairs, is totally destitute of a sin gle issue in the interest of the great mass of the American people, on *hich to go before them for their confidence and ^upport. I ask your careful consideration of this propos'tion. In whatever direction you view the political field you find absolutely nothing offered by t&e leaders of the Republican party calculated to pro mote the public welfare. In a period of great corruption and debasement otJth* uar 'ana debaucheries, connected both with the last and the present administra tion, and bowed down as the people are by the most appalling business distress ever known in a civilized commonwealth, I challenge the production of a single measure, bv those who now lead and control the Republican party, which has in it the elements of popular relief. It is true, when the present administration was placed in power lofty promises of purity and reform in the civil service of the government were proclaimed to the world. It appeared then to be the purpose of Mr. Hayes and his advisers to institute a contrast with the administra tion which had just expired. It was given out in formal official declarations, that those who were engaged in the service of the government should not be the mere henchmen ot the administration in power, but that they were to discharge their duties to the public on an independ ent and self-respecting basis. You all remember how the public ear was captivated by statements of this kind, that no man should be displaced as long as he honestly and efficiently discharged the duties of his position. You also have not forgotten the repeated announcements made by Mr. Hayes and his cabinet, that the odious and corrupt practice of assessments levied oa government officeholders for the purpose of carrying elections, was thenceforth to be utterly and entirely abandoned. The proposition in subutance was that the offices of the government belonged to the people, and that while the duties in which alone the people are interested, were faithfully performed, the incumbent should not be molet-ted nor should he, like a slave, be compelled to pay tribute to party managers for his place nor was he to be required, or permitted, to seize upon the control ot local politics by virtue of the influence of his office. How long, however, did this virtuous impulse last? In lesss than six months after its proclamation the old arts and devices of unscrupulous politicians were again in the ascendant. The federal officeholder again resumed his practices. He was again the chief of the caucus, of the ward meeting, and the controling spirit ot county and state conventions. The teachings of the administration were openly disregarded and despised, and it had not the courage or self-re-spect to make them heeded. Among the best officers, also, many were displaced or sought to be displaced, without cause, and in defiance of the rules laid down, while those who have violated every principle of the code of civil scrvice rejorm, have in no instance, been punished or even rebuked. Worse than this, however, what do we next behold The following circular has been recently issued at Washington, in the immediate presence of Mr. Hayes and his cabinet, and with their knowledge and consent, as it plainly states

Washington, D. C., May

27,1878.

"SIR This committee, charged wuh laboring for the success of the Republican cause in the coming campaign tor the election of members of congress, call with confidence on you as a Republican .for such a contribution in money as you 'may be willing to make, hoping that it will not be less than $ The com­

mittee deem it proper in thus appealing to Republicans generally, to inform those who happen to be in federal employ, that there will be no objection in any official quarter to such voluntary contribution."

This circular, after giving 6ome false reasons for such an extraordinary measure, closes with the following significant admonition: "Please make prompt and favorable response to this letter, and remit at once by draft or postal money order to Sidney F. Austin, Esq.. treasurer, &c.

Bv order of the Committee. [Signed] GBOR«E C. GORHAM, "Secretary." It has been ascertained that the amount being levied upon Federal officeholders is in no instance less than one per cent, of their salaries, and it oftener equals two per cent. There are now not less than 80,000 persons holding office in the civil service ef the United States, and it is very sate to assume that their salaries will average $x,000 per annum, making an aggregate of $80,000,000. An assessment of one pet cent, on this amount yields the enormous sum of $800,000, to be usfc} in the approaching elections The mission of this money is to corrupt the ballot box, to debauch, as far as possible, the virtue of the people, and to fasten on the country a policy contrary to the will of the majority. It is raised by extortion to be used in jobbery and bribery. A more dangerous movement than this can hardlv be conceived. It is full of peril and menace to the very existence of popular liberty. On the one hand it seeks to reduce the entire force in the public service to a species of servitude, and on the other it attempts to poison the very fountains of all free government. There are over 46,000 post-masters in the United States, and this great army of officials together with collectors of custom, of revenue, and all their subordinate*, as well as the helpless, trembling clerks in the departments at Washington, whose wives and children depend upon their place- for bread, are all, this hour, writhing under the party lash, under this cruel demand for party tribute, which means a compliance with its terms or discharge from office. It appears that within a few days past some reluctance to comply with this demand has manifested itself in certain official quarters. We therefore find this same Republican committee issuing anew order still more imperative in tone, and more significant of danger to such as refuse its mandates. This order closes by saying: "We have therefore arranged with the treasurer, Mr. Austin, to attend at the

National bank, corner ofF and Seventh streets, from four to five o'clock p. to reccive contributions from those in your department who have not already responded."

The salaries of clerkships under the

A claim is sometimes put forth in behalf of the present administration by a pot tion at least of the Republican party that it has what is known as a southern policy, which commends it to fair-mind-ed people. The fact that the southern states are no longer governed by military power that their elections are "no longer determined by the bayonet that they have been restored to their places under the constitution, has been heralded to the world as an evidence of the statesman his of those who are at the head of our "national affairs. It is diffcult to tpreat^uch a false pretense with patience. When, where, in what state, and before what audience, from Maine to Oregon, was this policy ever announced as Republican doctrine? The war closed more than thirteen years ago, and I challenge the proceedings of every convention of the Republican party, from that hour to this, to furnish a single speech, or a single resolution in'favor of such a measure On the contrary, we find one campaign following another, political contest succeeding political contest, all forming an unbroken record of hostility to the constitutional rights of the southerm states and people. Two years ago in Indiana the Republican candidate for governor announced with bitter emphasis that the ensanguined smybol of perpetual hate was the banner under which he made his canvass. Every suborn inate speaker in the state followed in the same strain. A speech made at that time in behalf ofg the policy since pursued by Hayes would have at once excluded the speaker from membership in the Republican party. The entire battle of

1876

was fought everywhere by the leaders of that party on their old doctrines of rancor, strife and blood. The Democratic party confronted it, as it has done from the close of the war, with the constitution as the only measure of power, and.

V, 1

warrent of government, for states south as well as»tates north. We have held from the hour of Lee's surrender that the surest and speediest method of restoring the south to peace and prosperity was to extend to her people the equal rotection of the constitution and the laws. It was thought then, as it is now, that an appeal of our own race and blood would be met by a renewed and faithful allegiance to the government. The wisdom of our faith has been so fully exemplified, and has grown SJ strong in the public opinion of this and all countries, that a Republican administrations, carried into office in hostility to it, has at last been forced to accept and to administer the government on its principles. The

erovernment ranee from seven to filfeen a land of revolution and lawle

hundred ,llart per annum, and in a few instances higher. It requires therefore no stretch of the imagination for us to behold, each evening of these days, between four and five oixlock, the clerks under this administration, male and female, old any young, white and black, wending their heavy and sorrowful way to meet this Mr. Austin, the corruption agent of the leaders. jqOJir, ^RgryiWif W crretr tfdrnings so sadly needed in their stinted and barren homes. Honest voters of Indiana, do not turn with loath ing from such a spectacle as this? Men of the Republican party where is the high spirit of your once great organization? Has it sunk so low that it has no other means to sustain itself, to continue in power, than to extort from the helpless and dependent of both sexes, all ages, every color, and every condition in life? Fallen and miserable indeed must be its once high estate when it is compelled to come before the public with so disgraceful an issue with its broken pledges of civil service reform, with its shameless disregard of public morality, leaning for its support, as it totters to its downfall, on those who are so unfortunate as to hold official place under it. I arraign the leaders of the Republican party at the very threshold of this canvass as the Organizers of corruption, the assessors of blackmail to be used in destroying the purity ot elections, and in the overthrow of the rights of the people. It their schemes can be made successful and prevalent throughout this country if the policy of controlling elections by the use of money, now openly proclaimed by the party in power, shall receive no condeni nation at the hands of the people, then our institutions of free government wi.l perish, and our name will become a hissiifg and a byword in all the four quarters of the globe.

tHE TERRE HAUTE WEEKLY GAZETTE.

60-cal.ed,

southern policy of Mr. Hayes is simply a forced concession to the power of a public opinion created by the courage and devotion of the Democratic party. When inducted into an office to which he was not elected by the people he placed himself upon a piatform on which neither he nor his party had ever before stood. In fact, neither the office which he holds nor the principles on which he administers it in his dealings with the south, belongs to him or his

party.

He

has appropriated them bo'h without right. Indeed, the most powerful and stalwart leaders of his own party do not hesitate to declare his southern policy to be of Democratic origin, and that the true title to it is in the Democratic party. What Republican state convention has given it unqualified endorsement? When an endorsement has been attempted at all, as in the late Republican state con vention of Indiana, it has been in a timid, half-hearted and distrustful manner. On the other hand, such bold, strong men as Conkling, Blaine, Cameron, and, indeed, a large majority of the recognized leaders of the party, miss no opportunity to disclaim for the Republican party all responsibility for the southern policy of the administration.

In the midst of its wide-9pread demo alization, however, a strange and violen attempt has recently been made to revive the waning fortunes of the Republican party by a sensational attack on the investigation now being made into alleged frauds by which the present administra tion was placed in power. When this investigation was ordered by a Democatic house of representatives a sort of hysterical scream burst out from the entire Republican press. To dispassinoate ears however, it sounded much like the cry of conscious guilt and fear of detection than ot patriotic nppiehension for the country A new word was coit.ed, prophetic of evil to our government. We were infromed wiih ora~ulur emphasis that our government was be "Mexicanized! Do those who havt.- hu !e.i this vvord to oi'r political vccubul.iiy havt-

iny

conception of its real meaning and aza plication? From the conquest of Cortp to the present hour Mexico ha9 been

A.

1 1 —. »n M^I\A'1nnr4Snf (aafllf

turbulence, her One ofthe^leading features of hte history has been the usurpation of power by those who were not entitled to it. Fraud and violence have controlled her highest official positions. The question there has not been who was elected president of the republic, but who had the means of chicanery or force to obtain the position. Ler-

A

vl,dl

pfe&l? and Diaz now holds it in violation of the Mexican constitution, and without the sanction of popular suffrage. But does the evil example of Mexico apply to the conduct of a party which investigates fraud and seeks to ascertain the true expression of the popular will? Does it not rather apply with crushing force to that party which, having pro* cured control of the government by the openly confessed means of false returns, now seeks to stifle all inquiry on the subject? Which policy would soonest and most certainly Mexicanize the American government? What party is on the plainest road to that bad end? Is it the Democratic party, which aims to discover fraud, and to hold its criminal perpetrators up to public execration, or is it not in fact the Republican party whose leaders have desecrated the ballot-box and sapped the very foundations of popular government through the instrumentalities of the Andersons, the Wcbers, the McLinns,the Dennises, the Jencke-es, and the brazen gang now so conspicuous before the public? Who can be harmed by investigation? None but the guilty Who dreads investigati on? tt is my experience that the innocent have no fears, while it is the experience of mankind that the guilty flee even when no one pursues. HoVv much greater then must be their fear and flight when they are hotly pu.*fcue jMy the indignation of a free people burning with a sense of wrong!

I do not wonder, therefore, at the notes of alarm which filled the land when it was proposed to sift this greatest political crime of the

19th

century to the bottom.

It was right that it should be done* When the electoral commission was created, the entire American people, with the excep tion ofa few ledaers who were in the con-, spiracy, expected it to make a thorough investigation of the facts, and to ascertain who in reality was chosen president. It's refusal to perform this plain duty was a surprise and dissapointment to every honest man of eyery policical party. The electoral commission decided the great question of the popular will in the choice of a chi^f magistrate, upon a meager, barren technicality. When it decided not to go behind the returns, it gave a legal title to Mr. Hayes, binding in law, but entitled to no more respect than the liberty which an offender in couit obtains by refine on a flaw in his indictment rather than on a trial of the merits of his case. In view of this state of facts could the house of representatives do less than order an investigation? But further: The electoral commission had not only failed to do its duty in this regard, but In a brief space of time, the instruments which were used in the great conspiracy to jfeat the popular will be^an to reveal the whole plot This was to be expected. Sherman, Matthews, Stoughton, Noyes, and others who visited Louisiana and Florida are now undergoing the same fate which has always attend those who do unlawful things by the hands of others. History is simply repeating itself on this point The tool of the conspirator is always swollen with a sense of Ws own importance by reason ot the guilty secret which he shares with men of position and character. Sooner or later he seeks to make this secret a source of profit to himself nor will he ever be satisfied. The result is inevitable: ite first threatens, and when those who are in hig power find themselves unable to appease

his constant and insatiate demands he reveals everything as if thereby he atoned for the original crime. Such is the philosophy of the course pursued bjMcLinn and Dennis in Florida, and by Anderson and others in Louisiana. Nor is there anything new in the manner in which high officials at this time bear themselves toward those who are giving testimony against them. John Sherman and his associates are not the first who have drawp themselves up in well affected disdain, and disclaimed all knowledge of the tools they once used, and cast aside. Others before him have exclaimed to their former confederates, whs returned to plague them ''Avaunt, I know you not?" But when was the world— the great thinking, intelligent world ever imposed on by such conduct? Who is McLinn, of Florida? Soon after the inauguration of Mr. Hayes he was appointed chief justice of the great territory of New Mexico. There are many future states in that territory as large as Indiana. The influence of the administration of her laws reaches far into the future, and becomes a matter of the highest importance. This solemn duty was entrusted to Mr. McLinn. Who will say that the President made so important an appointment in ignorance of the character of the man he appointed? The Senate, however, being properly advised, rejected the. nomination. McLinn waited for something else, but waited in vain. Doubtless it was thought the debt due him was paid At any rate, whether from motives of revenge, or moved perhaps by a quickened conscience, he has told the story how bv his own instrumentality, and that of others, a clear and distinct majority for Tilden and Hendricks in Flor ida, was by perjury and forgery wiped out, and the electoral vote of that state given to Hayes and Wheeler. He cited the records of various precincts in cor roboration of his statement. Then came a man by the name of Dennis. It appears that he has been an object of the tenderest care and solicitude on the part of the government. He held office ana drew his salary without discharging a sin gle duty for many months. Mr. Hayes himself personally recommended him to the secretary of the treasury as a firstclass person for a position in the revenue department. He, too, however, guided by that law, vague and undefined though it may be, which sooner or later reveals wrong doing, added his 6tate nent to that of McLinn's. Anderson, in whose behalf senators, secretaries, collectors of customs, and the president himself, were sorely anxious for more th^n a year, laid open the conspiracy by which a Democratic majority of between five and ten thousand Louisiana was obliterated, and a majority of between three and four thousand placed to the credit of Hayes and Wheeler. This 6tate of affairs ill

Louisiana and Florida was made known, and an investigation ordered bv the house of representatives. Is there a man in Indiana whosays the house could have done less It is asserted that this investigation may result in disturbing the title of the present occupant of the White House My answer is plain and simple By the forms of law he was inaugurated. He has a legal right without the equitable right. He will remain where he is

cPemoved

V' ,1 'A -t r* I'k

by virtue of

that provision of the constitution, which has applied to every president from the toundation of the government.. He is liable to impeachment and to no other process for removal. If I am reminded that the president can only be impeached for ads while in office, my answer is that that is true with this qualifi cation. If it should be proven in this investigation, or any other, in reference to Mr. Hayes or any other president, that he was an accomplice in the commission of unlawful acts by which he procured his place, he would undoubtedly be liable to impeachment for 6uch acts. In the present instance, I do not apprehend sucb result, whatever the facts may b^ i'he great wrong will be redressed at the ballot box. The investigation will emphasize the crime which has been committed against the American people. It will go into history as a warning to future times, and the fate of those who committed it will make it less likely to ever occur again.

There are some circumstances, it is true, that make it appear piobable that Mr Hayes shared' with John Sherman and others a knowl edgj of the kind of services that were rendered him in Louisiana and Floiida. It is difficult to account for his strange distribution of patronage on any other hypothesis. Of those who are implicated by the proof, and who are stigmatized in the judgement of the world as participants in the frauds in Louisiana and Florida, scarcely one has failed to receive rich rewards. This feature of the conspiracy is filled with startling signifi ranee The choicest places in honor and emoluments in the government have been fees owed upon, and are now enjoyed by the principal actois in falsifying the votes of those two states. John Sherman, the bosom friend of the president, heads the list of those who visited Louisiana. was rewarded by the place of most power in the cabinet. He was made Secretary of the Treasury, and is now cursing the country in that position. Stanley Matthews received the direct and open support of the President of the United States in his election to the Senate, as a recognition of his services. Such an interfer cnce on the part of the national executive was unheard of until then. Mr. Stough ton of New York added his support and received the magnificent mission to Russia as his reward. Kellogg of Louisiana, in consideration of his services, received his_seat in the Senate by the vote of Mr. Matthews. Packard was a part of the general plan, and he has his remuneration in being made consul at Liverpool, the richest consulate in onr service. Every one of the memorable returning board Wells, Anderson Cassanave, and Kenner, have been recognized ahd rewarded by the men in whose interests they committed perjury and forgery. To these might be added a number more who played their part in minor capacities, and who have been taken care of accordingly. Turning to the state of Florida, we find another intimate friend of the present incumbent at the White House, another Ohio man, heading the list of those who changed the vote of that state. Mr. Noyes. for his services was speedily appointed to the very high position of minister to France. Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, a co-worker in Florida, was at the same time made minister to Spain. Gov-

ernor Stearns, who performed important services was made one of the Hot Springs commissioners and Mr. Cowgill, who put a few finishing touches upon the whole transaction, was made a United States Marshal. Of McLin and Dennis, and their rewards I have already spoken. I venture to say that such recognition of special, and doubtful services was never before given by the head of any enlightened government. It carries with it the self-evident proof of corruption,—of barter and exchange, of base services and peculiar rewards. Remitting this whole question, however, to the calm and up right judgement of the people, for their fmure decision and action, we will turn now to the consideration of another vital and overshadowing issue:

The financial legislation of the Republican party has precipitated the country into a condition of disaster, general bankruptcy, and of threatened disorder on the part of a large class of destitute people, whu,h fills every thoughtful mind with the gravest anxiety. Thi* issue embraces the actual wants and the hard necessities of men, women and children and hence it is pregnant with the deepest importance. The responsibility for this issue is clear and unquestioned. It is an issue presented by the leaders of the Republican party in the interest of capital withdrawn from business, and by them alone. A few days ago the great organ of its party, the New York Tribune, used the following conclusive language: "It will not do for the Republican managers or candidates to blind themselves to the fact that the Reoublican party is responsible for the present financial policy of the government. No course can be weaker or more likely to end in disaster than an attempt to ignore or escape this responsibility."

I especially recommend this explicit avowal to such at may have been led to suppose that the Democratic party was in some way a sharer in the responsibilities which attach to thoe who have wrougnt the wide-spread ruin and misery of the American people. This statement, however, of the New York Tribune, was not necessary to those who have weighed the events of the last fifteen years with unbiased minds. Every law on the stat ute books on the subject of the finances is the creation of 'he Republican party. Let us be just and fair on this point, and whatever there is to the credit of that par ty, let it be award d. We are sometimes reminded that the law creating the United States legal-tender note,—the greenback dollar, is of Republican origin. This is true, and yet it is a melancholy fact, that wnen the greenback dollar, which had been used at fifty or sixty cents on the dollar, by capitalists, to load themselves up with government bonds, then a policv of hostility wr.s at once proclaimed against this kind of money. As soon as it was found that legal-tender notes con stituted a heap and safe money for the people, and could no longer serve the purposes of retired, inactive, interestdrawing capital, they-became an object •f denunciation and proscription at the hands of those who brought them into existence Democrats, on the other hand, who were in Congress in 1862, and I, amongst them, doubted the success of the new financial policy then proclaimcd. W hen. iA,uvntii»i /cflres oecame manifest, and it was dis covered that some progress had been made in the financial world when we di covered that the system of United States legal-tender nates was especially adapted to the business wants and interests of the American people, we became their advocates and supporters.

The spirit of hostility against the greenback currency having been once aroused by those who are interested in a return to specie payments through the process of contraction, bold and determined acts of oppression followed each other in rapid" succession. While the Republican party held both branches of Congress every measure demanded by the money power wa6 enacted into a law without hesitation solemn pledges made to the people were set aside laws for the payment of a large portion of our public debt were repealed, and others enacted, increasing the value of our bonds in the hands of their holders many millions of dollars the burdens of the tax-payers were multiplied many fold, and their ability to meet their obligations diminished from year to year by the policy of contraction. On many of these points it is unnecessary for me to dwell in detail to-day. I have discussed them so recently in my place in the Senate, and my views have been so generously received by the people of Indiana, that I am content to leave the principles of the cause as I have already declared them. There is a duty, however, which remains to be performed. I propose briefly to examine and compare the records of the two great political parties on this vital and permanent question. I shall content myself with a review of the legislation, and the proposed legislation of the present Congress, although a comparison of the work of the Senate and House of the Congress previous to this would not be without profit. I will take my stand with the Democratic House of the 45th Congress, a\d show that it has been true ta the cause of the people, while the Republican Senate has not. Promptly after convening in October last the House of Representatives proceeded, as far as it was in their power, to undo the great evils of previous Republican legislation. The Republican party had placed a ban on the American silver dollar—had declared it to be no longer money—and had driven it from the uses of trade and commerce, This act, in itself, was an unparalleled outrage and the manner in which it was accomplished iid^cd to the people's sense of wrong. The silver dollar had been demoralized secretly and surreDtitiously for the purpose of diminishing and contracting the amount of money jn circulation, cheapening property, and enhancing the value of the money which remained principally in the hands of capitalists. The Republican party had also enacted a law fixing a day when every debt in the United States should be payable at the option of ihe creditor, in specie. With silver destroyed as moritey, £old alone became the basis of resumption. The specie basis being thus reduced to the narrowest possible compass, an additional argument was furnished for the wholesale contraction of our paper currency. These two measures had largely contributed to bring upon a plenteous land the evils of destitu tion, want of employment, vice and wretchedness. They were at once grappled as monsters of evil by the House of

1 "j

feS?%X'

Representatives and repealed. Bills to that effect were sent from the House to the Senate during the early weeks of the session. If there are any here to-day who have been in the habit of asserting that the two old parties occupy the same ground upon the financial question, I beg them to look candidly at the history of events. What action did the Republican Senate take on these two measures of relief tendered by the House? It is true that after a protracted struggle and a memorable debate, the bill for the restoration of the silver dollar was carried through that body by a distinct majority. lam not disposed to deny to Republican Senators who supported it the credit which is their due, nor shall I de-

[Continued on 3 xth Page.)

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SALE OF BEAL

ESTATE.

The un|lersigoed, as dministrator of tbe estate of Rebecca .T. King, deceased, will, on the27tb day of July. 1878, at the court house door, la tbecity of erre Hute, at the hour of one (l)o,couk r. m. ef said day, offer at public or private sale, the following real estate:

The undivided two-th rds of sixteen (10) acres of land off tbe north end of the southwest quarter of the northeast quarter, section 14, town 13, north of range 8 west, In Vigo county, state of Indiana.

I'ERMS OF SALE—One-half purchase money cash, the balance in nine months, at 8 per cent, interest, with note well secured.

WILLIAM H. SULLIVAN, Administrator

825 Every Day

Is warranted using our

Well Anger&Drills.

We nan on o"9 year*# tirce. Took

71rst

Premi-m at the Grent Etpoaltio','. It bores any ll*tneter Kcrt rieptb. ICO feet throurn earth, ootid cr roc". Victor susor coo f-tc. Addrotu. r,

XO •10.3*73. STATE OF INDIANA COUNTY O# VIGO, IN DIVORCE. 8USAN CARPENTEK. vs. JEFFERSON CARPESTER. Be it known, that on the 11th day of July, 1878, said plain iff filed an affidavit in dnc form, showing that said Jefferson Carpenter is a non-resident of tbe state of Indiana. Said non-resident defendant is hereby notified of thependency of said action against him. an 1 that tbe same will st^nd for trWat he September term of said court, in the year 1878.

Attest: JOIIn' DUHIAV. Clerk. II. Blake, Att'y for Pl't'ff.

OPIUM

and Xorvhia* fcakltcwrfd. ^•Qrlslnal ••'r •kU*rnt4OS CURB. •ram* for book Opfoa Katlag. W Squfr*. Ww«Un|H, Or«ea« Co.. led.

NERVOUS DEBILITY,

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IATTS

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XTOTI' E TO HEIRS OF PETITION TO 13! SELL RE LEST ATE.

No'ice is hereby given that Malacba Anderson, administrator of the estate of Polly Russell, deceased, has filed his petition to sell the real estate of the decedent, ber personal property being insufficient to pay her debts and that saidpetitien will be heard at the next term of the Vigo Circuit Court.

Tfeat: Jons K. DPBIAW. Clerk.

5

Book-keepers, Reporters, Operators, School Teaches*

At Great JfercaotUeC«Ueff«. Keel

.*

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